University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


.loSKI'H    T.    WILSON, 
Of  2d  Reyr't.  La.  N.  G.  Vols.,  also  54th  Mass.  Vols. 


THE 


BLASK  PHALANX; 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE 


NEGRO  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  UNITED 


IN  THE  WARS  OF 


1775—1812,  1861-'65. 


JOSEPH  T.  WILSON, 


OF  THE  2ND.  REG'T.  LA.  NATIVE   GUARD  VOLS.    54TH  MASS.  VOLS. 
AIDE-DE-CAMP  TO  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  G.  A.  B. 

AUTHOR  OF 

EMANCIPATION,"    "VOICE  OF  A  NEW  RACE,"    "TWENTY-TWO  TEARS  OF 
FREEDOM,"  ETC.,  ETC. 


56  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


HARTFORD,    CONN.  I 

AMERICAN  PUBLISHING  COMPANY. 

1888. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1887. 

By  AMERICAN  PUBLISHING  COMPANY, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington,  D.  C. 

All  Rights  Regeryed. 


Pf 


,63 
tjJi 

IS98 


INTRODUCTION. 


By  way  of  introduction  to  the  American  public,  of 
the  author  and  editor  of  this  book,  we  beg  to  say  that 
Mr.  Wilson  is  not  altogether  unknown  to  the  literary 
world,  having  already  published  several  works  relative  to 
the  Negro  race. 

His  services  during  the  war  of  the  Kebellion  secured 
for  him  a  flattering  recognition.  He  served  in  the  2nd 
Kegiment  Louisiana  Native  Guard  Volunteers,  also  the 
54th  Massachusetts  Volunteers, — the  most  famous  of  the 
Union  negro  regiments  that  engaged  in  the  struggle,  re- 
ceiving several  wounds.  He  was  the  first  negro  member 
ot  the  National  Council  of  Administration  of  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic,  and  a  delegate  to  the  National 
Encampment,  and  was  appointed  Colonel— A.  D.  C.  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief  G.  A.  R.  He  was  chosen  by  his  com- 
rades to  be  the  historian  of  the  negro  soldiers,  and  has 
overcome  many  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  in 
gathering  the  scattered  facts,  particularly  those  of  the 
early  wars  of  the  United  States,  that  were  necessary  to 
complete  this  work. 

THE  PUBLISHERS, 

M61973 


To  \j\ie  Bra^ie  "Men  Wtio  Comman&ecl 
-A  "Black. 


SOLDIERS :— As  a  mark  of  esteem  and  respect  for  your  patriotic 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom,  I  desire  to  dedicate  to  you  this 
record  of  the  services  of  the  negro  soldiers,  whom  you  led  so  often  and 
successfully  in  the  struggle  for  liberty  and  union  during  the  great  war 
of  1861-'65. 

Your  coming  from  the  highest  ranks  of  social  life,  undeterred  by  the 
prevailing  spirit  of  caste  prejudice,  to  take  commands  in  the  largest 
negro  army  ever  enrolled  beneath  the  flag  of  any  civilized  country,  was 
in  itself  a  brave  act.  The  organization  and  disciplining  of  over  two 
hundred  thousand  men,  of  a  race  that  for  more  than  two  centuries  had 
patiently  borne  the  burdens  of  an  unrequited  bondage,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  laws  which  had  guaranteed  to  them  neither  rights  nor  protec- 
tion, was  indeed  a  magnificent  undertaking. 

You  were  outlawed  by  the  decrees  of  Jefferson  Davis,  criticised  by 
many  friends  at  home,  and  contemptuously  received  by  brother  officers 
at  headquarters,  in  the  field,  in  the  trenches,  and  at  the  mess  table ;  yet, 
you  did  not  waver  in  your  fidelity  to  principle  or  in  your  heroic  leader- 
ship of  those  whose  valor  was  denied  until  it  was  proven  in  carnage  and 
victory. 

The  record  of  the  Black  Phalanx  invites  the  scrutiny  of  all  who 
have  been  disposed  to  taunt  you  for  associating  with  "armed  barbar- 
ians." No  massacre  of  vanquished  foe  stains  the  banners  of  those  who 
followed  you,  giving  quarter  but  receiving  none.  It  was  your  teaching 
that  served  as  a  complete  restraint  against  retaliation,  though  states- 
men hinted  that  it  would  be  just.  Your  training  developed  patriotism 
and  courage,  but  not  revenge.  Ungrateful  as  Republics  are  said  to  be, 
\ours  has  aimed  to  recognize  merit  and  reward  it,  and  those  who  at  first 
Uiailed  you  with  contumely,  are  now  glad  to  greet  you  as  heroes  and 
^aviors  of  a  common  country. 

No  true  soldier  desires  to  forget  the  price  of  his  country's  liberty,  or 
">hat  of  his  own;  it  is  the  recollection  of  the  terrible  bloody  onset — the  au- 


DEDICATION. 

dacious  charge— the  enemy's  repulse,  which  sweetens  victory.  And  surel; 
no  soldiers  can  appreciate  the  final  triumph  with  a  keener  sense  of  glad 
ness  than  those  who  fought  against  such  odds  as  did  the  Black  Phalanx 
Beating  down  prejudice  and  upholding  the  national  cause  at  the  sam 
time,  they  have  inscribed  upon  their  banners  every  important  battl 
from  April,  1863,  to  April,  1865. 

If  what  I  have  written  here  shall  call  to  your  minds,  and  presen 
justly  to  the  patriotic  public,  the  indescribable  hardships  which  you  en 
dured  on  the  march,  in  the  bivouac,  and  in  the  seething  flames  of  the  bat 
tie's  front,  my  task  will  have  served  its  purpose.  In  the  name  of  and  a^ 
a  token  of  the  gratitude  of  a  freed  race,  this  book  is  dedicated  to  you. 

JOSEPH  T.  WILSON. 
Navy  Hill,  Richmond,  Va. 


PREFACE 


It  was  a  dark,  stormy  night  in  the  winter  of  IS 82,  when  less  than  a 
hundred  men,  all  of  whom  had  served  their  country  in  crushing  the  great 
Rebellion  of  1861-'65,  gathered  around  a  camp-fire.  The  white  and 
the  colored  American  were  there;  so  were  the  German,  Frenchman,  and 
Irishman,— all  American  citizens, — all  veterans  of  the  last  war.  The 
empty  sleeve,  the  absent  leg,  the  sabred  face,  the  bullet-scarred  body  of 
the  many,  told  the  story  of  the  service  they  had  seen.  It  was  the  annual 
Encampment  of  the  Department  of  Virginia,  Grand  Army  of  the  Repub- 
lic, and  the  comrades  of  Farragut  Post  had  tastefully  arranged  their 
quarters  for  the  occasion. 

At  midnight  a  sumptuous  soldiers  fare— baked  beans,  not  coffee  and 
hard  tack— was  spread  before  the  veterans,  who  ate  and  drank  heartily 
as  in  the  days  when  resting  from  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  In  the  morn- 
ing hour,  when  weary  from  the  joy  of  song  and  toast,  it  was  proposed 
that  the  history  of  the  American  negro  soldier  should  be  written,  that 
posterity  might  have  a  fuller  and  more  complete  record  of  the  deeds  of 
the  negro  soldiers  than  had  been  given  in  the  numerous  already  pub- 
lished histories  of  the  conflicts  in  which  they  played  so  important  a  part. 

The  task  of  preparing  the  history  fell  to  my  lot,  and  it  is  in  obedience 
to  the  duty  laid  upon  me  by  my  former  comrades,  with  whom  I  shared 
the  toils  and  joys  of  camp,  march,  battle  and  siege,  that  this  volume, 
the  result  of  my  efforts,  is  launched  upon  the  sea  of  war  literature. 

Whether  or  not  there  is  any  merit  in  the  work,  the  reader  must  judge. 
His  charity  is  asked,  however,  toward  such  defects  as  may  be  apparent, 
and  which,  perhaps,  might  be  expected  in  the  literary  work  of  one  whose 
life  has  been  largely  spent  amid  the  darkness  of  the  South  American 
countries  and  the  isolation  of  the  South  Sea  Islands.  It  was  not  until 
May,  1862,  while  domiciled  at  the  capitol  of  Chili,  that  I  first  learned  of 
the  war  in  the  United  States,  when,  hastening  to  this  country,  I  fell  into 
the  ranks  with  the  first  negro  soldiers  that  left  the  Touro  Building  at 
New  Orleans,  in  November,  1862,  and  marched  out  on  the  Opelousas 
road,  to  serve  in  defence  of  the  Union. 

"  With  whatever  foreboings  of  failure  I  entered  upon  the  work  of 
collecting  the  literature  of  the  war,  from  which  to  cull  and  arrange  much 
of  the  matter  contained  herein,— which  has  required  years  of  incessant 


PEEFACE. 

search  and  appeal,— I  can  but  feel  that  it  has  been  thoroughly  done.  The 
public  libraries  of  the  cities  of  Boston,  Cincinnati,  New  Bedford,  New 
York,  the  War  Department  at  Washington,  and  the  private  libraries 
of  several  eminent  citizens,  have  alike  been  made  use  of  by  me. 

It  seemed  proper,  also,  that  the  memory  of  our  forefathers  should 
not  be  allowed  to  remain  in  longer  obscurity ;  that  it  was  fitting  to 
recall  their  deeds  of  heroism,  that  all  might  know  the  sacrifices  they 
made  for  the  freedom  their  descendants  were  so  long  denied  from  enjoy- 
ing. In  gathering  together  the  scattered  facts  relating  to  the  negroe's 
participation  in  the  wars  of  1775  and  1812,  difficulties  well-nigh  insur- 
mountable have  been  over-come,  and  it  has  been  only  through  patient 
and  persistent  effort  that  I  have  been  able  to  prepare  the  chapters  de- 
voted to  the  early  wars  of  the  United  States. 

Descriptions  of  a  number  of  the  battles  in  which  negro  troops  took 
part  in  the  late  war  of  the  Rebellion,  are  given  to  call  attention  to  the 
unsurpassed  carnage  which  occurred,  and  to  give  them  proper  place  in 
the  war's  history  rather  than  to  present  a  critical  account  of  the  battles. 
My  aim  has  been  to  write  in  the  spirit  which  impelled  the  soldiers  to  go 
forth  to  battle,  and  to  reverse  the  accounts  given  in  the  popular  histories 
which  ascribe  to  the  generals  and  colonels  who  commanded,  instead  of  the 
soldiers  who  did  the  fighting,  victory  or  defeat.  "  The  troops  who  do 
what  can  neither  be  expected  nor  required,  are  the  ones  which  are  victo- 
rious. The  men,  who,  tired  and  worn  and  hungry  and  exhausted,  yet 
push  into  battle,  are  those  who  win.  They  who  persist  against  odds, 
against  obstacles,  against  hope,  who  proceed  or  hold  out  reasonably,  are 
the  conquerors,"  says  Gen.  Grant's  historian.  With  no  desire  of  detract- 
ing from  the  commanders — if  I  were  able — the  honor  due  them,  my  aim 
is  to  credit  the  soldiers  with  whatever  heroism  they  may  have  displayed. 

I  acknowledge  it  has  been  a  labor  of  love  to  fight  many  of  the  bat- 
tles of  the  war  of  the  rebellion  over  again,  not  because  of  a  relish  for 
blood  and  the  destruction  of  human  life,  but  for  the  memories  of  the 
past;  of  the  bondage  of  a  race  and  its  struggle  for  freedom,  awakening 
as  they  do  the  intense  love  of  country  and  liberty,  such  as  one  who  has 
been  without  either  feels,  when  both  have  been  secured  by  heroic  effort. 

To  those  who  have  responded  to  my  appeal  for  information  regard- 
ing the  negro  soldier,  I  have  aimed  to  give  full  credit ;  if  any  are  omitted 
it  is  not  intentionally  done.  To  no  one  am  I  more  indebted  for  assisting 
in  collecting  data,  than  to  Lt.  J.  M.  Trotter,  of  the  55th  Mass.  Reg't. 
nor  am  I  unmindful  of  the  kindness  of  Hon.  Robert  Lincoln,  late  Secre- 
tary of  War,  nor  that  of  Col.  James  D.  Brady,  member  of  Congress  from 
Virginia,  for  copies  of  public  records ;  to  Col.  H.  C.  Corbin,  for  the  record 
of  the  14th  Regt.;  and  to  Col.  D.  Torrance  for  that  of  the  29th  Reg't. 
Gonn.  I  am  also  indebted  to  Maj.  Gen.  Wm.  Mahone  for  a  map  of  the 
defences  of  Petersburg,  showing  the  crater;  to  the  librarian  of  the 
Young  Men's  Mercantile  Library,  of  Cincinnati,  for  the  use  of  Col. 
Albert's  carved  map  of  Fort  Wagner,  and  to  Col.  G.  M.  Arnold  and  Hon. 
Joseph  Jergenson  for  copies  of  historical  papers;  also  to  Hon.  Libbey. 

J.  T.  W. 


PART  I. 
THE  WARS  FOE  INDEPENDENCE. 


CHAPTER  I.— THE  WAR  OF  1775. 

PAGE. 

Tbe  Sentiments  of  the  Colonists— The  Agreement  of  1774— The  Res- 
olutions of  Ga. —  The  Virginians  Boycotting  a  Slaver— Tories 
Opposed  to  a  Negro  Army— Caste  Predjudice  not  strong— The 
Militia  Law  of  Mass,  in  1652— Negro  Sentinels  at  Meeting  houses 
— Crispus  Attacks  leads  the  whites  to  an  attack  upon  British 
Soldiers— Resolution  of  the  Committee  of  Safety— Battle  of  Bun- 
ker Hill— Peter  Salem  Kills  the  British  Maj.  Pitcairn— Petition 
to  the  General  court  of  Mass.  Bay— Biographical  account  of 
Peter  Salem— Manumitting  of  Slaves  to  allow  them  to  become 
Soldiers— Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Conference — Gen.  Washing- 
ton writes  the  President  regarding  Negro  Soldiers— Action  of 
Congress  sustaining  Gen.  Washington— The  First  Question  of 
"color"  in  the  Army— Negroes  allowed  in  the  S.  C.  Militia— Dr. 
Hopkins'  Article  concerning  Slavery— Lord  Dunmore  visits  Nor- 
folk, 1775— Proclamation  of  Lork  Dunmore— The  Dread  of  the 
Colonists— An  Unreasonable  Fear — Action  of  the  Conn.  General 
Assembly,  1777 — Letter  from  Gen.  Green  to  Gen.  Washington- 
Daring  Exploits  of  Prince  and  other  Negroes  at  Newport,  R.  I. 
—The  Storming  of  Fort  Griswold— Action  of  the  State  of  R.  I. 
—Action  of  the  State  of  New  York,  1781— Proclamation  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton— The  Colonists  beginning  to  favor  Negro  Troops 
—Gen.  Washington's  Emphatic  Language— Re-ensiavement  of 
Discharged  Negro  Soldiers— Action  of  the  Legislature  of  Virginia.  21 

CHAPTER  II.— THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

The  Principal  Cause  of  the  War— Seizure  of  American  Negro  Sailors 
— Outrages  upon  American  Ships— The  Declaration  of  War—- 
The  Battle  of  La.ke  Erie — Negroes  on  American  Privateers— * 
Action  of  the  Legislature  of  La. — Review  of  Negro  Troops  in 
New  Orleans— The  Battle  of  New  Orleans 72 


CONTENTS. 

PART  II. 
THE  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  STATES. 

CHAPTER  I.— PUBLIC  OPINION. 

Existing  Prejudice— No  Prejudice  in  Europe— DeTocqueville's  Views 
The  New  Race— Southern  Opinions— The  Negro's  Ambition— 
The  Coast  Pursuit  in  the  Navy— A  Change  of  Policy— Public 
Opinions  Changed 81 

CHAPTER  II.— RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING. 

The  Unpleasant  duties  of  a  Recruiting  Officer— Henry  Wilson's  Bill 
in  Congress  for  the  Arming  of  Negroes,  1862-Mr.  Stevens'  Amend- 
ment to  the  Enrollment  Act,  1864— Orders  for  the  Enrollment 
of  Negroes  in  the  Miss.  Valley— Curious  way  of  Keeping  ranks 
full— The  Date  of  the  First  Organization  of  Colored  Troops— 
The  Organization  of  the  24th  Mass.  Regiment^-Their  Quarters 
at  Morris  Island— Refusing  to  do  Menial  Service— Short  Pay  for 
Negro  Troops — Negroes  Enlisting  for  Bounty — Record  of  total 
number  of  Negroes  who  Served  in  the  Army 93 

CHAPTER  III.— RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Private  Miles  O'Reilly's  Account  of  Gen.  Hunter's  Black  Troops- 
The  First  Negro  Troops  in  the  Field— Gen.  Hunter's  Humorous 
Report  to  Congress — Jefferson  Davis  declares  Gen.  Hunter  and 
his  Officers  Outlaws — Gen.  Hunter's  suppressed  Letter  to  Jeffer- 
son Davis— Miles  O'Reilly's  Humerous  Poem,  "  Sambo's  Right 
tobeKil't" 145 

CHAPTER  IV.— OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX. 

Officers  of  the  Phalanx — Character  and  Qualifications  of  the  men 
who  commanded  Negro  Troops— The  Examination  of  Candi- 
dates for  Commissioners— Some  of  the  Negroes  who  rose  from 
the  Ranks— Gen.  Banks'  idea  of  Officering  the  Corps  'd  Afrique..  166 

CHAPTER  V.— DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF. 

The  Surrender  of  Confederate  Negro  Troops  at  New  Orleans— Slaves 
flocking  to  the  Union  Camp— Gen.  Phelps  desires  to  Arm  them 
Butler  Refuses— Gen.  Phelps'  Resignation— Gen.  Butler  converted 
to  the  Policy  of  Arming  Negroes — Negroes  Enlisted  at  New  Or- 
leans—Gen. Weitzel  placed  in  Command— The  fight  at  Mansfield 
— The  Battle  of  Milliken's  Bend— Indignities  offered  to  Phalanx 
Soldiers— The  affair  at  Ship  Island— Port  Hudson— The  Struggle 
—Desperate  Fighting  of  the  Phalanx— A  Useless  Effort— Perilous 
Duties  of  the  Engineers— Boker's  Poem  on  the  fight  at  Port 
Hudson 188 

CHAPTER  VI.— THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER. 

Iowa's  splendid  Response  to  the  Call— Refusal  of  the  Phalanx 
Troops  to  Accept  the  Pay  offered  by  the  Government— Active 
times  at  Helena— The  Confederate  General  Dobbins  makes  an 
Attack— A  Spirited  Fight— A  Critical  Situation  — Re-enforce- 
ment by  White  Cavalry— The  Honor  Due  to  Kansas— The  report 
of  the  Service  of  Kansas  Negro  Troops— Col.  Crawford's  report 
for  the  2nd  Kansas  Regiment 220 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VT.L— DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

Gen.  Hunter's  Important  Action— Organization  of  the  1st  South 
Carolina—An  Expedition  up  the  St.  Mary's  River— Fort  Wagner  s/ 
Description  of  the  Fort — Plans  for  the  Assault — The  forming  of 
the  line — The  Assault — Magnificent  Fighting — Death  of  Col. 
/Shaw — Useless  Slaughter — The  Confederate  Account  of  the  As- 
(  sault  upon  Fort  Wagner— Movements  in  Florida— The  Land- 
ing  at  Jacksonville — Raids  on  the  surrounding  country— The 
Advance  towards  Tallahassee — The  Troops  reach  Barbour's 
Station— The  Battle  of  Olustee — Desperate  Fighting  on  both 
Sides — A  Terrible  Defeat— The  Union  Troops  routed— Drawing 
away  the  Wounded  on  railway  cars— Return  to  Baldwin's— The 
54th  Mass. —  Boykin's  Mill— The  "Swamp  Angel"— Inquiries 
Respecting  Negro  Troops— Labor  Days  of  the  Negro  Troops 249 

CHAPTER  VIII.— THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND. 

Services  in  the  West — The  Mississippi  River  Guarded  by  the  Pha- 
lanx—Gen. Morgan's  Historical  Sketch — The  Rendezvous  at 
Gallatin— The  Place  Threatened  by  Guerillas— Organizing  a  Regi- 
ment—Negro  Soldiers  ordered  to  Alabama— An  Incident— A 
School  in  camp— The  Battle  at  Dalton,  Ga. — Good  Behavior  of 
the  troops  there — Honors  to  the  51st  Colored— Sharp  Fighting 
at  Pulaski,  Tenn. — An  Incident  of  the  Fight — An  Engagement 
at  Decatur — Ordered  to  Nashville — Severe  Fighting  at  that  place 
— A  Reconnoissance — The  Defeat  of  Gen.  Hood — A  Pursuit  to 
Huntsville— A  Glorious  Record 286 

CHAPTER  IX.— THE  PHALANX  AT  MARION,  TENN. 

Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea— Destruction  of  the  Confederate  Bridge 
over  the  Big  Black  river— Confederates  Attack  Federals  near 
Morristown— Gillem's  Troops  Driven  into  Knoxville — The  Con- 
federates Retreat— Federals  Pursued  to  Marion— Struggle  for 
the  Possession  of  the  Salt  Works— The  Charge  of  the  6th  Regi- 
ment—Gen. Brisbin's  account  of  the  Battle— The  Salt  Works 
Destroyed— Personal  Bravery 308 

CHAPTER  X.— THE  BLACK  FLAG. 

The  Phalanx  acquiring  a  Reputation — No  Blacks  Paroled — Gen. 
Grant's  Letter  to  the  Confederate  General  Taylor — Jefferson 
Davis'  Proclamation  respecting  Negro  Soldiers — Mr.  Davis* 
Third  Annual  Message — Action  of  the  Confederate  Congress- 
Negro  Soldiers  Captured  by  the  Confederates  receive  Punish 
ment— Retaliation  by  the  Federal  Government!— Refusal  to  Ex- 
change captured  Negro  Troops— Order  from  President  Lincoln 
in  relation  thereto— Report  of  the  Congressional  Committee  in 
regard  to  Barbarities  Inflicted  upon  captured  Union  Prisoners 
— Report  of  the  Congressional  Committee  in  regard  to  the  Fort 
Pillow  Massacre — Testimony  given— Sketches  of  Prison  Life — 
Schemes  for  Escaping  from  Confederate  Prisons— Life  in  Libby 
Prison— The  Effect  of  the  Fort  Pillow  Massacre  on  the  Black 
Soldiers— Their  Desire  to  Retaliate— Correspondence  between 
Gens.  Forrest  and  Washburn — A  Confederate  Account,  written 
in  1883 — A  Confederate  Account  of  Price's  Cross-Roads — Heavy 
Fighting— Gallant  Conduct  of  the  Federal  Cavalry— The  Rout  of 
the  Fedoral  Force— The  Phalanx  Saves  the  White  Troops  from 
Capture — Gen.  Sturgis  Criticised 315 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XL— THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA. 

Transfer  of  Negro  Troops  from  the  West  and  South  to  Virginia — 
Preparations  for  a  New  Campaign— 9th  Army  Corps  passing 
Through  Washington— Army  of  the  Potomac— Battle  at  Bai- 
ley's farm — Siege  of  Petersburg — Digging  a  Mine — Phalanx 
Troops  preparing  to  lead  the  Assault — Disappointment — Explo- 
sion of  the  Mine — Terrible  Slaughter— Failure  of  the  Attempt 
to  Take  the  Redoubt — New  Movement  Against  Richmond— New 
Market  Heights— Capture  of  Petersburg— Fall  of  Richmond — 
Appomattox— Surrender  of  Lee 377 

CHAPTER  XII.— THE  ROLL  OF  HONOR. 

Phalanx  Soldiers  who  received  Medals  of  Honor  from  the  United 
States  Government  for  Heroism 463 

CHAPTER  XIII.— THE  ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Complete  list  from  the  Government  Records,  as  far  as  can  be  obtained, 
of  Negro  Military  Organizations  in  all  branches  of  the  Service, 
with  their  Chief  Commanders— Battles— Dates  of  Organization 
and  Dismissal 464 

CHAPTER  XIV.— THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE. 

Preparation  in  the  South  for  Hostilities— Early  Organizations  of 
Battalions  of  Free  Negroes— Review  of  Troops  in  New  Orleans 
—Employment  of  Negroes  in  Constructing  Fortifications— Early 
Enacting  of  State  Laws  authorizing  the  enrollment  of  Negroes 
for  Military  Service— The  Appearance  of  a  few  Negro  Troops 
announced  by  the  Press— Apparent  Enthusiam  of  some  Blacks 
—Effect  on  the  Negroes  of  the  Change  in  Northern  Policy- 
Necessity  for  Negro  Troops— Strong  Opposition  throughout  the 
South— Letters  from  Gen.  R.  E.  Lee  urging  the  Organization  of 
Black  Regiments— Exciting  Debates  in  the  Confederate  Congress 
—Passage  of  the  Negro  Bill— The  Clerk's  of  the  War  Department 
Record— Letter  from  Jefferson  Davis— Enlistment  began,  etc.  481 


PART  III. 
MISCELLANY. 

CHAPTER  I.—  THE  PHALANX  AT  SCHOOL. 

Efforts  of  Negro  Soldiers  to  Educate  themselves—  Studies  pursued 
in  the  Army—  Officers  acting  as  Teachers—  Contributions  to  Edu- 
cational Institutions  ................................................................. 

CHAPTER  IL—  BENEVOLENCE  AND  FRUGALITY. 
Personal  Economy  practiced  for  Benevolent  purposes-Contribu- 
the  Lincoln  Institute  as  a  Monument-Magnificent  Con- 


.  508 

CHAPTER  III.-BlBLIOGRAPHY. 

List  of  Publications  made  use  of. 


APPENDIX. 


1.  Portrait— JOSEPH  T.  WILSON Frontispiece. 

a.  DEATH  OP  CRISPUS  ATTUCKS Face  Page    26 

3.  BATTLE  OF  BUNKEK  HILL 34 

4.  ON  PICKET 52 

5.  NAVAL  BATTLE 77 

6.  UNSHACKLED 90 

7.  Portrait— ROBERT  SMALLS 96 

8.  "       —WILLIAM  MORRISON •• 

9.  "       —A.  GRADINE " 

10.  "       —JOHN  SMALLS " 

11.  QUARTERS  FOR  CONTRABANDS 103 

12.  DRIVING  GOVERNMENT  CATTLE - 104 

13.  SCENE  IN  AND  NEAR  A  RECRUITING  OFFICE 110 

14.  TEAMSTER  OF  THE  ARMY 112 

15.  HEADQUARTERS  OF  SUPERINTENDENT  OF  THE  POOR 118 

18.  PROVOST  GUARD  SECURING  CONSCRIPTS 123 

17.  NEW  RECRUITS  TAKING  CARS .....— 126 

18.  SCENE  AT  NEW  BERNE,  N.  C. 134 

19.  MUSTERING  INTO  SERVICE _„ 138 

20.  ORGANIZING  AND  DRILLING 142 

21.  FORTIFICATIONS  AT  HILTON  HEAD - 148 

22.  BUILDING  ROADS ». 154 

23.  OFF  FOR  THE  WAR 160 

24.  Portrait— MAJOR  MARTIN  R.  DELANEY 166 

25.  Portrait—CAPT   O.  S.  B.  WALL.. 172 

26.  Portrait—CAPT  P.  B.  S.  PINCHBACK 176 

27.  "       — LT.  JAMES  M.  TROTTER «• 

28.  "       — SURGEON  A.  T.  AUGUSTA «« 

29.  "        — Lt.  W.  H.  DUPREE " 

30.  Portrait— SERG'T.  W.  H.  CARNEY , 189 

31.  WASHING  IN  CAMP.. ...  184 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

32.  COOKING  IN  CAMP 191 

33.  POINT  ISABEL,  TEXAS 199 

34.  THE  RECRUITING  OFFICE 200 

35.  BATTLE  OF  MILLIKEN'S  BEND 204 

36.  UNLOADING  GOVERNMENT  STORES 211 

37.  CHARGE  OF  THE  PHALANX  AT  PORT  HUDSON 214 

38.  PRESENTATION  OF  COLORS.. .(1) 223 

39.  REPELLING  AN  ATTACK 231 

40.  CAVALRY  BRINGING  IN  PRISONERS 236 

41.  CAPTURING  BATTERY  OF  ARTILLERY 242 

42.  THE  WOODEN  HORSE 249 

43.  AT  FORT  WAGNER 255 

44.  BRILLIANT  CHARGE  OF  THE  PHALANX 270 

45.  RIVER  PICKET  DUTY '. 277 

46.  CHANGED  CONDITIONS 286 

47.  SERVING  REFRESHMENTS  TO  UNION  TROOPS 306 

48.  SCOUTING  SERVICE 312 

49.  FIGHTING  BLOODHOUNDS 320 

50.  NEGROES  FEEDING  ESCAPING  UNION  PRISONERS 342 

51.  MASSACRE  AT  FORT  PILLOW 350 

52.  PHALANX  REGIMENT  RECEIVING  ITS  FLAGS. ..(2) 377 

53.  PARADE  OF  THE  20TH  REGIMENT  U.  S.  C.  T.  IN  NEW  YORK 378 

54.  SCENE  IN  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC 391 

55.  AT  WORK  ON  RIVER  OBSTRUCTIONS 401 

56.  PHALANX  CHARGE  AT  PETERSBURG,  YA 402 

57.  IN  THE  TRENCHES 411 

58.  BEFORE  PETERSBURG,  BURYING  DEAD  UNDER  FLAG  OF  TRUCE 425 

59.  A  GOVERNMENT  BLACKSMITH  SHOP 445 

60.  GENERAL  GRANT  AND  THE  NEGRO  SENTINEL 446 

61.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  ENTERING  RICHMOND 452 

62.  ON  DUTY  FOR  THE  CONFEDERATES 484 

63.  A  CONFEDERATE  SHARPSHOOTER 499 

«4.  "PAYING  OFF" , 508 


PART  I. 


THE  WARS  FOR  INDEPENDENCE, 

1775—1812. 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BLACK   PHALANX. 


CHAPTEEI.  v//. 
THE  WAR  OF  1775. 


The  history  of  the  patriotic  Negro  Americans  who 
swelled  the  ranks  of  the  Colonial  and  Continental  armies 
has  never  been  written,  nor  was  any  attempt  made  by  the 
historians  of  that  day  to  record  the  deeds  of  those  who 
dared  to  face  death  for  the  independence  of  the  American 
Colonies.  W.  H.  Day,  in  addressing  a  convention  of 
negro  men  at  Cleveland,  0.,  in  1852,  truly  said :  "  Of  the 
services  and  sufferings  of  the  colored  soldiers  of  the  Revo- 
lution, no  attempt  has,  to  our  knowledge,  been  made  to- 
preserve  a  record.  Their  history  is  not  written;  it  lies- 
upon  the  soil  watered  with  their  blood ;  who  shall  gather 
it?  It  rests  with  their  bones  in  the  charnel  house;  who 
shall  exhume  it?"  Upon  reading  these  lines,  it  occurred 
to  me  that  somewhere  among  the  archives  of  that  period 
there  must  exist  at  least  a  clue  to  the  record  of  the  negro 
patriots  of  that  war.  If  I  cannot  exclaim  Eureka,  after 
years  of  diligent  search,  I  take  pride  in  presenting  what  I 
have  found  scattered  throughout  the  pages  of  the  early 

(21) 


22  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

histories  and  literature,  and  from  the  correspondence  of 
men  who  in  that  period  discussed  the  topics  of  the  day— 
who  led  and  fashioned  public  opinion,  many  of  whom  com- 
manded in  the  field.  Not  a  few  biographers  have  contribu- 
ted to  my  fund  of  knowledge.  To  avoid  as  much  as  possi- 
ble the  charge  of  plagiarism  I  have  aimed  to  give  credit  to 
my  informants  for  what  shall  follow  regarding  the  colored 
patriots  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  I  have  reason  to 
^believe  that  I  have  gathered  much  that  has  been  obscure ; 
"that  I  have  exhumed  the  bones  of  that  noble  Phalanx  who, 
•  at  Bunker  Hill  and  Yorktown,  in  various  military  employ- 
ments, served  their  country.  It  is  true  they  were  few  in 
number  when  compared  to  the  host  that  entered  the 
-service  in  the  late  Rebellion,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  their  number  was  small  at  that  time  in  the  country, 
an4  that  the  seat  ;of  war  was  at  the  North,  and  not,  as  in 
the  late  war,  at  the  South,  where  their  numbers  have 
:  always  been  largp. ' ' 

Of  the  three  hundred  thousand  troops  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary war,  it  has  been  estimated  that  five  thousand  were 
/colored,  and  these  came  principally  from  the  North,  whose 
^colored  population  at  that  time  was  about  50,000,  while 
the  Southern  colonies  contained  about  300,000.  The  in- 
terest felt  in  the  two  sections  for  the  success  of  the  cause  of 
•independence,  if  referred  to  the  army,  can  easily  be  seen. 
'The  Northern  colonies  furnished  two  hundred  and  forty- 
mine  thousand,  five  hundred  and  three,  and  the  Southern 
colonies  one  hundred  and  forty -seven  thousand,  nine  hun- 
dred and  forty  soldiers,  though  the  whole  population  of 
^each  section  was  within  a  few  hundred  of  being  equal. 

The  love  of  liberty  was  no  less  strong  with  the  Southern 
than  with  the  Northern  colored  man,  as  their  efforts  for 
liberty  show.  At  the  North  he  gained  his  freedom  by 
entering  the  American  army ;  at  the  South,  only  by  enter- 
ing the  British  army,  which  was  joined  by  more  than  fifteen 
thousand  colored  men.  Jefferson  says  30,000  negroes 
from  Virginia  alone  went  to  the  British  army.  I  make  the 
digression  simply  to  assert  that  had  the  colored  men  at 
the  South  possessed  the  same  opportunity  as  those  at  the 


THE  WAK  OF  1775.  23 

North,  of  enlisting  in  the  American  army,  a  large  force  of 
colored  men  would  have  been  in  the  field,  fighting  for 
America's  independence.  Of  the  services  of  the  little  band, 
scattered  as  they  were  throughout  the  army,  two  or  three 
in  a  company  composed  of  whites,  a  squad  in  a  regiment, 
a  few  companies  with  an  army,  made  it  quite  impossible 
for  their  record,  beyond  this,  to  be  distinct  from  the  organ- 
izations they  were  attached  to .  However,  enough  has  been 
called  from  the  history  of  that  conflict,  to  show  that  they 
bore  a  brave  part  in  the  struggle  which  wrrested  the  colo- 
nies from  the  control  of  Great  Britain,  and  won  for  them- 
selves and  offspring,  freedom,  which  many  of  them  never 
enjoyed.  I  have  studiously  avoided  narrating  the  conduct 
of  those  who  cast  their  fortune  with  the  British,  save  those 
who  went  with  Lord  Dunmore,  for  reasons  too  obvious  to 
make  mention  of. 

The  sentiments  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  colo- 
nies were  in  full  accord  with  the  declaration  opposing 
slavery,  and  they  sought  to  give  it  supremacy  by  their 
success  in  the  conflict.  Slavery,  which  barred  the  entrance 
to  the  army  of  the  colored  man  at  the  South,  had  been 
denounced  by  the  colonist  before  the  adoption  of  the  arti- 
cles of  confederation,  and  was  maintained  solely  by  local 
regulations.  As  early  as  1774,  all  the  colonies  had  agreed 
to,  and  their  representatives  to  the  congress  had  signed,, 
the  articles  of  the  Continental  Association,  by  which  it  was 
agreed,  "that  we  will  neither  import  nor  purchase  any  slave- 
imported  after  the  first  day  of  December  next,  (1774),  after 
which  we  will  wholly  discontinue  the  slave  trade,  and  will 
neither  be  concerned  in  it  ourselves,  nor  will  we  hire  our- 
vessels,  nor  sell  our  commodities  or  manufactories  to  those 
who  are  concerned  in  it."  Georgia  not  being  represented 
in  this  Congress,  consequently  was  not  in  the  Associa- 
tion, but  as  soon  as  her  Provincial  Congress  assembled  in 
July,  1775,  it  passed  the  following  resolutions : 

"!•— Resolved,  That  this  Congress  will  adopt  and  carry  into  execu- 
tion all  and  singular  the  measures  and  recommendations  of  the  late  Con- 
tinental .Congress. 

"  IV.— Resolved,  That  we  will  neither  import  or  purchase  any  slave 
imported  from  Africa  or  elsewhere  after  this  day,  (July,  6.") 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  sincerity  with  which  this  agreement  was  entered 
into  may  be  seen  by  the  action  of  the  colonists  at  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  where,  in  March,  1775,  a  brig  arrived  from  the 
coast  of  Guinea,  via  Jamaica,  with  a  number  of  slaves 
on  board  consigned  to  a  merchant  of  that  town.  To  use 
a  modern  phrase  the  vessel  was  boycotted  by  the  com- 
mittee, who  published  the  following : 

"  TO  THE  FREEMEN  OF  VIRGINIA. 

f    COMMITTEE  CHAMBER, 
\NORFOLK,  March  6th,  1775. 

"Trusting  to  your  sure  resentment  against  the  enemies  of  your 
country,  we,  the  committee,  elected  by  ballot  for  the  Borough  of  Nor- 
folk, hold  up  for  your  just  indignation  Mr.  John  Brown,  merchant,  of 
this  place. 

"On  Thursday-,  the  2nd  of  March,  this  committee  were  informed  of  the 
arrival  of  the  brig  Fanny,  Capt.  Watson,  with  a  number  of  slaves  for 
Mr.  Brown;  and,  upon  inquiry,  it  appeared  they  were  shipped  from 
Jamaica  as  his  property,  and  on  his  account ;  that  he  had  taken  great 
pains  to  conceal  their  arrival  from  the  knowledge  of  the  committee ;  and 
that  the  shipper  of  the  slaves,  Mr.  Brown's  correspondent,  and  the  cap- 
tain of  the  vessel,  were  all  fully  apprised  of  the  Continental  prohibition 
against  the  article. 

"From  the  whole  of  this  transaction,  therefore,  we,  the  committee  for 
Norfolk  Borough,  do  give  it  as  our  unanimous  opinion,  that  the  said 
John  Brown  has  wilfully  and  perversely  violated  the  Continental  Asso- 
ciation, to  which  he  had  with  his  own  hand  subscribed  obedience ;  and 
that,  agreeable  to  the  eleventh  article,  we  are  bound,  forthwith,  to  pub- 
lish the  truth  of  the  case,  to  the  end  that  all  such  foes  to  the  rights  of 
British  America  may  be  publicly  known  and  universally  contemned  as 
the  enemies  of  American  liberty,  and  that  every  person  may  henceforth 
break  off  all  dealings  with  him. " 

This  was  the  voice  of  a  majority  of  the  colonists,  and 
those  who  dissented  were  regarded  as  Tories,  and  in  favor 
of  the  crown  as  against  the  independence  of  the  colonies, 
although  there  were  many  at  the  North  and  South  who 
held  slaves,  and  were  yet  loyal  to  the  cause  of  the  colonies; 
but  the  public  sentiment  was  undoubtedly  as  strong 
against  the  institution  as  it  was  in  1864.  But  the  Tories 
were  numerous  at  the  South,  and  by  continually  exciting 
the  imagination  of  the  whites  by  picturing  massacre  and 
insurrection  on  the  part  of  the  negros  if  they  were  armed, 
thwarted  the  effort  of  Col.  Lauren's  and  of  Congress  to 
raise  a  "negro  army"  at  the  South.  The  leaders  were 
favorable  to  it,  but  the  colonists,  for  the  reason  cited, 
were  distrustful  of  its  practicability.  Though  a  strong 
effort  was  made,  as  will  be  seen,  the  scare  raised  by  the 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  25 

Tories  prevented  its  success.  Notwithstanding,  hundreds 
of  colored  men,  slave  and  free,  at  the  South,  not  only  fol- 
lowed the  army  but  in  every  engagement  took  an  active 
part  on  the  side  of  the  colonist.  They  were  not  enrolled 
and  mustered  into  the  army,  it  is  true,  but  they  rendered 
important  service  to  the  cause. 

The  caste  prejudice  now  so  strong  in  the  country  was 
then  in  its  infancy.  A  white  man  at  that  time  lived  with 
a  colored  woman  without  fear  of  incurring  the  ostracism 
of  his  neighbors,  and  with  the  same  impunity  he  lived  with 
an  Indian  Squaw.  So  common  was  this  practice,  that  in 
order  to  correct  it  laws  were  passed  forbidding  it.  The 
treatment  of  the  slaves  was  not  what  it  came  to  be  after 
the  war,  nor  had  the  spirit  of  resentment  been  stifled  in 
them  as  it  was  subquently.  Manifestations  of  their  cour- 
age and  manliness  were  not  wanting  when  injustice  was 
attempted  to  be  practiced  against  them,  consequently  the 
spirit  and  courage  with  which  they  went  into  the  conflict 
were  quite  equal  to  that  of  the  whites,  who  were  ever  ready 
to  applaud  them  for  deeds  of  daring.  It  is  only  through 
this  medium  that  we  have  discovered  the  meed  of  praise 
due  the  little  Phalanx,  which  linked  its  fortune  with  the 
success  of  the  American  army,  and  of  whom  the  follow- 
ing interesting  facts  can  now  be  recorded. 

It  is  well  for  the  negro  and  for  his  decendants  in  Amer- 
ica, cosmopolitan  as  it  is,  that  his  race  retains  its  dis- 
tinctive characteristicts,  color  and  features,  otherwise 
they  would  not  have,  as  now,  a  history  to  hand  down  to 
posterity  so  gloriously  patriotic  and  interesting.  His 
amalgamation  with  other  races  is  attributable  to  the 
relation  which  it  bore  to  them,  although  inter-marriage 
was  not  allowed.  By  the  common  consent  of  his  enslav- 
ers, he  was  allowed  to  live  clandestinely  with  the  women 
of  his  own  color;  sometimes  from  humane  considera- 
tions, sometimes  from  a  standpoint  of  gain,  but  always 
as  a  slave  or  a  subject  of  slave  code.  Keduced  from  his 
natural  state  of  freedom  by  his  misfortune  in  tribal  war, 
to  that  of  a  slave,  and  then  transported  by  the  consent 
of  his  captors  and  enemies  to  these  shores,  and  sold 


26  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

into  an  unrequited  bondage,  the  fire  of  his  courage, — 
like  that  of  other  races  similarly  situated,  without  hope 
of  liberty ;  doomed  to  toil,— slackened  into  an  apathetic 
state,  and  seeming  willing  servitude,  which  produced  a 
resignation  to  fate  from  1619  to  1770,  more  than  a  cen- 
tury and  a  half.  At  the  latter  date,  for  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  what  is  now  the  United  States,  the  negro, 
inspired  with  the  love  of  liberty,  aimed  a  blow  at  the 
authority  that  held  him  in  bondage.  In  numerous  in- 
stances, when  the  Indians  attacked  the  white  settlers, 
particularly  in  the  Northern  colonies,  negroes  were  sum- 
moned and  took  part  in  the  defense  of  the  settlements. 

As  early  as  1652,  the  militia  law  of  Massachusetts 
required  negroes,  Scotchmen  and  Indians, — the  indentured 
slaves  of  Cromwell,  who  encountered  his  army  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Dunbar, — to  train  in  the  militia.  Nor  was  it  an 
uncommon  occurrence  for  them  to  be  manumitted  for 
meritorious  and  courageous  action  in  defending  their 
masters'  families,  often  in  the  absence  of  the  master,  when 
attacked  by  the  red  men  of  the  woods.  It  was  not  infre- 
quent to  find  the  negro  as  a  sentinel  at  the  meeting-house 
door;  or  serving  as  a  barricade  for  the  master's  man- 
sion. The  Indian  was  more  of  a  terror  to  him  than 
the  boa-constrictor;  though  slaves,  they  knew  that  if 
captured  by  the  Indians  their  fate  would  be  the  same  as 
that  of  the  white  ma,n ;  consequently  they  fought  with  a 
desperation  equal  to  that  of  the  whites,  against  the  com- 
mon enemy.  So  accustomed  did  they  become  to  the  use 
of  arms,  that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  settlers  after  the 
Indians  were  driven  from  the  forest,  was  to  disarm  and 
forbid  negroes  keeping  or  handling  fire-arms  and  weap- 
ons of  every  sort.  This  was  done  from  a  sense  of  self- 
preservation  and  fear  that  the  negroes  might  (and 
many  did)  attempt  to  revenge  themselves  when  cruelly 
treated,  or  rise  in  mutiny  and  massacre  the  whites. 

But  it  was  not  until  1770,  when  the  fervor  of  rebellion 
had  influenced  the  people  of  the  colonies,  and  Capt.  Pres- 
ton, with  the  King's  soldiers,  appeared  in  King  Street, 
Boston,  to  enforce  the  decree  of  the  British  Parliament, 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  29 

that  the  people  met  the  troops  face  to  face.  This  lent 
force  $o  the  rebellious  spirit  against  the  Mother  Country, 
which  the  people  of  the  United  Northern  Colonies  had  felt 
called  upon  to  manifest  in  public  meetings  and  by  written 
resolutions.  The  soldiers  were  regarded  as  invaders. 
And  while  the  leading  men  of  Boston  were  discussing  and 
deliberating  as  to  what  steps  should  be  taken  to  drive  the 
British  troops  out  of  the  town,  Crispus  Attucks,  a  negro 
runaway  slave,*  led  a  crowd  against  the  soldiers,  with 
brave  words  of  encouragement.  The  soldiers  fired  upon 
them,  killing  the  negro  leader,  Attucks,  first,  and  then  two 
white  men,  and  mortally  wounding  two  others.  A  writer 
says: 

"The  presence  of  the  British  soldiers  in  King  'Street,  excited  the 
patriotic  indignation  of  the  people.  The  whole  community  was  stirred, 
and  sage  counsellors  were  deliberating  and  writing  and  talking  about 
the  public  grievances.  But  it  was  not  for  the  'wise  and  prudant'  to  be 
first  to  act  against  the  encroachments  of  arbitrary  power.  A  motley 
rabble  of  saucy  boys,  negroes  and  mulattoes,  Irish  Jeazues,  and  out- 
landish Jack  tars,  (as  John  Adams  described  them  in  his  plea  in  defence 
of  the  soldiers),  could  not  restrain  their  emotion,  or  stop  to  enquire  if 
what  they  must  do  was  according  to  the  letter  of  the  law.  Led  by  Cris- 
pus Attucks,  the  mulatto  slave,  and  shouting,  'The  way  to  get  rid  of 
these  soldiers  is  to  attack  the  main  guard ;  strike  at  the  root;  this  is  the 
nest ;'  with  more  valor  than  discretion  they  rushed  to  King  Street,  and 
were  fired  upon  by  Capt.  Preston's  company.  Crispus  Attucks  was  the 
first  to  fall;  he  and  Samuel  Gray  and  Jonas  Caldwell  were  killed  on  the 
spot.  Samuel  Maverick  and  Patrick  Carr  were  mortally  wounded.  The 
excitement  which  followed  was  intense.  The  bells  of  the  town  were  rung. 
An  impromptu  town-meeting  was  held,  and  an  immense  assembly  was 
gathered.  Three  days  after,  on  the  17th,  a  public  funeral  of  the  martyr 
took  place.  The  shops  in  Boston  were  closed,  and  all  the  bells  of  Bos- 
ton and  the  neighboring  towns  were  rung.  It  is  said  that  a  greater 
number  of  persons  assembled  on  this  occasion,  than  ever  before  gathered 
on  this  continent  for  a  similar  purpose.  The  body  of  Crispus  Attucks, 
the  mulatto,  had  been  placed  in  Fanueil  Hall  with  that  of  Caldwell;  both 
being  strangers  in  the  city.  Maverick  was  buried  from  his  mother's 

*"Ran  away  from  his  master,  William  Brown,  of  Framingham,  on  the  30th  of  Sept. 
last,  a  Mullato  Fellow,  about  27years  of  age,  named  Crispus,  6  feet  2  inches  high,  short, 
curl'd  hair,  his  knees  nearer  together  than  common;  had  on  a  light  coloured  Bearskin 
Coat,  plain  brown  Fustain  Jacket,  or  brown  All  Wool  one,  new  Buck  skin  breeches, 
blue  Yarn  Stockings,  and  a  checked  woolen  shirt.  Whoever  shall  take  up  said  Run- 
away, and  convey  him  to  his  abovesaid  master,  shall  have  ten  pounds,  old  Tenor  Re- 
ward, and  all  necessary  charges  paid.  And  all  Masters  of  Vessels  and  others,  are  here- 
by cautioned  against  concealing  or  carrying  off  said  Servant  on  Penalty  of  the  Law. 
Boston,  October  2,  1750."— Boston  Gazette, 


30  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

house  in  Union  Street,  and  Gray,  from  his  brother's,  in  Royal  Exchange 
Lane.  The  four  hearses  formed  a  junction  in  King  Street,  and  then  the 
procession  marched  in  columns  six  deep,  with  a  long  file  of  coaches 
belonging  to  the  most  distinguished  citizens,  to  the  Middle  Burying 
Ground,  where  the  four  victims  were  deposited  in  one  grave ;  over  which 
a  stone  was  placed  with  the  inscription : 

'  Long  as  in  Freedom's  cause  the  wise  contend, 
Dear  to  your  country  shall  your  fame  extend ; 
While  to  the  world  the  lettered  stone  shall  tell' 
Where  Caldwell,  Attucks,  Gray  and  Maverick  fell.' 
"The  anniversary  of  this  event  was  publicly  commemorated  in  Bos- 
ton by  an  oration  and  other  exercises  every  year  until  our  National 
Independence  was  achieved,  when  the  Fourth  of  July  was  substituted 
for  the  Fifth  of  March,  as  the  more  proper  day  for  a  general  celebration. 
Not  only  was  the  event  commemorated,  but  the  martyrs  who  then  gave 
up  their  lives  were  remembered  and  honored." 

Thus  the  first  blood  for  liberty  shed  in  the  colonies 
was  that  of  a  real  slave  and  a  negro.  As  the  news  of  the 
affray  spread  ,  the  people  became  aroused  throughout  the 
land.  Soon,  in  every  town  and  village,  meetings  were 
held,  and  the  colonists  urged  to  resist  the  oppressive  and 
aggresive  measures  which  the  British  Parliament  had 
passed,  and  for  the  enforcement  of  which  troops  had  been 
stationed  in  Boston,  and  as  we  see,  had  shot  down  those 
who  dared  to  oppose  them.  In  all  the  colonies  slavery 
was  at  this  time  tolerated,  though  the  number  of  slaves 
was  by  no  means  large  in  the  Northern  Colonies,  nor  had 
there  been  a  general  ill  treatment  of  them,  as  in  after 
years  in  the  Southern  States.  Their  war-like  courage,  it  is 
true,  hacd  been  slackened,  but  their  manhood  had  not 
been  crushed. 

Crispus  Attucks  was  a  fair  representative  of  the  colo- 
nial negro,  as  they  evinced  thereafter,  during  the  pro- 
longed struggle  which  resulted  in  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States.  When  the  tocsin  sounded  "to  arms,  to 
arms,  ye  who  would  be  free,"  the  negro  responded  to  the 
call,  and  side  by  side  with  the  white  patriots  of  the  colo- 
nial militia,  bled  and  died. 

Mr.  Bancroft  in  his  history  of  the  United  States  says : 

"Nor  should  history  forget  to  record,  that  as  in  the  army  at  Cam- 
bridge, so  also  in  this  gallant  band,  the  free  negroes  of  the  colony  had 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  31 

their  representatives.  For  the  right  of  free  negroes  to  bear  arms  in  the 
public  defense  was,  at  that  day,  as  little  disputed  in  New  England  as 
other  rights.  They  took  their  place,  not  in  a  seperate  corps,  but  in  the 
ranks  with  the  white  men ;  and  their  names  m'ay  be  seen  on  the  pension- 
rolls  of  the  country,  side  by  side  with  those  of  other  soldiers  of  the 
Revolution." 

It  was  not  the  free  only  who  took  up  arms  in  defence 
of  America's  independence ;  not  alone  those  who,  in  pre- 
ceding wars,— Indian  and  French,— had  gained  their  lib- 
erty, that  swelled  the  ranks  of  the  colonial  militia;  but 
slaves,  inspired  by  the  hope  of  freedom,  went  to  the 
front,  as  Attucks  had  done  when  he  cut  the  Gordian  knot 
that  held  the  colonies  to  Great  Britain.  "From  that 
moment  we  may  date  the  severance  of  the  British  Em- 
pire," said  Daniel  Webster,  in  his  Bunker  Hill  oration, 
referring  to  the  massacre  on  the  5th  of  March,  1770.  The 
thirst  for  freedom  was  universal  among  the  people  of  New 
England.  With  them  liberty  was  not  circumscribed  by  con- 
dition and  now,  since  the  slave  Attucks  had  struck  the 
first  blow  for  America's  independence,  thereby  electrifying 
the  colonies  and  putting  quite  a  different  phase  upon  their 
grievances,  the  people  were  called  upon  to  witness  a  real 
slave  struggling  with  his  oppressors  for  his  freedom.  It 
touched  the  people  of  the  colonies  as  they  had  never  been 
touched  before,  and  they  arrayed  themselves  for  true 
freedom. 

Dr.  Joseph  Warren  thus  heralds  the  sentiment  of  the 
colonist,  in  his  oration  delivered  at  Boston,  March 
5th,  1775 : 

"That  personal  freedom  is  the  natural  right  of  every  man,  and  that 
property,  or  an  exclusive  right  to  dispose  of  what  he  has  honestly 
acquired  by  his  own  labor,  necessarily  arises  therefrom,  are  truths 
which  common  sense  has  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  contradiction.  And 
no  man,  or  body  of  men,  can,  without  being  guilty  of  flagrant  injustice, 
claim  a  right  to  dispose  of  the  persons  or  acquisitions  of  any  other  man 
or  body  of  men,  unless  it  can  be  proved  that  such  a  right  has  arisen 
from  some  compact  between  the  parties,  in  which  it  has  been  explicitly 
and  freely  granted." 

The  year  previous,  John  Hancock  was  the  orator  on 
the  occasion  of  the  4th  anniversary  of  the  shedding  of 


32  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  first  blood  for  the  Independence  of  America,  and  he 
thus  presents  the  case  to  a  Boston  audience  yet  smarting 
under  the  insult  and  sting  given  them  by  the  British 
soldiery : 

"  But  I  forbear,  and  come  reluctantly  to  the  transactions  of  that 
dismal  night,  when  in  such  quick  succession,  we  felt  the  extremes  of 
grief,  astonishment  and  rage;  when  Heaven,  in  anger,  for  a  dreadful 
moment  suffered  Hell  to  take  the  reins ;  when  Satan  with  his  chosen  band 
opened  the  sluices  of  New  England's  blood,  and  sacrilegiously  polluted 
our  land  with  the  dead  bodies  of  her  guiltless  sons.  Let  this  sad  tale 
of  death  never  be  told  without  a  tear;  let  the  heaving  bosom  cause  to 
burn  with  a  manly  indignation  at  the  barbarous  story,  through  the 
long  tracts  of  future  time ;  let  every  parent  tell  the  shameful  story  to  his 
listening  children  'til  tears  of  pity  glisten  in  their  eyes,  and  boiling  pas- 
sions shake  their  tender  frames ;  and  whilst  the  anniversary  of  that  ill- 
fated  night  is  kept  a  jubilee  in  the  grim  court  of  pandemonium,  let  all 
America  join  in  one  common  prayer  to  Heaven,  that  the  inhuman, 
unprovoked  murders  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  planned  by  Hillsbor- 
ough  and  a  knot  of  treacherous  knaves  in  Boston,  and  executed  by  the 
cruel  hand  of  Preston  and  his  sanguinary  coadjutors,  may  ever  stand  in 
history  without  a  parallel.  But  what,  my  countrymen,  withheld  the 
ready  arm  of  vengeance  from  executing  instant  justice  on  the  vile  assas- 
sins ?  Perhaps  you  feared  promiscuous  carnage  might  ensue,  and  that 
the  innocent  might  share  the  fate  of  those  who  had  performed  the  infer- 
nal deed.  But  were  not  all  guilty  ?  Were  you  not  too  tender  of  the  lives 
of  those  who  came  to  fix  a  yoke  on  your  necks  ?  But  I  must  not  too 
severely  blame  you  for  a  fault  which  great  souls  only  can  commit.  May 
that  magnificence  of  spirit  which  scorns  the  low  pursuit  of  malice;  may 
that  generous  compassion  which  often  preserves  from  ruin,  even  a  guilty 
villain,  forever  actuate  the  noble  bosoms  of  Americans !  But  let  not  the 
miscreant  host  vainly  imagine  that  we  feared  their  arms.  No,  those  we 
despised ;  we  dread  nothing  but  slavery.  Death  is  the  creature  of  a  pol- 
troon's brains ;  'tis  immortality  to  sacrifice  ourselves  for  the  salvation 
of  our  country.  We  fear  not  death.  That  gloomy  night,  the  pale-face 
moon,  and  the  affrighted  stars  that  hurried  through  the  sky,  can  wit- 
ness that  we  fear  not  death.  Our  hearts,  which,  at  the  recollection, 
glow  with  rage  that  four  revolving  years  have  scarcely  taught  us  to  re- 
strain, can  witness  that  we  fear  not  death ;  and  happy  it  is  for  those  who 
dared  to  insult  us,  that  their  naked  bones  are  not  now  piled  up  an  ever- 
lasting monument  of  Massachusett's  bravery.  But  they  retired;  they 
fled,  and  in  that  flight  they  found  their  only  safety.  We  then  expected 
that  the  hand  of  public  justice  would  soon  inflict  that  punishment  upon 
the  murderers,  which,  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  they  had  incurred. 
But  let  the  unbiassed  pen  of  a  Robertson,  or  perhaps  of  some  equally 
famed  American,  conduct  this  trial  before  the  great  tribunal  of  succeed- 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  33 

ing  generations.  And  though  the  murderers  may  escape  the  just  resent- 
ment of  an  enraged  people;  though  drowsy  justice,  intoxicated  by  the 
poisonous  draft  prepared  for  her  cup,  still  nods  upon  her  rotten  seat,  yet 
be  assured,  such  complicated  crimes  will  meet  their  due  reward.  Tell 
me,  ye  bloody  butchers !  ye  villains  high  and  low !  ye  wretches  who  con- 
trived, as  well  as  you  who  executed  the  inhuman  deed !  do  you  not  feel 
the  goads  and  stings  of  conscious  guilt  pierce  through  your  savage  bos- 
oms? Though  some  of  you  may  think  yourselves  exalted  to  a  height 
that  bids  defiance  to  human  justice,  and  others  shroud  yourselves 
beneath  the  mask  of  hypocrisy,  and  build  your  hopes  of  safety  on  the 
low  arts  of  cunning,  chicanery  and  falsehood ;  yet  do  you  not  sometimes 
feel  the  gnawings  of  that  worm  which  never  dies ;  do  not  the  injured 
shades  of  Maverick,  Gray,  Cadwell,  Attucks  and  Carr,  attend  you  in 
your  solitary  walks ;  arrest  you  in  the  midst  of  your  debaucheries  and 
fill  even  your  dreams  with  terror?  " 

The  orators  of  New  England  poured  out  upon  this 
once  slave, — now  hero  and  martyr, — their  unstinted  praise. 
We  have  but  to  recall  the  recollection  of  the  earliest  con- 
flicts which  the  colonist  had  with  the  British,  in  order  to 
see  the  negro  occupying  a  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  patriot 
army.  Their  white  fellow-citizens  were  only  too  glad  to 
take  ground  to  the  left,  in  order  that  they  could  fall  in  on 
their  colors.  And  they  did  good  service  whenever  they 
fought,  as  the  record  shows. 

The  Committee  of  safety  upon  reviewing  the  situation 
and  the  army,  before  the  lirst  great  battle  of  the  Kevolu- 
tion  had  been  fought,  adopted  the  following  resolution : 

11  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  as  the 
contest  now  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  respects  the  liberties 
and  privileges  of  the  latter,  which  the  Colonies  are  determined  to  main- 
tain, that  the  admission  of  any  persons,  as  soldiers,  into  the  army  now 
raising,  but  such  as  are  Freeman,  will  be  inconsistent  with  the  prin- 
cipals that  are  supported,  and  reflect  dishonor  on  this  Colony ;  and  that 
no  Slaves  be  admitted  into  this  army  upon  any  consideration  whatever." 

The  exception  was  well  taken,  and  this  act  of  the  Com- 
mittee, excluding  slaves  from  the  army,  placed  the  rebels 
upon  the  basis  of  patriots,  fighting  for  freedom.  This, 
however,  did  not  detract  from  those  who  had  already  dis- 
tinguished themselves,  by  their  bravery  at  Bunker  Hill  a 
few  weeks  previous,  where  Peter  Salem,  once  a  slave, 
fought  side  by  side  in  the  ranks  with  the  white  soldiers. 
When  the  British  Major  Pitcairn  mounted  the  redoubt, 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

upon  that  memorable  occasion,  shouting,  "The  day  is 
ours!"  Peter  Salem  poured  the  contents  of  his  gun  into 
that  officer's  body,  killing  him  instantly,  and  checking, 
temporarily,  the  advance  of  the  British.  Swett,  in  his 
"  Sketches  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle,"  says  : 

"Major  Pitcairn  caused  the  first  effusion  of  blood  at  Lexington.  In 
that  battle,  his  horse  was  shot  under  him,  while  he  was  separated  from 
his  troops.  With  presence  of  mind  he  feigned  himself  slain ;  his  pistols 
were  taken  from  his  hostlers,  and  he  was  left  for  dead,  when  he  seized  the 
opportunity  and  escaped.  He  appeared  at  Bunker  Hill,  and,  says  the 
historian,  'Among  those  who  mounted  the  works  was  the  gallant  Major 
Pitcairn,  who  exultingly  cried  out,  'The  da,y  is  ours! '  when  a  black  sol- 
dier, named  Salem,  shot  him  through  and  he  fell.  His  agonized  son 
received  him  in  his  arms,  and  tenderly  bore  him  to  the  boats.'  A  contri- 
bution was  made  in  the  army  for  the  colored  soldier,  and  he  was  pre- 
sented to  Washington  as  having  performed  this  feat. " 

Mr.  Aaron  White,  of  Thompson,  Conn.,  in  a  letter  to 
George  Livermore,  Esq.,  of  the  Massachusetts  Histori- 
cal Society,  writes : 

"With  regard  to  the  black  Hero  of  Bunker  Hill,  I  never  knew  him 
personally,  nor  did  I  ever  hear  from  his  lips  the  story  of  his  achieve- 
ments ;  but  I  have  better  authority.  About  the  year  1809,  I  heard  a 
soldier  of  the  Revolution,  who  was  present  at  the  Bunker  Hill  Battle, 
relate  to  my  father  the  story  of  the  death  of  Major  Pitcairn.  He  said 
the  Major  had  passed  the  storm  of  fire  without,  and  had  mounted  the 
redoubt,  when,  waving  his  sword,  he  commanded,  in  a  loud  voice,  the 
'rebels'  to  surrender.  His  sudden  appearance,  and  his  commanding  air, 
at  first  startled  the  men  immediately  before  him.  They  neither  answered 
nor  fired ;  probably  not  being  exactly  certain  what  was  next  to  be  done. 
At  this  critical  moment,  a  negro  soldier  stepped  forward,  and,  aiming  his 
musket  directly  at  the  Major's  bosom,  blew  him  through.  My  informant 
declared  that  he  was  so  near,  that  he  distinctly  saw  the  act.  The  story 
made  quite  an  impression  on  my  mind.  I  have  frequently  heard  my 
farther  relate  the  story,  and  have  no  doubt  of  its  truth.  My  father  on 
the  day  of  the  battle  was '  a  mere  child,  and  witnessed  the  battle  and 
burning  of  Charlestown  from  Roxbury  Hill,  sitting  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Jackson,  who  said  to  him  as  he  placed  him  on  the  ground, 
'  Now,  boy,  do  you  remember  this ! '  Consequently,  after  such  an  injunc- 
tion, he  would  necessarily  pay  particular  attention  to  anecdotes  concern- 
ing the  first  and  only  battle  he  ever  witnessed." 

Salem  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  chief  heroes  of  that 
ever  memorable  battle.  Orator,  historian,  poet,  all  give 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  37 

this  sable  patriot  credit  for  having  been  instrumental  in 
checking  the  British  advance  and  saving  the  day. 

At  the  unveiling  of  the  statue  erected  to  the  memory 
of  Gen.  Joseph  Warren,  who  fell  at  Bunker  Hill,  the  orator 
of  the  occasion,  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  said : 

"It  is  the  monument  of  the  day  of  the  event,  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill ;  all  of  the  brave  men  who  shared  its  perils, — alike  of  Prescott  and 
Putnam  and  Warren,  the  chiefs  of  the  day,  and  the  colored  man,  Salem, 
who,  is  reported  to  have  shot  the  gallant  Pitcairn,  as  he  mounted  the 
parapet.  Cold  as  the  clods  on  which  it  rests,  still  as  the  silent  Heaven  to 
which  it  soars,  it  is  yet  vocal,  eloquent,  in  their  individual  praise." 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  petition  now  in  the 
Archive  Department  of  Massachusetts : 

"TO  THE  HONORABLE  GENERAL  COURT  OF  THE  MASSACHU- 
SETTS' BAY. 

"The  subscribers  beg  leave  to  report  to  your  Honorable  House, 
(which  we  do  in  justice  to  the  character  of  so  brave  a  man),  that  under 
our  own  observation,  we  declare  that  a  negro  man  named  Salem  Poor, 
of  Col.  Frye's  regiment,  Capt.  Ame's  company,  in  the  late  battle  at 
Charleston,  behaved  like  an  experienced  officer,  as  well  as  an  excellent 
soldier.  To  set  forth  particulars  of  his  conduct  would  be  tedious.  We 
only  beg  leave  to  say,  in  the  person  of  this  said  negro,  centers  a  brave 
and  gallant  soldier.  The  reward  due  to  so  great  and  distinguished  a 
character,  we  submit  to  Congress. 

"  JONA.  BREWER,  Col.  ELIPHALET  BODWELL,  SG'T. 

THOMAS  NIXON,  Lt.  Col.  JOSIAH  FOSTER,  Lieut. 

WM.  PRESCOTT,  Col.  EBENR.  VARNUM,  2nd  Lieut. 

EPHM.  COREY,  Lieut.  WM.  HUDSON  BALLARD,  Capt. 

JOSEPH  BAKER,  Lieut.  WM.  SMITH,  Cap. 

JOSHUA  Row,  Lieut.  JOHN  MORTON,  Sergt.  (?) 

JONAS  RICHARDSON,  Capt.  Lieut.  RICHARD  WELSH. 

CAMBRIDGE,  Dec.  5, 1775. 
"In  Council  Dec.  21, 1775.— Read,  and  sent  down. 

PEREZ  MORTON,  Dep'y  Sec'y." 

A  biographical  account  of  Peter  Salem  is  given  in  the 
following  newspaper  extract : 

"April,  1882,  the  town  of  Framingham  voted  to  place  a  memorial 
stone  over  the  grave  of  Peter  Salem,  alias  Salem  Middlesex,  whose  last 
resting  place  in  the  old  burial  ground  an  Framingham  Centre  has  been 
unmarked  for  years.  For  this  purpose  $150  was  appropriated  by  the 
town.  The  committee  in  charge  of  the  matter  has  placed  a  neat  granite 
memorial  over  his  grave,  and  it  bears  the  following  inscription :  "  Peter 
Salem,  a  soldier  of  the  revolution,  Died  Aug.  16, 1816.  Concord,  Bunker 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Hill,  Saratoga.  Erected  by  the  town,  1882."  Peter  Salem  was  the 
colored  man  who  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  the  revolutionary 
war  by  shooting  down  Major  Pitcairn  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  as  he 
was  mounting  a  redoubt  and  shouting,  "  The  day  is  ours ! "  this  being 
the  time  when  Pitcairn  fell  back  into  the  arms  of  his  son.  Peter  Salem 
served  faithfully  in  the  war  for  seven  years  in  the  companies  of  minute 
men  under  the  command  of  Capt.  John  Nixon  and  Capt.  Simon  Edgell  of 
Framingham,  and  came  out  of  it  unharmed.  He  was  a  slave,  and  was 
owned,  originally,,  by  Capt  Jeremiah  Belknap  of  Framingham,  being 
sold  by  him  to  Major  Lawson  Buckminster  of  that  town,  he  becoming  a 
free  man  when  he  joined  the  army.  Salem  was  born  in  Framingham, 
and,  in  1783,  married  Katie  Benson,  a  Granddaughter  of  Nero,  living 
for  a  time  near  what  is  now  the  State  muster  field.  He  removed  to  Lei- 
cester after  the  close  of  the  war,  his  last  abode  in  that  town  being  a 
cabin  on  the  road  leading  from  Leicester  to  Auburn.  He  was  removed 
to  Framingham,  where  he  had  gained  a  settlement  in  1816  and  there 
he  died." 

Salem  was  not  the  only  negro  at  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill.  Says  an  authority : 

"Col.  Trumbull  in  his  celebrated  historic  picture  of  this  battle,  intro- 
duces conspicuously  the  colored  patriot.  At  the  time  of  the  battle,  the 
artist,  then  acting  as  adjutant,  was  stationed  with  his  regiment  at  Rox- 
bury,  and  saw  the  action  from  this  point.  The  picture  was  painted  in 
1786  when  the  event  was  fresh  in  his  mind.  It  is  a  significant  historical 
fact,  pertinent  to  our  present  research,  that,  among  the  limited  number 
of  figures  introduced  on  the  canvas,  more  than  one  negro  soldier  can  be 
distinctly  seen." 

Of  the  others  who  participated  in  the  battle  we  have 
knowledge  of  Salem  Poor,  whose  bravery  won  for  him  fav- 
orable comment. 

Major  Wm.  Lawrence,  who  fought  through  the  war  for 
independence,  from  Concord,  until  the  peace  of  1783,  par- 
ticipating in  many  of  the  severest  battles  of  the  war. 
Says  a  memoir : 

"At  Bunker  Hill,  where  he  was  slightly  wounded,  his  coat  and  hat 
were  pierced  with  the  balls  of  the  enemy,  and  were  preserved  in  the  fam- 
ily for  several  years.  At  one  time  he  commanded  a  company  whose 
rank  and  file  were  all  negroes,  of  whose  courage,  military  discipline,  and 
fidelity,  he  always  spoke  with  respect.  On  one  occasion,  being  out  recon- 
noiteriug  with  his  company,  he  got  so  far  in  advance  of  his  command, 
that  he  was  surrounded,  and  on  the  point  of  being  made  prisoner  by  the 
enemy.  The  men,  soon  discovering  his  peril,  rushed  to  his  rescue,  and 
fought  with  the  most  determined  bravery  till  that  rescue  was  effectually 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  39 

secured.  He  never  forgot  this  circumstance,  and  ever  took  special  pains 
to  show  kindness  and  hospitality  to  any  individual  of  the  colored  race, 
who  came  near  his  dwelling." 

The  Committee  of  Safety  having  excluded  slaves  from 
the  army,  many  were  thereafter  manumitted,  that  they 
might  enlist.  There  was  no  law  regulating  enlistment  in 
the  army  at  the  time  which  required  the  color  of  a  soldier's 
skin  to  be  recorded  or  regarded.  A  prejudice  existed  in 
the  legislature  that  prompted  that  body  to  begin  a  series 
of  special  enactments,  regarding  negroes,  which  did  not 
exclude  them  altogether  from  the  army,  but  looked  to 
their  organization  into  exclusive  companies,  batallions 
and  regiments. 

Notwithstanding  the  record  made  by  the  negroes  who 
had  swollen  the  ranks  of  the  American  army  a  few  weeks 
after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  General  Gates,  then  at 
Cambridge,  issued  the  following  order  to  the  officers,  then 
recruiting  for  the  service : 

"You  are  not  to  enlist  any  deserter  from  the  Ministerial  army,  nor 
any  stroller,  negro,  or  vagabond,  or  persons  suspected  of  being  an  enemy 
to  the  liberty  of  America,  nor  any  under  eighteen  years  of  age.  As  the 
cause  is  the  best  that  can  engage  men  of  courage  and  principle  to  take 
up  arms,  so  it  is  expected  that  none  but  such  will  be  accepted  by  the 
recruiting  officer.  The  pay,  provision,  &c.,  being  so  ample,  it  is  not 
doubted  but  that  the  officers  sent  upon  this  service  will,  without  delay, 
complete  their  respective  corps,  and  march  the  men  forthwith  to  camp. 
You  are  not  to  enlist  any  person  that  is  not  an  American  born,  unless 
such  person  has  a  wife  and  family,  and  is  a  settled  resident  in  this  coun- 
try. The  persons  you  enlist  must  be  provided  with  good  and  complete 
arms." 

This  was  in  July,  and  on  the  26th  of  the  following 
September,  Edward  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  moved  in 
the  Colonial  Congress  that  all  negroes  be  discharged  that 
were  in  the  army.  As  might  be  expected,  his  proposition 
was  strongly  supported  by  the  Southern  delegates,  but 
the  Northern  delegates  being  so  much  stronger,  voted  it 
down.  The  negroes  were  crowding  so  rapidly  into  the 
army,  and  the  Northern  colonists  finding  their  Southern 
comrades  so  strongly  opposing  this  element  of  strength, 
submitted  the  question  of  their  enlistment  to  a  conference 
committee  in  October,  composed  of  such  men  as  Dr. 
3 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Franklin,  Benjamin  Harrison  and  Thomas  Lynch,  with 
the  Deputy  Governors  of  Connecticut  and  Khode  Island. 
This  committee  met  at  Cambridge,  with  a  committee  of 
the  council  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  object  and  duty 
of  the  meeting  was  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  army, 
and  to  devise  means  by  which  it  could  be  improved. 

General  Washington  was  present  at  the  meeting,  and 
took  part  in  the  discussions.  Among  others,  the  follow- 
ing subject  was  considered  and  reported  upon:  "'Ought 
not  negroes  to  be  excluded  from  the  new  enlistment, 
especially  those  such  as  are  slaves?'  All  were  thought 
improper  by  the  council  of  officers.  'Agreed,  That  they 
may  be  rejected  altogether.' ' 

In  the  organization  of  the  new  army,  were  many  offi- 
cers and  men,  who  had  served  with  negroes  in  the  militia, 
and  who  had  been  re-enlisted  in  the  colonial  army.  They 
protested  against  the  exclusion  of  their  old  comrades,  on 
account  of  color.  So  very  strong  were  their  protests  that 
most  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Northern  troops  regarded 
the  matter  as  of  serious  import  to  the  colonies,  and  of 
danger  to  the  wives  and  families  of  those  in  the  field. 
There  was  quite  a  large  number  of  free  negroes  in  the 
Northern  Colonies  at  this  time,  and  the  patriotism  dis- 
played by  those  who  had  the  opportunity  of  serving  in 
the  militia  during  the  early  stages  of  the  war,  aroused  a 
feeling  which  prompted  a  great  many  masters  to  offer  to 
the  commander  of  the  army  the  services  of  their  slaves, 
and  to  the  slaves  their  freedom,  if  their  services  were 
accepted.  So  weighty  were  the  arguments  offered,  and  to 
soften  the  gloom  which  hung  about  the  homes  and  the 
camps  of  the  soldiers,  Gen.  Washington  wrote  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  Congress  regarding  the  matter,  from  Cambridge, 
in  December,  1775 : 

"It  has  been  represented  to  me  that  the  free  negroes  who  have  served 
in  this  army  are  very  much  dissatisfied  at  being  discarded.  As  it  is  to 
be  apprehended  that  they  may  seek  employment  in  the  Ministerial  army, 
I  have  presumed  to  depart  from  the  resolution  respecting  them,  and 
have  given  license  for  their  being  enlisted.  If  this  is  disapproved  by 
Congress,  I  will  put  a  stop  to  it.  'M 

*  Mr.  Sparks  appends  to  this  letter  the  following  note:  "At  a  meeting  of  the  gen- 
eral officers,  previously  to  the  arrival  of  the  committee  from  Congress  in  camp,  it  was 
unanimously  resolved,  that  it  was  not  expedient  to  enlist  slaves  in  the  new  army ;  and, 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  41 

The  letter  was  submitted  to  Congress,  and  General 
Washington's  action  was  sustained  by  the  passage  of  the 
following  resolution:  "That  the  free  negroes,  who  had 
served  faithfully  in  the  army  at  Cambridge,  may  be  re-en- 
listed therein,  but  no  others."  • 

The  question  of  color  first  entered  the  army  by  order 
of  Washington's  predecessor,  Gen.  Artemus  Ward,  who 
in  his  first  general  order  required  the  "  complexion  "  of  the 
soldier  to  be  entered  upon  the  roll.  In  October,  1775, 
Gen.  Thomas  wrote  the  following  letter  to  John  Adams. 
The  general  was  in  every  way  competent  to  draw  a  true 
picture  of  the  army,  and  had  the  opportunity  of  observa- 
tion. He  says : 

"I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  any  prejudices  should  take  place  in  any 
Southern  Colony,  with  respect  to  the  troops  raised  in  this.  I  am  certain 
that  the  insinuations  you  mention  are  injurious,  if  we  consider  with  what 
precipitation  we  are  obliged  to  collect  an  army.  In  the  regiments  at 
Koxbury,  the  privates  are  equal  to  any  that  I  served  with  in  the  last 
war;  very  few  old  men,  and  in  the  ranks  very  few  boys.  Our  fifes  are 
many  of  them  boys.  We  have  some  negroes ;  but  I  look  on  them,  in  gen- 
eral, as  equally  servicable  with  other  men  for  fatigue ;  and  in  action 
many  of  them  have  proved  themselves  brave.  I  would  avoid  all  reflec- 
tion, or  anything  that  may  tend  to  give  umbrage ;  but  there  is  in  this 
army  from  the  southward,  a  number  called  riflemen,  who  are  the  most 
indifferent  men  I  ever  served  with.  These  privates  are  mutinous,  and 
often  deserting  to  the  enemy ;  unwilling  for  duty  of  any  kind  ;  exceedingly 
vicious ;  and  I  think  the  army  here  would  be  as  well  off  without  them. 
But  to  do  justice  to  their  officers,  they  are,  some  of  them,  likely  men." 

Despite  all  prejudice,  the  negro,  as  in  all  conflicts 
since,  sought  every  opportunity  to  show  his  patriotism, 
and  his  unquenchable  thirst  for  liberty ;  and  no  matter  in 
what  capacity  he  entered  the  service,  whether  as  body-ser- 
vant, hostler  or  teamster,  he  always  displayed  the  same 
characteristic  courage.  In  November  of  the  same  year 
the  Provincial  Congress  of  South  Carolina,  by  the  pas- 
sage of  the  following  resolution,  gave  permission  to  her 
militia  officers,  to  use  slaves  in  the  army  for  certain 
purposes : 

by  a  large  majority,  negroes  of  every  description  were  excluded  from  enlistment.  When 
the  subject  was  referred  to  the  Committee  in  conference,  the  resolve  was  not  adhered  to, 
and  probably  for  the  reason  here  mentioned  by  Washington.  Many  black  soldiers 
were  in  the  service  during  all  stages  of  the  war."— Spark's  Washington,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  218-219. 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  On  motion,  Resolved,  That  the  colonels  of  the  several  regiments  of 
militia  throughout  the  Colony  have  leave  to  enroll  such  a  number  of 
able  male  slaves,  to  be  employed  as  pioneers  and  laborers,  as  public 
exegencies  may  require ;  and  that  a  daily  pay  of  seven  shillings  and  six- 
pence be  allowed  for  the  service  of  each  such  slave  while  actually  em- 
ployed." * 

The  foregoing  resolution  must  not  in  any  way  be 
understood  as  sanctioning  the  employment  of  negroes 
;as  soldiers,  notwithstanding  some  of  the  ablest  men  of 
the  State  advocated  the  enlistment  of  negroes  in  the  army; 
the  opposition  was  too  strong  to  carry  the  measure 
through  either  Congress  or  the  legislature.  The  feeling 
among  the  Northern  colonists  may  be  shown  by  citing 
the  views  of  some  of  their  leading  men,  and  none  perhaps' 
was  better  calculated  to  give  a  clear  expression  of  their 
views,  than  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hopkins,  of  Newport,  R.  I.,  who 
wrote  a  "  Dialogue  Concerning  the  slavery  of  the  Afri- 
cans," published  soon  after  the  commencement  of  hostili- 
ties. Here  is  an  extract  from  a  note  to  the  Dialogue : 

"  God  is  BO  ordering  it  in  his  providence,  that  it  seems  absolutely 
necessary  something  should  speedily  be  done  with  respect  to  the  slaves 
among  us,  in  order  to  our  safety,  and  to  prevent  their  turning  against 
ius  in  our  present  struggle,  in  order  to  get  their  liberty.    Our  oppressors 
•lave  planned  to  gain  the  blacks,  and  induce  them   to  take  up  arms 
^against  us,  by  promising  them  liberty  on  this  condition ;  and  this  plan 
they  are  prosecuting  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  by  which  means  they 
Viiave  persuaded  numbers  to  join  them.    And  should   we   attempt   to 
v  restrain  them  by  force  and  severity,  keeping  a  strict  guard  over  them, 
•  and  punishing  them  severely  who  shall  be  detected  in  attempting  to  join 
•our  oppressors,  this  will  only  be  making  bad  worse,  and  serve  to  render 
*our  inconsistence,  oppression,  and  cruelty  more  criminal,  perspicuous, 
;and  shocking,  and  bring  down  the  righteous  vengeance  of  Heaven  on 
•our  heads.    The  only  way  pointed  out  to  prevent  this  threatening  evil  is 
to  set  the  blacks  at  liberty  ourselves  by  some  public  acts  and  laws,  and 
then  give  them  proper  encouragement  to  labor,  or  take  arms  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  American  cause,  as  they  shall  choose.    This  would  at  once 
be  doing  them  some  degree  of  justice,  and  defeating  our  enemies  in  the 
.scheme  that  they  are  prosecuting." 

Therefore  it  will  be  observed  that  public  opinion 
regarding  the  arming  of  negroes  in  the  North  and  South, 
was  controlled  by  sectional  interest  in  the  one,  and  the 
love  of  liberty  in  the  other.  That  both  desired  America's 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  43 

Independence,  no  one  will  doubt,  but  that  one  section 
was  more  willing  than  the  other  to  sacrifice  slavery  for 
freedom,  I  think  is  equally  as  plain.  While  the  colonists 
were  debating  with  much  anxiety  the  subject  of  what  to 
do  with  the  negroes,  the  New  England  States  were  endeav- 
oring to  draw  the  Southern  States  or  Colonies  into  the 
war  by  electing  George  Washington  as  Commander  of  the 
army  at  Cambridge,  and  accepting  the  mis-interpretations 
of  the  declarations  of  war.  The  Punic  faith  with  which 
the  Southern  States  entered  the  war  for  liberty  humiliated 
the  army,  and  wrung  from  its  commander  the  letter  writ- 
ten to  Congress,  and  its  approval  of  his  course  in  re-enlist- 
ing free  negroes.  Meanwhile  the  British  were  actively 
engaged  in  recruiting  and  organizing  negroes  into  their 
army  and  navy. 

In  November,  1775,  Lord  Dunmore  visited  Norfolk, 
Virginia,*  and,  as  Governor,  finding  his  authority  as  such 
not  regarded  by  the  whites,  issued  a  proclamation  offer- 
ing freedom  to  the  slaves  who  would  join  the  British  army, 
A  full  description  of  the  State  of  affairs  at  that  time,  is* 
thus  given  by  an  English  historian : 

"  In  letters  which  had  been  laid  before  the  English  Parliament,  and 
published  to  the  whole  world,  he  (Lord  Dunmore)  had  represented  the- 
planters  as  ambitious,  selfish  men,  pursuing  their  own  interest  and 
advancement  at  the  expense  of  their  poorer  countrymen,  and  as  being 
ready  to  make  every  sacrifice  of  honesty  and  principle,  and  he  had  said 
more  privately,  that,  since  they  were  so  anxious  for  liberty, — for  more- 
freedom  than  was  consistent  with  the  free  institutions  of  the  Mother 
Country  and  the  charter  of  the  Colony, — that  since  they  were  so  eager  to* 
abolish  a  fanciful  slavery  in  a  dependence  on  Great  Britain,  he  would  try 
how  they  liked  abolition  of  real  slavery,  by  setting  free  all  their  negroes- 
and  indentured  servants,  who  were,  in  fact,  little  better  than  white  slaves- 
This  to  the  Virginians  was  like  passing  a  rasp  over  a  gangrened  place;  it 
'was  probing  a  wound  that  was  incurable,  or  one  which  had  not  yet  been 
healed.  Later  in  the  year,  when  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  had  been 

*  Dunmore  after  destroying  Norfolk,  sailed  with  his  fleet  of  men-of-war  and  more 
than  fifty  transports,  on  board  of  which  were  many  armed  negroes  and  Royal  troops, 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Piankatank  river,  and  took  possession  of  Gwynn's  Island,  where 
he  landed  his  troops  and  entrenched.  Here  he  was  attacked  by  Gen.  Lewis'  men  from 
the  opposite  shore.  One  of  Dunmore's  ships  was  badly  damaged  by  cannon  balls,  and 
he  drew  off  and  sailed  up  the  Potomoc  river,  and  occupied  St!  Georgia's  Island,  after 
haying  burned  a  mansion  at  the  mouth  of  Aqua  Creek.  He  was  here  attacked  by  a 
militia  force  and  retired.  Misfortune  followed  him;  disease,  shipwreck  and  want  of 
provisions.  He  soon  made  -Bail,  and  with  his  negroes  reached  England,  where  he 
remained. 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

fought,  when  our  forts  on  Lake  Champlain  had  been  taken  from  us,  and 
when  Montgomery  and  Arnold  were  pressing  on  our  possessions  in  Can- 
ada, Lord  Dunmore  carried  his  threat  into  execution.  Having  estab- 
lished his  headquarters  at  Norfolk,  he  proclaimed  freedom  to  all  the 
slaves  who  would  repair  to  his  standard  and  bear  arms  for  the  King. 
The  summons  was  readily  obeyed  by  the  most  of  the  negroes  who  had 
the  means  of  escape  to  him.  He,  at  the  same  time,  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, declaring  martial  law  throughout  the  colony  of  Virginia  ;  and  he 
collected  a  number  of  armed  vessels,  which  cut  off  the  coasting  trade, 
made  many  prizes,  and  greatly  distressed  an  important  part  of  that 
Province.  If  he  could  have  opened  a  road  to  slaves  in  the  interior  of  the 
Province,  his  measures  would  have  been  very  fatal  to  the  planters.  In 
order  to  stop  the  alarming  desertion  of  the  negroes,  and  to  arrest  his 
Lordship  in  his  career,  the  provincial  Assembly  detached  against  him  a 
strong  force  of  more  than  a  thousand  men,  who  arrived  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Norfolk  in  the  month  of  December.  Having  made  a  circuit,  they 
came  to  a  village  called  Great  Bridge,  where  the  river  Elizabeth  was 
traversed  by  a  bridge ;  but  before  their  arrival  the  bridge  had  been  made 
impassable,  and  some  works,  defended  chiefly  by  negroes,  had  'been 
thrown  up." 

/ 

During  the  same  month  Edmund  Pendleton  wrote  to 
Kichard  Henry  Lee  that  many  slaves  had  flocked  to  the 
British  standard : 

"The  Governor,  *  *  *  *  marched  out  with  three  hundred  and 
fifty  soldiers,  Tories  and  slaves,  to  Kemp's  Landing;  and  after  setting 
up  his  standard,  and  issuing  his  proclamation,  declaring  all  persons  reb- 
els who  took  up  arms  for  the  country,  and  inviting  all  slaves,  servants 
and  apprentices  to  come  to  him  and  receive  arms,  he  preceded  to  inter- 
cept Hutchings  and  his  party,  upon  whom  he  came  by  surprise,  but 
received,  it  seems,  so  warm  a  fire,  that  the  ragmuffins  ran  away.  They 
were,  however,  rallied  on  discovering  that  that  two  companies  of  our 
militia  gave  away;  and  left  Hutchings  and  Dr.  Reid  with  a  volunteer 
company,  who  maintained  their  ground  bravely  till  they  were  overcome 
by  numbers,  and  took  shelter  in  a  swamp.  The  slaves  were  sent  in  pur- 
suit of  them ;  and  one  of  Col.  Hutching's,  with  another,  found  him.  On 
their  approach,  he  discharged  his  pistol  at  his  slave,  but  missed  him; 
and  he  was  taken  by  them,  after  receiving  a  wound  in  the  face  with  a 
sword.  The  number  taken  or  killed  on  either  side  is  not  ascertained.  It 
is  said  the  Governor  went  to  Dr.  Reid's  shop,  and  after  taking  the  medi- 
cines and  dressing  necessary  for  his  wounded  men,  broke  all  the  others  to 
pieces.  Letters  mention  that  slaves  flock  to  him  in  abundance :  but  I 
hope  it  is  magnified." 

Five  months  after  he  issued  the  proclamation,  Lord 
Dunmore  thus  writes,  concerning  his  success : 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  45 

[No.  1] 
"Lord  Dunmore  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

/SHIP  '  DUNMORE/  IN  ELIZABETH  RIVER,  YA., 
\  30th  March,  1776. 

"Your  Lordship  will  observe  by  my  letter,  No.  34,  that  I  have  been 
endeavoring  to  raise  two  regiments  here —  one  of  white  people,  the  other 
of  black.  The  former  goes  on  very  slowly,  but  the  latter  very  well,  and 
would  have  been  in  great  forwardness,  had  not  a  fever  crept  in  amongst 
them,  which  carried  off  a  great  many  very  fine  fellows." 

[No.  3] 

{"Snip  *  DUNMORE,'  IN  GWIN'S  ISLAND  HARBOR,  VA., 
June  26,  1776. 

"I  am  extremely  sorry  to  inform  your  Lordship,  that  that  fever 
of  which  I  informed  you  in  my  letter  No.  1  has  proved  a  very  malig- 
nant one,  and  has  carried  off  an  incredible  number  of  our  people, 
especially  the  blacks.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  horrid  disorder,  I  am 
satisfied  I  should  have  had  no  doubt  of  penetrating  into  the  heart  of 
this  colony." 

The  dread  in  which  the  colonists  held  the  negro  was 
equal  to  that  with  which  they  regarded  the  Indians.  The 
incendiary  torch,  massacre,  pillage,  and  revolt,  was  ever 
presenting  a  gloomy  and  disastrous  picture  to  the  colo- 
nists at  the  South.  Their  dreams  at  night;  their  thoughts 
by  day ;  in  the  field  and  in  the  legislature  hall,  were  how 
to  keep  the  negro  down.  If  one  should  be  seen  in  a  village 
with  a  gun,  a  half  score  of  white  men  would  rush  and 
take  it  from  him,  while  women  in  the  street  would  take 
shelter  in  the  nearest  house.  The  wrongs  which  they  con- 
tinued to  practice  upon  him  was  a  terror  to  them  through 
their  conscience,  though  then,  as  in  later  years,  many,  and 
particularly  the  leaders,  endeavored  to  impress  others 
with  their  feigned  belief  of  the  natural  inferiority  of  the 
negro  to  themselves.  This  doctrine  served  them,  as  the 
whistle  did  the  tfoy  in  the  woods ;  they  talked  in  that  way 
simply  to  keep  their  courage  up,  and  their  conscience 
down. 

The  commander  of  the  American  army  regarded  the 
action  of  Lord  Dunmore  as  a  serious  blow  to  the  national 
cause.  To  take  the  negroes  out  of  the  field  from  raising 
produce  for  the  army,  and  place  them  in  front  of  the 
patriots  as  opposing  soldiers,  he  saw  was  a  danger  that 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

should  be  averted.    With  this  in  view  he  wrote  to  Joseph 
Keed  in  December,  saying: 

"If  the  Virginians  are  wise,  that  arch-traitor  to  the  rights  of 
humanity,  Lord  Dunmore,  should  be  instantly  crushed,  if  it  takes  the 
whole  army  to  do  it;  otherwise,  like  a  snowball  in  rolling,  his  army  will 
get  size,  some  through  fear,  some  through  promises,  and  some  through 
inclination,  joining  his  standard;  but  that  which  renders  the  measure 
indispensable  is  the  negroes ;  for,  if  he  gets  formidable,  numbers  of  them 
will  be  tempted  to  join,  who  will  be  afraid  to  do  it  without." 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  Southern  States  still  kept 
the  negro  out  of  the  army.  It  was  not  until  affairs  be- 
came alarmingly  dangerous,  and  a  few  weeks  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  the 
subject  of  arming  the  slaves  came  again  before  the  people. 

In  May,  1777,  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut 
postponed  in  one  house  and  rejected  in  the  other  the 
report  of  a  committee  "that  the  effective  negro  and  mu- 
latto slaves  be  allowed  to  enlist  writh  the  Continental  bat- 
tallions  now  raising  in  this  State."  But  under  a  law 
passed  at  the  same  session  "white  and  black,  bond  and 
free,  if '  able  bodied,'  went  on  the  roll  together,  accepted  as 
the  representatives  of  their 'class,' or  as  substitutes  for 
their  employers."  At  the  next  session  (October,  1777), 
the  law  was  so  amended  as  to  authorize  the  selectmen  of 
any  town,  on  the  application  of  the  master. — after  '  in- 
quiry into  the  age,  abilities,  circumstances,  and  character* 
of  the  servant  or  slave,  and  being  satisfied  '  that  it  was 
likely  to  be  consistent  with  his  real  advantage,  and  that 
he  would  be  able  to  support  himself,'— to  grant  liberty  for 
his  emancipation,  and  to  discharge  the  master  'from  any 
charge  or  cost  which  may  be  occasioned  by  maintaining 
or  supporting  the  servant  or  slave  made  free  as  afore- 
said.' Mr.  J.  H.  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  in  giving  the 
foregoing  facts,  adds : 

"The  slave  (or  servant  for  term  of  years)  might  receive  his  freedom; 
the  master  might  receive  exemption  from  draft,  and  a  discharge  from 
future  liabilities,  to  which  he  must  otherwise  have  been  subjected.  In 
point  of  fact,  some  hundreds  of  blacks,— slaves  and  freemen,— were  en- 
listed, from  time  to  time,  in  the  regiments  of  State  troops  and  of  the 
Connecticut  line." 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  47 

The  British  were  determined,  it  seems,  to  utilize  all  the 
available  strength  they  could  command,  by  enlisting 
negroes  at  the  North  as  well  as  at  the  South.  They  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  forming  regiments  of  them  at  the  North, 
as  the  letter  of  Gen.  Greene  to  Gen.  Washington  will  show: 

"CAMP  ON  LONG  ISLAND,  July  21, 1776,  two  o'clock. 
"Sm:— Colonel  Hand  reports  seven  large  ships  are  coming  up  from 
the  Hook  to  the  Narrows. 

"A  negro  belonging  to  one  Strickler,  at  Gravesend,  was  taken 
prisoner  (as  he  says)  last  Sunday  at  Coney  Island.  Yesterday  he  made 
his  escape,  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  rifle  guard.  He  reports  eight 
hundred  negroes  collected  on  Staten  Island,  this  day  to  be  formed  into  a, 
regiment. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

N.  GREENE. 
"To  His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington,  Headquarters,  New  York." 

Occasionally  the  public  would  be  startled  by  the  dar- 
ing and  bravery  of  some  negro  in  the  American  army,  and 
then  the  true  lovers  of  liberty,  North  and  South,  would 
again  urge  that  negroes  be  admitted  into  the  ranks  of  the 
army.  When  Lt.-Col.  Barton  planned  for  the  capture  of 
the  British  Maj.-Gen.  Prescott,  who  commanded  the  Brit- 
ish army  at  Newport  E.  I.,  and  whose  capture  was  neces- 
sary in  order  to  effect  the  release  of  Gen.  Lee,  who  was 
then  in  the  hands  of  the  British,  and  of  the  same  rank  as 
that  of  Gen.  Prescott,  Col.  Barton's  plan  was  made  a  suc- 
cess through  the  aid  of  Prince,  a  negro  in  Col.  Barton's 
command.  The  daring  of  the  exploit  excited  the  highest 
patriotic  commendations  of  the  Americans,  and  revived 
the  urgent  appeals  that  had  been  made  for  a  place  in  the 
armed  ranks  for  all  men,  irrespective  of  color.  The  Penn- 
sylvania Evening  Post  of  Aug.  7th,  1777,  gives  the  follow- 
ing account  of  the  capture : 

"  They  landed  about  five  miles  from  Newport,  and  three  quarters  of 
a  mile  from  the  house,  which  they  approached  cautiously,  avoiding  the 
main  guard,  which  was  at  some  distance.  The  Colonel  went  foremost^ 
with  a  stout  active  negro  close  behind  him,  and  another  at  a  small  dis- 
tance; the  rest  followed  so  as  to  be  near  but  not  seen. 

"A  single  sentinel  at  the  door  saw  and  hailed  the  Colonel;  he  an- 
swered by  exclaiming  against  and  inquiring  for,  rebel  prisoners,  but 
kept  slowly  advancing.  The  sentinel  again  challenged  him  and  required 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  countersign.  He  said  he  had  not  the  countersign ;  but  amused  the 
sentry  by  talking  about  rebel  prisoners,  and  still  advancing  till  he  came 
within  reach  of  the  bayonet,  which,  he  presenting,  the  colonel  struck 
aside,  and  seized  him.  He  was  immediately  secured,  and  ordered  to  be 
silent,  on  pain  of  instant  death.  Meanwhile,  the  rest  of  the  men  sur- 
rounding the  house,  the  negro,  with  his  head,  at  the  second  stroke, 
forced  a,  passage  into  it,  and  then  into  the  landlord's  apartment.  The 
landlord  at  first  refused  to  give  the  necessary  intelligence;  but,  on  the 
prospect  of  present  death,  he  pointed  to  the  General 's  chamber,  which 
being  instantly  opened  by  the  negro's  head,  the  Colonel,  calling  the 
General  by  name,  told  him  he  was  a  prisoner." 

Congress  voted  Col.  Barton  a  magnificent  sword,  but 
the  real  captor  of  Gen.  Prescott,  so  far  as  known,  received 
nothing.  A  surgeon  in  the  American  army,  Dr.  Thacher, 
writes,  under  date  of  Aug.  3d,  1777,  at  Albany : 

"The  pleasing  information  is  received  here  that  Lieut.-Col.  Barton, 
of  the  Rhode  Island  Militia,  planned  a  bold  exploit  for  the  purpose  of 
surprising  and  taking  Maj.-Gen.  Prescott,  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
Royal  army  at  Newport.  Taking  with  him,  in  the  night,  about  forty 
men,  in  two  boats,  with  oars  muffled,  he  had  the  address  to  elude  the 
vigilance  of  the  ships-of-war  and  guard  boats ;  and,  having  arrived  un- 
discovered at  the  quarters  of  Gen.  Prescott,  they  were  taken  for  the  sen- 
tinels ;  and  the  general  was  not  alarmed  till  the  captors  were  at  the  door 
of  his  lodging  chamber,  which  was  fast  closed.  A  negro  man,  named 
Prince,  instantly  thrust  his  beetle  head  through  the  panel  door,  and 
seized  his  victim  while  in  bed.  This  event  is  extremely  honorable  to  the 
enterprising  spirit  of  Col.  Barton,  and  is  considered  an  ample  retaliation 
for  the  capture  of  Gen.  Lee  by  Col.  Harcourt.  The  event  occasions  great 
joy  and  exultation,  as  it  puts  in  our  possession  an  officer  of  equal  rank 
with  Gen.  Lee,  by  which  means  an  exchange  may  be  obtained.  Congress 
resolved  that  an  elegant  sword  should  be  presented  to  Col.  Barton,  for 
his  brave  exploit." 

To  recite  here  every  incident  and  circumstance  illus- 
trating the  heroism  and  the  particular  services  rendered 
the  patriotic  army  by  negroes,  who  served  in  regiments 
and  companies  with  white  soldiers,  would  fill  this  entire 
volume.  Yet,  with  the  desire  of  doing  justice  to  the  mem- 
ory of  all  those  negroes  who  aided  in  achieving  the  inde- 
pendence of  America,  I  cannot  forbear  introducing  notices, 
— gathered  from  various  sources, — of  some  prominent 
examples. 

Ebenezer  Hill,  a  slave  at  Stonington,  Conn.,  who 
served  throughout  the  war,  and  who  took  part  in  the  bat- 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  49 

ties  of  Saratoga  and  Stillwater,  and  witnessed  the  surren- 
der of  Burgoyne. 

Prince  Whipple  acted  as  bodyguard  to  General  Whip- 
pie,  one  of  Washington's  aids.  Prince  is  the  negro  seen 
on  horseback  in  the  engraving  of  Washington  crossing 
the  Delaware,  and  again  pulling  the  stroke  oar  in  the  boat 
which  Washington  crossed  in. 

At  the  storming  of  Fort  Griswold,  Maj.  Montgomery 
was  lifted  upon  the  walls  of  the  fort  by  his  soldiers,  and 
called  upon  the  Americans  to  surrender.  John  Freeman, 
a  negro  soldier,  with  his  pike,  pinned  him  dead  to  the 
earth.  Among  the  American  soldiers  who  were  massacred 
by  the  British  soldiers^  after  the  surrender  of  the  fort, 
were  two  negro  soldiers,  Lambo  Latham  and  Jordan 
Freeman. 

Quack  Matrick,  a  negro,  fought  through  the  Revolu- 
tionary war,  as  a  soldier,  for  which  he  was  pensioned. 
Also  Jonathan  Overtin,  who  was  at  the  battle  of  York- 
town.  The  grandfather  of  the  historian  Wm.  Wells 
Brown,  Simon  Lee,  was  also  a  soldier  "in  the  times  which 
tried  mens  souls." 

"Samuel  Charltou  was  born  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  a  slave,  in 
the  family  of  Mr.  M.,  who  owned,  also,  other  members  belonging  to  his 
family— all  residing  in  the  English  neighborhood.  During  the  progress 
of  the  war,  he  was  placed  by  his  master  (as  a  substitnte  for  himself)  in 
the  army  then  in  New  Jersey,  as  a  teamster  in  the  baggage  train.  He 
was  in  active  service  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  not  only  witnessing, 
but  taking  a  part  in,  the  great  struggle  of  that  day.  He  was  also 
in  several  other  engagements  in  different  sections  of  that  part  of  the 
State.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of  General  Washington,  and  was,  at  one 
time,  attached  to  his  baggage  train,  and  received  the  General's  com- 
mendation for  his  courage  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Mr. 
Charlton  was  about  fifteen  or  seventeen  years  of  age  when  placed  in  the 
army,  for  which  his  master  rewarded  him  with  a  silver  dollar.  At  the  ex- 
piration of  his  time,  he  returned  to  his  master,  to  serve  again  in  bond- 
age, after  having  toiled,  fought  and  bled  for  liberty,  in  common  with  the 
regular  soldiery.  Mr.  M.,  at  his  death,  by  mil,  liberated  his  slaves,  and 
provided  a  pension  for  Charlton,  to  be  paid  during  his  lifetime. 

"James  Easton,  of  Bridgewater,  a  colored  man,  participated  in  the 
erection  of  the  fortifications  on  Dorchester  Heights,  under  command  of 
Washington,  which  the  next  morning  so  greatly  surprised  the  British 
eoldiers  then  encamped  in  Boston." 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"Among  the  brave  blacks  who  fought  in  the  battles  for  American 
liberty  was  Major  Jeffrey,  a  Tennesseean,  who,  during  the  campaign  of 
Major-General  Andrew  Jackson  in  Mobile,  filled  the  place  of  "regular" 
among  the  soldiers.  In  the  charge  made  by  General  Stump  against  the 
enemy,  the  Americans  were  repulsed  and  thrown  into  disorder;— Major 
Stump  being  forced  to  retire,  in  a  manner  by  no  means  desirable,  under 
the  circumstances.  Major  Jeffrey,  who  was  but  a  common  soldier,  see- 
ing the  condition  of  his  comrades,  and  comprehending  the  disastrous 
results  about  to  befall  them,  rushed  forward,  mounted  a  horse,  took 
command  of  the  troops,  and,  by  an  heroic  effort,  rallied  them  to  the 
charge, — completely  routing  the  enemy,  who  left  the  Americans  masters 
of  the  field.  He  at  once  received  from  the  General  the  title  of  "Major," 
though  he  could  not,  according  to  the  American  policy,  so  commission 
him.  To  the  day  of  his  death,  he  was  known  by  that  title  in  Nashville, 
where  he  resided,  and  the  circumstances  which  entitled  him  to  it  were 
constantly  the  subject  of  popular  conversation. 

Major  Jeffrey  was  highly  respected  by  the  whites  generally,  and 
revered,  in  his  own  neighborhood,  by  all  the  colored  people  who  knew 
him. 

A  few  years  ago  receiving  an  indignity  from  a  common  ruffian,  he  was 
forced  to  strike  him  in  self-defense ;  for  which  act,  in  accordance  with  the 
laws  of  slavery  in  that,  as  well  as  many  other  of  the  slave  States,  he 
was  compelled  to  receive,  on  his  naked  person,  nine  and  thirty  lashes 
with  a  raw  hide!  This,  at  the  age  of  seventy  odd,  after  the  distinguished 
services  rendered  his  country,— probably  when  the  white  ruffian  for  whom 
he  was  tortured  was  unable  to  raise  an  arm  in  its  defense,— was  more 
than  he  could  bear ;  it  broke  his  heart,  and  he  sank  to  rise  no  more,  till 
summoned  by  the  blast  of  the  last  trumpet  to  stand  on  the  battle-field 
of  the  general  resurrection." 

Jeffrey  was  not  an  exception  to  this  kind  of  treatment. 
Samuel  Lee  died  on  a  tobacco  plantation  after  the  war. 

The  re-enslaving  of  the  negroes  who  fought  for  Ameri- 
can Independence  became  so  general  at  the  South,  that 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia  in  1783,  in  compliance  with 
her  honor,  passed  an  act  directing  the  emancipation  of 
certain  slaves,  who  had  served  as  soldiers  of  the  State, 
and  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slave  Aberdeen. 

James  Armistead  during  the  war  acted  as  a  scout  and 
spy  for  LaFayette  during  his  campaign  in  Virginia,  and 
at  one  time  gave  information  of  an  intended  surprise  to 
be  made  upon  the  forces  of  the  Marquis,  thereby  saving 
probably  a  rout  of  the  army.  Armistead,  after  the  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  was  returned  to  his 
master  three  years  after  the  close  of  the  war.  He  was 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  51 

manumitted  by  especial  act  of  the  Virginia  Legislature, 
whose  attention  was  called  to  the  worthiness  of  the  ser- 
vice rendered  by  Armistead. 

The  opposition  to  the  employment  of  negroes  as  sol- 
diers, by  the  persistency  of  its  advocates  and  the  bravery 
of  those  who  were  then  serving  in  white  regiments,  was 
finally  overcome,  so  that  their  enlistment  became  general 
and  regulated  by  law.  Companies,  battalions  and  regi- 
ments of  negro  troops  soon  entered  the  field  and  the 
struggle  for  independence  and  liberty,  giving  to  the  cause 
the  reality  of  freedmen's  fight.  For  three  years  the  army 
had  been  fighting  under  the  smart  of  defeats,  with  an 
occasional  signal  victory,  but  now  the  tide  was  about  to 
be  turned  against  the  English.  The  colonists  had  wit- 
nessed the  heroism  of  the  negro  in  Virginia  at  Great 
Bridge,  and  at  Norfolk ;  in  Massachusetts  at  Boston  and 
Bunker  Hill,  fighting,  in  the  former,  for  freedom  under  the 
British  flag,  in  the  latter  for  liberty,  under  the  banner  of 
the  colonies.  The  echoing  shouts  of  the  whites  fell  heavily 
upon  the  ears  of  the  black  people ;  they  caught  the  strain 
as  by  martial  instinct,  and  reverberated  the  appeal,  "Lib- 
erty and  Independence" 

The  negro's  ancestors  were  not  slaves,  so  upon  the  alter 
of  their  hearts  the  fire  of  liberty  was  re-kindled  by  the  utter- 
ances of  the  white  colonists.  They  heard  Patrick  Henry 
and  Samuel  Adams,  whose  eloquence  vehemently  aroused 
their  compatriots,  and,  like  them,  they  too  resolved  to  be 
free.  They  held  no  regular  organized  meetings;  at  the 
North  they  assembled  with  their  white  fellow-citizens;  at 
the  South  each  balmy  gale  that  swept  along  the  banks  of 
the  rivers  were  laden  with  the  negro's  ejaculations  for 
freedom,  and  each  breast  was  resolute  and  determined. 
The  advocates  and  friends  of  the  measure  for  arming  all 
men  for  freedom,  were  on  the  alert,  and  now  the  condition 
of  the  army  was  such  as  to  enable  them  to  press  the  neces- 
sity of  the  measure  upon  the  attention  of  the  American  peo- 
ple. Washington  needed  reinforcements;  nay,  more,  the 
perilous  situation  of  the  army  as  it  lay  in  camp  at  Valley 
Forge,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign  of  1777,  was 


52  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

indeed  distressing.  The  encampment  consisted  of  huts, 
and  there  was  danger  of  a  famine.  The  soldiers  were 
nearly  destitute  of  comfortable  clothing.  "Many,  "says 
the  historian,  "for  want  of  shoes,  walked  barefoot  on  the 
frozen  ground ;  few,  if  any,  had  blankets  for  the  night. 
Great  numbers  sickened ;  near  three  thousand  at  a  time 
were  incapable  of  bearing  arms." 

Within  fifteen  miles  of  them  lay  the  city  of.  Philadel- 
phia and  the  British  army.  These  gloomy  circumstances 
overshadowed  the  recent  victory  at  Bennington,  and  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
difficulty  of  recruiting  the  patriot  army  may  be  easily 
imagined.  A  general  enlistment  bill  had  failed  to  pass  the 
legislature  in  the  spring,  because,  perhaps,  the  spirit  of  the 
patriots  were  up  at  the  time ;  but  now  they  were  down, 
and  the  advocates  of  arming  negroes  sought  the  opportu- 
nity of  carrying  their  plan.  It  was  not  attempted  in  Con- 
necticut, but  in  the  General  Assembly  of  Khode  Island  an 
act  was  passed  for  the  purpose.  Here  are  some  of  the 
principal  provisions  of  this  act : 

"It  is  Voted  and  Resolved,  That  every  able-bodied  negro,  mulatto, 
or  Indian  man  slave  in  this  State,  may  enlist  into  either  of  the  said  two 
battalions  to  serve  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  war  with 
Great  Britain;  that  every  slave  so  enlisted  shall  be  entitled  to  receive  all 
the  bounties,  wages,  encouragements  allowed  by  the  Continentlal  Con- 
gress to  any  soldier  enlisted  into  their  service. 

"  It  is  farther  Voted  and  Resolved,  That  every  slave  so  enlisting 
shall,  upon  his  passing  muster  before  Col.  Christopher  Greene,  be  imme- 
diately discharged  from  the  service  of  his  master  or  mistress,  and  be 
absolutely  free,  as  though  he  had  never  been  encumbered  with  any  kind 
of  servitude  or  slavery.  And  in  case  such  slave  shall,  by  sickness  or 
otherwise,  be  unable  to  maintain  himself,  he  shall  not  be  chargable  to 
his  master  or  mistress,  but  shall  be  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  State. 

"And  whereas  slaves  have  been  by  the  laws  deemed  the  property  of 
their  owners ;  and  therefore  compensation  ought  to  be  made  to  the  own- 
ers for  the  loss  of  their  service, — 

"It  is  further  Voted  and  Resolved,  That  there  be  allowed,  and  paid 
by  this  State  to  the  owners,  for  every  such  slave  so  enlisting,  a  sum 
according  to  his  worth  at  a  price  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds  for  the  most  valuable  slave,  and  in  proportion  for  a  slave  of  less 
value;  Provided  the  owner  of  said  slave  shall  deliver  up  to  the  officer 
who  shall  enlist  him  the  clothes  of  said  slave;  or  otherwise  he  shall  not 
be  entitled  to  said  sum." 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  55 

To  speak  of  the  gallantry  of  the  negro  soldiers  recalls 
the  recollection  of  some  of  their  daring  deeds  at  Eed 
Bank,  where  four  hundred  men  met  and  repulsed,  after  a 
terrible,  sanguinary  struggle,  fifteen  hundred  Hessian 
troops  led  by  Count  Donop. 

"The  glory  of  the  defence  of  Red  Bank,  which  has  been  pronounced 
one  of  the  most  heroic  actions  of  the  war,  belongs  in  reality  to  black 
men;  yet  who  now  hears  them  spoken  of  in  connection  with  it?  Among 
the  traits  which  distinguished  the  black  regiment  was  devotion  to  their 
officers.  In  the  attack  made  upon  the  American  lines,  near  Croton  river, 
on  the  13th  of  May,  1781,  Col.  Greene,  the  commander  of  the  regiment, 
was  cut  down  and  mortally  wounded ;  but  the  sabres  of  the  enemy  only 
reached  him  through  the  bodies  of  his  faithful  blacks,  who  gathered 
around  him  to  protect  him,  and  every  one  of  whom  was  killed." 

No\y  the  negro  began  to  take  the  field;  not  scattered  here 
and  there  throughout  the  army,  filling  up  the  shattered 
ranks  of  white  regiments,  but  in  organizations  composed 
entirely  of  men  of  their  own  race,  officered,  however,  by 
white  officers,  men  of  high  social  and  military  character 
and  standing.  The  success  of  the  measure  in  Rhode 
Island,  emboldened  the  effort  in  Massachusetts,  Avhere  the 
advocates  of  separate  negro  organizations  had  been  labor- 
ing zealously  for  its  accomplishment.  Officers  of  the 
army  in  the  field,  expressed  their  desire  to  be  placed  in 
command  of  negro  troops,  in  separate  and  distinct  organ- 
izations. Every  effort,  however,  up  to  this  time  to  induce 
Massachusetts  to  consent  to  the  proposition  had  failed. 
Rhode  Island  alone  sent  her  negro  regiments  to  the  field, 
whose  gallantry  during  the  war  more  than  met  the  most 
sanguine  expectations  of  their  warmest  friends,  and  fully 
merited  the  trust  and  confidence  of  the  State  and  country. 
As  the  struggle  proceeded,  re-enforcements  were  more  fre- 
quently in  demand ;  but  recruits  were  scarce,  and  the  ques- 
tion of  arming  negroes  became  again  prominent  in  the 
colonies  and  the  army. 

In  April,  1778,  Thomas  Kench,  then  serving  in  an 
artillery  regiment,  addressed  letters  to  the  Massachusetts 
Legislature  urging  the  enlistment  of  negroes.  He  wrote : 

"A  re-enforcement  can  quickly  be  raised  of  two  or  three  hundred 
men.    Will  your  honors  grant  the  liberty,  and  give  me  the  command  of 


56  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  party?  And  what  I  refer  to  is  negroes.  We  have  divers  of  them  in 
our  service,  mixed  with  white  men.  But  I  think  it  would  be  more  proper 
to  raise  a  body  by  themselves,  than  to  have  them  intermixed  with  the 
white  men ;  and  their  ambition  would  entirely  be  to  outdo  the  white  men 
in  every  measure  that  the  fortunes  of  war  calls  a  soldier  to  endure.  And 
I  could  rely  with  dependence  upon  them  in  the  field  of  battle  or  to  any 
post  that  I  was  sent  to  defend  with  them ;  and  they  would  think  them- 
selves happy  could  they  gain  their  freedom  by  bearing  a  part  of  subdu- 
ing the  enemy  that  is  invading  our  land,  and  clear  a  peaceful  inheritance 
for  their  masters,  and  posterity  yet  to  come,  that  they  are  now  slaves  to." 

The  letter  from  which  this  extract  was  made  was  duly 
referred  to  a  joint  committee  "to  consider  the  same  and 
report."  Some  days  later"  a  resolution  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  Ehode  Island  for  enlisting  negroes  in  the  pub- 
lic service  "was  referred  to  the  same  committee.  They 
duly  reported  the  draft  of  a  law,  differing  little  from  the 
Ehode  Island  Resolution.  A  separate  organization  of 
negro  companies,  by  Kench,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
deemed  advisable  at  that  time.  The  usage  was  continued 
of  "taking,"  in  the  words  of  Kench,  "negroes  in  our 
service,  intermixed  with  the  white  men. " 

The  negroes  of  Boston  and  their  abolition  friends, 
rather  insisted  upon  the  intermingling  of  the  races  in  the 
army,  believing  that  this  course  had  a  greater  tendency  to 
destroy  slavery,  and  the  inequality  of  rights  among  the 
"blacks  and  whites ;  though  it  deprived  the  negroes,  as  we 
now  see,  of  receiving  due  credit  for  their  valor,  save  in  a 
few  individual  cases.  It  was  not  in  Massachusetts  alone, 
but  in  many  other  States  that  the  same  idea  prevailed; 
and  now  the  facts  connected  with  the  services  of  the 
negroes  are  to  be  gathered  only  in  fragments,  from  the 
histories  of  villages  and  towns,  or  among  the  archives  of 
the  State,  in  a  disconnected  and  unsatisfactory  form. 

The  legislature  of  New  York,  two  months  after  the 
murder  of  Col.  Greene  and  his  faithful  negro  troops  at 
Point's  Bridge,  in  that  State,  by  the  British,  passed  an 
act  (March,  1781)  looking  to  the  raising  of  two  regiments. 
The  sixth  section  of  the  act  reads  as  follows : 

"And  it  is  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  any  per- 
son who  shall  deliver  one  or  more  of  his  able-bodied  male  slaves  to  any 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  57 

warrant  officer,  as  aforesaid,  to  serve  in  either  of  the  above  regiments 
or  independent  corps,  and  produce  a  certificate  thereof,  signed  by  any 
person  authorized  to  muster  and  receive  the  men  to  be  raised  by  virtue 
of  this  act,  and  produce  such  certificate  to  the  Surveyor-General,  shall, 
for  every  male  slave  so  entered  and  mustered  as  aforesaid,  be  entitled  to 
the  location  and  grant  of  one  right,  in  manner  as  in  and  by  this  act  is 
directed ;  and  shall  be,  and  hereby  is  discharged  from  any  further  main- 
tainance  of  such  slave,  any  law  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  And 
such  slave  so  entering  as  aforesaid,  who  shall  serve  for  the  term  of  three 
years  or  until  regularly  discharged,  shall,  immediately  after  such  service 
or  discharge,  be,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be,  a  free  man  of  this  State. 

In  1821,  in  the  convention  which  revised  the  constitu- 
tion of  New  York,  Mr.  Clark,  speaking  in  favor  of  allow- 
ing negroes  to  vote,  said  in  the  course  of  his  remarks : 

"My  honorable  colleague  has  told  us,  that,  as  the  colored  people  are 
not  required  to  contribute  to  the  protection  or  defence  of  the  State,  they 
are  not  entitled  to  an  equal  participation  in  the  privileges  of  its  citizens. 
But,  Sir,  whose  fault  is  this?  Have  they  ever  refused  to  do  military 
duty  when  called  upon  ?  It  is  haughtily  asked,  Who  will  stand  in  the 
ranks  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  a  negro  ?  I  answer,  No  one,  in  time  of 
peace ;  no  one,  when  your  musters  and  trainings  are  looked  upon  as  mere 
pastimes;  no  one,  when  your  militia  will  shoulder  their  muskets  and 
march  to  their  trainings  with  as  much  unconcern  as  they  would  go  to  a 
sumptuous  entertainment  or  a  splendid  ball.  But,  Sir,  when  the  hour  of 
danger  approaches,  your  white  '  militia '  are  just  as  willing  that  the  man 
of  color  should  be  set  up  as  a  mark  to  be  shot  at  by  the  enemy,  as  to  be  set 
up  themselves.  In  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  these  people  helped  to 
fight  your  battles  by  land  and  by  sea.  Some  of  your  States  were  glad  to 
turn  out  corps  of  colored  men,  and  to  stand  'shoulder  to  shoulder'  with 
them. 

"In  your  late  war,  they  contributed  largely  towards  some  of  your 
most  splendid  victories.  On  Lakes  Erie  and  Charnplain,  where  your 
fleets  triumped  over  a  foe  superior  in  numbers  and  engines  of  death, 
they  were  manned,  in  a  large  proportion,  with  men  of  color.  And,  in 
this  very  house,  in  the  fall  of  1814,  a  bill  passed,  receiving  the  approba- 
tion of  all  the  branches  of  your  government,  authorizing  the  Governor 
to  accept  the  services  of  a  corps  of  two  thousand  free  people  of  color. 
Sir,  these  were  times  which  tried  men's  souls.  In  these  times  it  was  no 
sporting  matter  to  bear  arms.  These  were  times,  when  a  man  who 
shouldered  his  musket  did  not  know  but  he  barred  his  bosom  to  receive 
a  death  wound  from  the  enemy  ere  he  laid  it  aside ;  and  in  these  times, 
these  people  were  found  as  ready  and  as  willing  to  volunteer  in  your  ser- 
vice as  any  other.  They  were  not  compelled  to  go;  they  were  not  drafted. 
No,  your  pride  had  placed  them  beyond  your  compulsory  power.  But 
there  was  no  necessity  for  its  exercise ;  they  were  volunteers ;  yes,  Sir, 
4 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

volunteers  to  defend  that  very  country  from  the  inroads  and  ravages  of 
a  ruthless  and  vindictive  foe,  which  had  treated  them  with  insult,  degra- 
dation and  slavery. 

"Volunteers  are  the  best  of  soldiers.  Give  me  the  men,  whatever  be 
their  complexion,  that  willingly  volunteer,  and  not  those  who  are  com- 
pelled to  turn  out.  Such  men  do  not  fight  from  necessity,  nor  from  mer- 
cinary  motives,  but  from  principle." 

Hon.  Mr.  Martindale,  who  represented  a  District  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  in  Congress  in  1828,  thus  speaks 
of  the  negro  soldiers : 

"  Slaves,  or  negroes  who  have  been  slaves,  were  enlisted  as  soldiers 
in  the  War  of  the  Revolution ;  and  I  myself  saw  a  battalion  of  them,  as 
fine  martial-looking  men  as  I  ever  saw,  attached  to  the  Northern  army." 

Up  to  this  time  the  East  had  been  the  theatre  of  the 
war,  with  now  and  then  a  battle  in  some  one  of  the  Middle 
Colonies,  but  the  British  discovering  that  the  people  of 
the  South  acted  indifferently  in  maintaining  and  recruit- 
ing the  army,  transferred  their  operations  to  that  section. 
Maryland  then  stood  as  a  middle  State  or  Colony.  Her 
statesmen,  seeing  the  threatened  danger  of  the  invasion 
of  Pennsylvania,  endeavored  to  prepare  to  meet  it,  and 
taking  council  from  her  sister  States  at  the  East,  accepted 
the  negro  as  a  soldier.  In  June,  1781,  John  Cad  water, 
writing  from  Annapolis,  Md.,  to  Gen.  Washington,  says: 

"We  have  resolved  to  raise,  immediately,  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
negroes,  to  be  incorporated  with  the  other  troops;  and  a  bill  is  now 
almost  completed." 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  negroes  were  formed  into 
separate  organizations  in  this  State,  but  tilled  the  depleted 
ranks  of  the  Continental  regiments,  where  their  energy 
and  daring  was  not  less  than  that  displayed  by  their 
white  comrades,  with  whom  they  fought,  shoulder  to 
shoulder.  The  advocates  of  arming  the  negroes  were  not 
confined  to  the  Eastern  and  Middle  sections ;  some  of  the 
best  men  of  the  South  favored  and  advocated  the  enlist- 
ment of  free  negroes,  and  made  many,  though  for  a  long 
time  unsuccessful,  efforts  to  obtain  legal  sanction  for  such 
enlistment  throughout  the  South.  But  their  advice  was 
not  listened  to,  even  in  the  face  of  certain  invasion,  and 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  59 

then  the  whites  would  not,  and  could  not  be  induced  to 
rally  to  the  defence  of  their  own  particular  section  and 
homes. 

For  fear  that  I  may  be  accused  of  too  highly  coloring 
the  picture  of  the  Southern  laxity  of  fervor  and  patriot- 
ism, I  quote  from  the  valuable  essay  which'  accompanies 
the  history  of  the  American  Loyalists : 

"  The  whole  number  of  regulars  enlisted  for  the  Continental  service, 
from  the  beginning  to  the  close  of  the  struggle,  was  231,959.  Of  these, 
I  have  once  remarked,  67.907  were  from  Massachusetts;  and  I  may 
now  add,  that  every  State  south  of  Pennsylvania  provided  but  59,493, 
«r  8,414  less  than  this  single  State." 

The  men  of  Massachusetts  did  not  more  firmly  adhere 
to  their  policy  of  mixed  troops  as  against  separate  organ- 
izations, based  upon  color,  than  did  the  men  of  the  South 
to  their  peculiar  institution,  and  against  the  arming  of 
negroes,  free  or  slave.  The  war  having  fairly  set  in  upon 
Southern  soil,  and  so  urgent  the  necessity  for  recruiting* 
the  army,  that  Congress  again  took  up  the  subject  of 
enrolling  negroes  as  soldiers.  It  was  decided  that  the  gen- 
eral Government  had  no  control  over  the  States  in  the 
matter,  but  a  series  of  resolutions  were  adopted  recom- 
mending to  the  States  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  the 
arming  of  three  thousand  able-bodied  negroes. 

Now  began  an  earnest  battle  for  the  carrying  out  of 
the  poiicy,  as  recommended  by  Congress.  Its  friends  were 
among  the  bravest  and  truest  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
the  States.  Hon.  Henry  Laurens  lead  in  the  effort.  Even 
before  the  matter  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  Con- 
gress, he  wrote  to  Gen.  Washington,  as  follows : 

"Our  affairs  in  the  Southern  department  are  more  favorable  than  we 
had  considered  them  a  few  days  ago ;  nevertheless,  the  country  is  greatly 
distressed,  and  will  be  so  unless  further  re-inforcements  are  sent  to  its 
relief.  Had  we  arms  for  three  thousand  such  black  men  as  I  could  select 
in  Carolina,  I  should  have  no  doubt  of  success  in  driving  the  British  out 
of  Georgia,  and  subduing  East  Florida  before  the  end  of  July." 

Washington  knew  the  temper  of  the  Southerners.  He 
was  well  aware  that  slaves  could  not  be  entrusted  with 
arms  within  sight  of  the  enemy's  camp,  and*  within  hear- 
ing of  his  proclamation  of  freedom  to  all  who  would  join 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

his  Majesty's  standard,  unless  equal  inducements  were 
offered  them  by  the  colonists,  and  to  this  he  knew  the 
Southern  colonist  would  not  consent.  In  his  reply  to  Mr. 
Laurens,  he  said : 

"The  policy  of  our  arming  slaves,  is,  in  my  opinion  a  moot  point, 
unless  the  enemy  set  the  example.  For,  should  we  begin  to  form  battal- 
lions  of  them,  I  have  not  the  smallest  doubt,  if  the  war  is  to  be  prosecu- 
ted, of  their  following  us  in  it,  and  justifying  the  measure  upon  our 
own  ground.  The  contest  then  must  be,  who  can  arm  fastest.  And 
where  are  our  arms?  Besides,  I  am  not  clear  that  a  discrimination  will 
not  render  slavery  more  irksome  to  those  who  remain  in  it.  Most  of  the 
good  and  evil  things  in  this  life  are  judged  of  by  comparison ;  and  I  fear 
a  comparison  in  this  case  will  be  productive  of  much  discontent  in  those 
who  are  held  in  servitude.  But,  as  this  is  a  subject  that  has  never  em- 
ployed much  of  my  thoughts,  these  are  no  more  than  the  first  crude 
ideas  that  have  struck  me  upon  the  occasion." 

Washington  certainly  had  no  doubts  as  to  the  value 
of  the  negro  as  a  soldier,  but  for  the  reasons  stated,  did 
not  give  the  weight  of  his  influence,  at  this  important 
juncture,  to  the  policy  of  their  enlistment,  while  so  many 
of  the  leading  men  of  the  colonies  were  favorable  to  the 
action. 

Among  those  who  advocated  the  raising  of  negro 
troops  was  Col.  John  Laurens,  a  native  of  South  Carolina 
and  a  brave  patriot,  who  had  acted  as  aide-de-camp  to 
the  commander-in-chief,  and  had  seen  service  in  Ehode 
Island  and  elsewhere.  He  was  the  son  of  Hon.  Henry 
Laurens,  at  one  time  President  of  Congress,  and  was  noted 
for  his  high  qualities  of  character.  A  commission  of  lieu- 
tenant-colonel was  granted  to  him  by  Congress,  and  he 
proceeded  to  South  Carolina  to  use  his  personal  influence 
to  induce  the  Legislature  to  authorize  the  enlistment  of 
negroes.  His  services  in  Ehode  Island  had  given  him  an 
opportunity  to  witness  the  conduct  and  worth  of  the 
negro  soldier. 

Alexander  Hamilton  in  the  course  of  a  long  letter  to 
John  Jay,  relating  to  the  mission  of  Col.  Laurens  to 
South  Carolina,  says  : 

"  I  foresee  th%t  this  project  will  have  to  combat  much  opposition  from 
prejudice  and  self-interest.  The  contempt  we  have  been  taught  to  enter- 
tertain  for  the  blacks  makes  us  fancy  many  things  that  are  founded 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  61 

neither  in  reason  nor  experience ;  and  an  unwillingness  to  part  company 
with  property  of  so  valuable  a  kind  will  furnish  a  thousand  arguments  to 
show  the  impracticability  or  pernicious  tendency  of  a  scheme  which 
requires  such  a  sacrifice.  But  it  should  be  considered,  that,  if  we  do  not 
make  use  of  them  in  this  way,  the  enemy  probably  will;  and  that  the 
best  way  to  counteract  the  the  temptations  they  will  hold  out  will  be  to 
offer  them  ourselves.  An  essential  part  of  the  plan  is  to  give  them  their 
freedom  with  their  muskets.  This  will  secure  their  fidelity,  animate  their 
courage,  and,  I  believe,  will  have  a  good  influence  upon  those  who  re- 
main, by  opening  a  door  to  their  emancipation.  This  circumstance,  I 
confess  has  no  small  weight  in  inducing  me  to  wish  the  success  of  the 
project;  for  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  true  policy,  equally  interest 
me  in  favor  of  this  unfortunate  class  of  men." 

The  patriotic  zeal  of  Col.  Laurens  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  design  was  earnest  and  conscientious.  He 
wrote  to  his  friend  Hamilton  in  these  words : 

"  Ternant  will  relate  to  you  h@w  many  violent  struggles  I  have  had 
between  duty  and  inclination— how  much  my  heart  was  with  you,  while 
I  appeared  to  be  most  actively  employed  here.  But  it  appears  to  me, 
that  I  should  be  inexcusable  in  the  light  of  a  citizen,  if  I  did  not  continue 
my  utmost  efforts  for  carrying  the  plan  of  the  black  levies  into  execu- 
tion, while  there  remains  the  smallest  hope  of  success." 

The  condition  of  the  colonies  and  the  Continental 
army  at  that  time  was  critical  in  the  extreme.  The  cam- 
paign of  1779  had  closed  gloomily  for  the  Americans. 
The  British  had  not  only  been  active  in  raiding  in  Vir- 
ginia and  destroying  property,  but  in  organizing  negro 
troops.  Lord  Dunmore,  as  we  have  seen,  as  early  as 
November,  1775,  had  issued  a  proclamation,  inviting  the 
negroes  to  join  the  Koyal  forces,  to  which  a  great  many 
slaves  responded,  and  were  organized  into  companies.  A 
regiment  had  been  organized  by  the  British  on  Long 
Island  in  1776,  and  now,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  invited  them 
by  the  following  proclamation  : 

"By  his  Excellency  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  K.  B.,  General  and  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  all  his  Majesty's  Forces,  within  the  Colonies  lying  on 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  West  Florida,  inclusive,  &c.,  &c. 
PROCLAMATION. 

"Whereas  the  enemy  have  adopted  a  practice  of  enrolling  Negroes 
among  their  Troops,  I  do  hereby  give  notice  That  all  Negroes  taken  in 
arms,  or  upon  any  military  Duty,  shall  be  purchased  for  the  public  ser- 
vice at  a  stated  Price ;  the  money  to  be  paid  to  the  Captors. 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"But  I  do  most  strictly  forbid  any  Person  to  sell  or  claim  Right 
over  any  Negro,  the  property  of  a  Rebel,  who  may  take  refuge  in  any 
part  of  this  Army:  And  I  do  promise  to  every  negro  who  shall  desert 
the  Rebel  Standard,  full  security  to  follow  within  these  Lines,  any  Occu- 
pation which  he  shall  think  proper. 

"Given  under  my  Hand  at  Head-Quarters,  Philipsburg,  the  30th  day 
of  June,  1779.  H.  CLINTON. 

"By  his  Excellency's  command,  John  Smith,  Secretary." 

It  is  highly  probable  that  many  negroes  made  their 
way  to  the  British  camp.  Col.  Laurens  wrote  to  General 
Washington,  under  date  of  February,  1780,  six  months 
after  the  issuing  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  proclamation,  as 
follows : 

"Private  accounts  say  that  General  Provost  is  left  to  command  at 
Savannah ;  that  his  troops  consist  of  Hessians  and  Loyalists  that  were 
there  before,  re-inforced  by  a  corps  of  blacks  and  a  detachment  of  sav- 
ages. It  is  generally  reported  that  Sir.  Henry  Clinton  commands  the 
present  expedition." 

Clinton  left  New  York  in  the  latter  part  of  1779,  for 
the  reduction  of  Charleston,  which  he  completed  in  May, 
three  months  after  the  date  of  Col.  Laurens'  letter.  Gen. 
Lincoln,  who  commanded  the  American  forces  at  Charles- 
ton, joined  in  the  effort  to  arm  the  negroes.  In  a  letter  to 
Gov.  Rutledge,  dated  Charleston,  March  13th,  1780,  he 


"  Give  me  leave  to  add  once  more,  that  I  think  the  measure  of  rais- 
ing a  black  corps  a  necessary  one ;  that  I  have  great  reason  to  believe,  if 
permission  is  given  for  it,  that  many  men  would  soon  be  obtained.  I 
have  repeatedly  urged  this  matter,  not  only  because  Congress  has  recom- 
mended it,  and  because  it  thereby  becomes  my  duty  to  attempt  to  have 
it  executed,  but  because  my  own  mind  suggests  the  ulility  and  impor- 
tance of  the  measure,  as  the  safety  of  the  town  maks  it  necessary. 

The  project  of  raising  negro  troops  gained  some 
friends  in  all  sections,  and  Statesmen,  both  South  and 
North,  as  they  talked  about  it,  became  more  free  to  ex- 
press their  approbation  of  the  measure.  They  had  wit- 
nessed the  militia  from  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  at 
the  battle  of  Camden,  throw  down  their  arms  before  the 
enemy  ;*  they  had  seen  black  and  white  troops  under  com- 

•  At  the  first,  onset,  a  large  body  of  the  Virginia  militia,  under  a  charge  of  the 
British  infantry  with  fixed  bayonets,  threw  down  their  arms  and  fled.  A  considerable 
part  of  the  North  Carolina  militia  followed  their  unworthy  example.  But  the  Conti- 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  63 

mand  of  Gen.  Provost  occupy  Savannah ;  the  surrender  of 
Chaiiestown  had  become  necessary ;  and  these  evils  were 
all  brought  about  by  the  apathy  of  the  white  inhabitants. 
Among  those  who  spoke  out  in  favor  of  Col.  Laurens' 
and  Gen.  Lincoln's  plan,  was  Hon.  James  Madison,  who, 
on  the  20th  of  November,  1780,  wrote  to  Joseph  Jones : 

"I  am  glad  to  find  the  Legislature  persisting  in  their  resolution  to 
recruit  their  line  of  the  army  for  the  war ;  though,  without  deciding  on 
the  expediency  of  the  mode  under  their  consideration,  would  it  not  be  as 
well  to  liberate  and  make  soldiers  at  once  of  the  blacks  themselves,  as  to 
make  them  instruments  for  enlisting  white  soldiers?  It  would  certainly 
be  more  consonant  with  the  principles  of  liberty :  and,  with  white  officers 
and  a  majority  of  white  soldiers,  no  imaginable  danger  could  be  feared 
from  themselves ;  as  there  certainly  could  be  none  from  the  effect  of  the 
example  on  those  who  should  remain  in  bondage;  experience  having 
shown  that  a  freedman  immediately  loses  all  attachment  and  sympathy 
with  his  former  fellow  slaves." 

No  circumstances  under  which  the  South  was  placed, 
could  induce  either  their  legislators  or  the  people  to  adopt 
the  recommendations  of  Congress  or  the  advice  of  the 
patriots  and  statesmen  of  their  section.  The  opposition 
to  the  arming  of  the  negroes  was  much  stronger  than  the 
love  for  independence.  The  British,  however,  adopted  the 
plan,  and  left  no  stone  unturned  to  augment  the  strength 
of  their  army.  Thousands  of  negroes  flocked  to  the 
Royal  standard  at  every  opportunity,  just  as  in  the  war 
of  the  Rebellion  in  1861-'65,  they  sought  freedom  under 
the  national  banner. 

It  has  ever  been  the  rule  among  American  historians 
to  omit  giving  credit  to  those  negroes  who  sought  to  gain 
their  freedom  by  joining  the  British.  They  have  generally 
also  failed  to  acknowledge  the  valor  of  those  who  swelled 
the  ranks  of  the  Continental  army.  Enough,  however, 
can  be  gathered,  mostly  from  private  correspondence,  to 
show  that  the  hope  of  success  for  the  Americans  rested 
either  in  the  docility  of  the  negroes  at  the  South,  or  in 
their  loyalty  to  tne  cause  of  Independence.  At  all  events, 
upon  the  action  of  the  blacks  more  than  upon  the  brav- 

nentals  evinced  the  most  unyielding  firmness,  and  pressed  forward  with  unusual  ardor. 
Never  did  men  acquit  themselves  more  honorably.  They  submitted  only  when  for- 
saken by  their  brethren  in  arms,  and  when  overpowered  by  numuers. 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ery  and  valor  of  the  American  troops,  depended  the  future 
status  of  the  Colonies ;  hence  the  solicitude  of  officers  and 
of  the  leading  citizens ;  and  it  was  not  the  love  of  universal 
freedom,  which  prompted  their  efforts  for  arming  negroes ; 
not  at  all,  but  their  keen  appreciation  of  the  value  of  a 
neutral  power,  which  could  be  utilized  for  the  benefit  of 
America's  Independence.  Nor  do  I  attribute  other  than  the 
same  motive  to  the  British,  who  did  arm  and  did  free  a  great 
many  of  the  negroes,  who  joined  their  service,  especially 
at  the  South,  where  they  must  have  organized  quite  a 
large  force,— not  less  than  5,000.  Early  in  1781,  (Feb'y) 
Gen.  Greene,  then  in  command  in  North  Carolina,  writing 
to  General  Washington  about  the  doings  of  the  enemy  in 
South  Carolina,  where  he  formally  commanded,  says : 

"  The  enemy  have  ordered  two  regiments  of  negroes  to  be  immedi- 
ately embodied,  and  are  drafting  a  great  portion  of  the  young  men  of 
that  State  [South  Carolina],  to  serve  during  the  war." 

A  few  days  after  writing  this  letter,  Gen.  Greene  met 
the  British  at  Guilford  Court  House,  and  again  witnessed 
the  cowardice  of  the  Southern  militia,*  whose  conduct 
gave  victory  to  the  British,  under  Cornwallis. 

The  persistency  of  Col.  Laurens  in  his  effort  to  organ- 
ize negro  troops,  was  still  noteworthy.  Having  returned 
from  France,  whither  he  went  on  important  business,  con- 
nected with  the  welfare  of  the  States,  he  resumed  his 
"favorite  pursuit."  Under  date  of  May,  19,  1782,  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  Washington,  he  says : 

"  The  plan  which  brought  me  to  this  country  was  urged  with  all  the 
zeal  which  the  subject  inspired,  both  in  our  Privy  Council  and  Assembly; 
but  the  single  voice  of  reason  was  drowned  by  the  howling  of  a  triple- 
headed  monster,  in  which  prejudice,  avarice,  and  pusillanimity  were 
united.  It  was  some  degree  of  consolation  to  me,  however,  to  perceive 
that  the  truth  and  philosophy  had  gained  some  ground ;  the  suffrages  in 
favor  of  the  measure  being  twice  as  numerous  as  on  a  former  occasion. 
Some  hopes  have  been  lately  given  me  from  Georgia ;  but  I  fear,  when 

*  The  British  loss,  in  this  battle,  exceeded  five  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded, 
among  whom  were  several  of  the  most  distinguished  officers.  The  American  loss  was 
about  four  hundred,  in  killed  and  wounded,  of  which  more  than  three-fourths  fell  upon 
the  Continentals.  Though  the  numericial  force  of  Gen.  Greene  nearly  doubled  that  of 
Cornwallis,  yet,  when  we  consider  the  difference  between  these  forces ;  the  shameful  con- 
duct of  the  North  Carolina  militia,  who  fled  at  the  first  fire;  the  desertion  of  the  second 
Maryland  regiment,  and  that  a  body  of  reserve  was  not  brought  into  action,  it  will  ap- 
pear that  our  numbers,  actually  engaged,  but  little  exceeded  that*  of  the  enemy." — 
._S'.  History. 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  65 

the  question  is  put,  we  shall  be  out-voted  there  with  as  much  disparity 

as  we  have  been  in  this  country. 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

"I  earnestly  desire  to  be  where  any  active  plans  are  likely  to  be 
executed,  and  to  be  near  your  Excellency  on  all  occasions  in  which  my 
services  can 'be  acceptable.  The  pursuit  of  an  object  which,  I  con- 
fess, is  a  favorite  one  with  me,  because  I  always  regarded  the  interests 
of  this  country  and  those  of  the  Union  as  intimately  connected  with  it, 
has  detached  me  more  than  once  from  your  family,  but  those  sentiments 
of  veneration  and  attachments  with  which  your  Excellency  has  inspired 
me,  keep  me  always  near  you,  with  the  sincerest  and  most  zealous  wishes 
for  a  continuance  of  your  happiness  and  glory." 

Here  ended  the  project  of  arming  negroes  in  South 
Carolina,  and  before  an  earnest  effort  could  be  made  in 
Georgia,  the  brave  man  laid  his  life  upon  the  altar  of 
American  liberty. 

But  to  show  the  state  of  public  opinion  at  the  South, 
as  understood  by  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Ameri- 
can army,  we  have  but  to  read  Washington's  reply  to  Col. 
Laurens'  last  letter,  in  which  he  speaks  of  "making  a  last 
effort"  in  Georgia.  Gen.  Washington  uses  this  emphatic 
language : 

"I  must  confess  that  I  am  not  at  all  astonished  at  the  failure  of  your 
plan.  That  spirit  of  freedom,  which,  at  the  commencement  of  this  con- 
test, would  have  gladly  sacrificed  everything  to  the  attainment  of  its 
object,  has  long  since  subsided,  and  every  selfish  passion  has  taken  its 
place.  It  is  not  the  public  but  private  interest  which  influences  the  gen- 
erality of  mankind;  nor  can  the  Americans  any  longer  boast  an  excep- 
tion. Under  the  circumstances,  it  would  rather  have  been  surprising  if 
you  had  succeeded ;  nor  will  you,  I  fear,  have  better  success  in  Georgia." 

This  letter  settles  forever  any  boast  of  the  Southerners, 
that  to  them  is  due  the  credit  of  gaining  the  independence 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  true  Cornwallis'  surrender  at 
Yorktown,  Va.,  was  the  last  of  the  series  of  battles  fought 
for  independence.*  But  we  must  remember  that  the 

*  The  Burlington  Gazette,  in  an  issue  of  some  time  ago,  gives  the  following  account 
of  an  aged  negro  Revolutionary  patriot:  "The  attention  of  many  of  our  citizens  has 
doubtless  been  arrested  by  the  appearance  of  an  old  colored  man,  who  might  have  been 
Been,  sitting  in  front  of  his  residence,  in  east  Union  street,  respectfully  raising  his  hat  to 
those  who  might  be  passing  by.  His*  attenuated  frame,  his  silvered  head,  his  feeble 
movements,  combine  to  prove  that  he  is  very  aged:  and  yet,  comparatively  few  are 
aware  that  he  is  among  the  survivors  of  the  gallant  army  who  fought  for  the  liberties 
of  our  country. 

"On  Monday  last,  we  stopped  to  speak  to  him,  and  asked  how  old  he  was.  He- 
asked  the  day  of  the  month,  and  upon  being  told  that  it  was  the  24th  of  May,  replied, 
with  trembling  lips,  'I  am  very  old — I  am  a  hundred  years  old  to-day.' 

"His  name  is  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  he  says  that  he  was  born  at  the  Black  Horse* 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

French  were  at  Yorktown.  It  cannot  be  doubted  but  that 
from  Charleston  to  Yorktown  the  Americans  met  negro 
troops  more  than  once  fighting  under  the  Royal  flag; 
while  at  the  east,  in  every  important  engagement  between 
the  two  enemies, — British  and  American, — the  negro  was 
found  fighting  with  the  Americans.  This  division  of  the 
negroes  can  easily  be  accounted  for,  since  at  the  North  and 
East  the  object  of  the  war  was  acknowledged  to  be  set 
forth  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  at  the  South 
only  so  much  of  the  Declaration  was  accepted  as  de- 
manded Independence  from  Great  Britain.  Therefore, 
though  in  separate  and  opposing  armies,  the  object  of  the 
negro  was  the  same— liberty.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  historians  of  the  Revolutionary  period  did  not  more 
particularly  chronicle  the  part  taken  by  negroes  at  the 
South,  though  enough  is  known  to  put  their  employment 
beyond  doubt. 

Johnson,  the  author  of  the  life  of  Gen.  Greene,  speak- 
ing of  Greene's  recommendation  to  the  Legislature  of 
South  Carolina  to  enroll  negroes,  says : 

"There  is  a  sovereign,  who,  at  this  time,  draws  his  soldiery  from  the 
same  class  of  people ;  and  finds  a  facility  in  forming  and  disciplining  aa 
army,  which  no  other  power  enjoys.  Nor  does  his  immense  military 
force,  formed  from  that  class  of  his  subjects,  excite  the  least  apprehen- 
.sion;  for  the  soldier's  will  is  subdued  to  that  of  his  officer,  and  his  im- 
proved condition  takes  away  the  habit  of  identifying  himself  with  the 
<3lass  from  which  he  has  been  separated.  Military  men  know  what  mere 
machines  men  become  under  discipline,  and  believe  that  any  men,  who 
may  be  obedient,  may  be  made  soldiers ;  and  that  increasing  their  num- 
bers increases  the  means  of  their  own  subjection  and  government." 

(now  Columbus),  in  this  county,  in  the  family  of  John  Hutchins.  He  enlisted  in  a  com- 
pany commanded  by  Capt.  Lowry,  attached  to  the  Second  New  Jersey  Regiment, 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Israel  Shreve.  He  was  at  the  battles  of  Trenton,  Brandy- 
wine,  Princetown,  Mommouth,  and  Yorktown,  at  which  latter  place,  he  told  us,  he  saw 
the  last  man  killed.  Although  his  faculties  are  failing,  yet  he  relates  many  interesting 
reminiscences  of  the  Revolution.  He  was  with  the  army  at  the  retreat  of  the  Dela- 
ware, on  the  memorable  crossing  of  the  25th  of  December,  1776,  and  relates  the  story  of 
the  battle  on  the  succeeding  day,  with  enthusiasm.  He  gives  the  details  of  the  march  - 
from  Trenton  to  Princetown,  and  told  us,  with  much  humor,  that  they  '  knocked  the 
British  around  lively,'  at  the  latter  place.  He  was  also  at  the  |battle  of  Springfield, 
and  says  that  he  saw  the  house  burning  in  which  Mrs.  Caldwell  was  shot,  at  Connecti- 
cut Farms." 

"I  further  learn,  (says  the  author  of  the  'Colored  Patriots  of  the  Revolution'), 
"that  Cromwell  was  brought  up  a  farmer,|having  served  his  time  with  Thomas  Hutchins, 
Esq.,  his  maternal  uncle.  He  was,  for  six  years  and  nine  months  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Washington,  whom  he  loved  affectionately." 

"His  discharge,"  says  Dr.  M'Cune  Smith,  "at  the  close  of  the  war,  was  in  Wash- 
ington's own  handwriting,  of  which  he  was  very  proud,  often  speaking  of  it.  He  re- 
ceived annually,  ninety-six  dollars  pension.  He  lived  a  long  and  honorable  life.  Had 
he  been  of  a  little  lighter  complexion,  (he  was  just  half  white),  every  newspaper  in  the 
land  would  have  been  eloquent  in  praise  of  his  many  virtues." 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  67 

Cornwallis  doubtless  had  gathered  within  his  lines  a 
large  number  of  negroes,  to  whose  energy  and  labor,  the 
erection  of  his  breastworks  were  mainly  due.  Lafayette 
feeling  satisfied  that  the  position  of  his  army  before  York- 
town  Avould  confine  the  British,  and  make  the  escape  of 
Cornwallis  impossible  without  battle,  wrote  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington in  September : 

"I  hope  you  will  find  we  have  taken  the  best  precautions  to  lessen 
his  Lordship's  escape.  I  hardly  believe  he  will  make  the  attempt.  If  he 
does,  he  must  give  up  ships,  artillery,  baggage,  part  of  his  horses,  and 
all  the  negroes." 

All  this  time  in  some  of  the  Northern  States  an  oppo- 
sition as  strong  as  at  the  South  had  existed  against 
organizing  negro  troops,  and  in  some  instances  even 
against  employing  them  as  soldiers.  The  effort  for  sepa- 
rate organizations  had  been  going  on,  but  with  only  the 
little  success  that  has  been  already  noticed.  In  a  bio- 
graphical sketch  of  Col.  David  Humphreys,  in  the  "Nation- 
al Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished  Americans,"  is  the 
following : 

"In  November,  1782,  he  was,  by  resolution  of  Congress,  commis- 
sioned as  a  Lieutenant-Colonel,  with  order  that  his  commission  should 
bear  date  from  the  23rd  of  June,  1780,  when  he  received  his  appoint- 
ment as  aid-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief.  He  had,  when  in  ac- 
tive service,  given  the  sanction  of  his  name  and  influence  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  company  of  colored  infantry,  attached  to  Meigs',  afterwards 
Butler's,  regiment,  in  the  Connecticut  line.  He  continued  to  be  the  nomi- 
nal captain  of  that  company  until  the  establishment  of  peace." 

Though  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut  had  taken  up 
the  subject  of  arming  negroes  generally,  as  early  as 
1777,  and  a  bill,  as  we  have  seen,  was  presented  to  that 
Legislature,  for  their  enrollment,  the  advocates  of  the 
measure,  in  every  attempt  to  pass  it,  had  been  beaten. 
Nevertheless,  as  appears  by  the  record  given  above,  Col. 
Humphrey  took  charge  and  organized  a  company,  with 
which  he  served  until  the  close  of  the  war.  But  this  com- 
pany of  fifty  odd  men  were  not  all  that  did  service  in  the 
army  from  Connecticut,  for  in  many  of  her  white  regi- 
ments, negroes,  bond  and  free,  stood  in  the  ranks  with  the 
whites.  And,  notwithstanding  the  unsuccessful  attempts 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  Col.  Laurens  and  the  advocates  of  negro  soldiery 
at  the  South,  the  negro  was  an  attache  of  the  Southern 
army,  and  rendered  efficient  aid  during  the  struggle,  in 
building  breastworks,  driving  teams  and  piloting  the 
army  through  dense  woods,  swamps,  and  across  rivers. 
Not  a  few  were  spies  and  drummers.  To  select  or  point  out 
a  particular  battle  or  seige,  in  which  they  rendered  active 
service  to  the  British,  would  not  be  a  difficult  task,  though 
the  information  at  hand  is  too  limited  for  a  detailed 
account  of  the  part  which  they  bore  in  these  struggles. 
The  true  patriots  of  the  Revolution  were  not  slow  in 
according  to  their  black  compatriots  that  meed  of  praise 
which  was  their  due.  In  almost  every  locality,  either 
North  or  South,  after  the  war,  there  lived  one  or  two  privi- 
leged negroes,  who,  on  great  occasions, — days  of  muster, 
4th  of  July,  Washington's  birthday,  and  the  like, — were 
treated  with  more  than  ordinary  courtesy  by  the  other 
people.  That  a  great  and  dastardly  wrong  was  commit- 
ted upon  many,  in  like  manner  in  which  Simon  Lee*  was 
treated,  is  true.  Many  negroes  at  the  South,  who  fought 
for  American  independence  were  re-enslaved,  and  this  is  so 
far  beyond  a  doubt  that  no  one  denies  it.  The  re-enslav- 
ing of  these  soldiers,— not  by  those  who  took  part  in  the 
conflict,  but  the  stay-at-home's,— was  so  flagrant  an  out- 
rage that  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  in  1783,  in  order  to 
give  freedom  to  those  who  had  been  re-enslaved,  and  to 
rebuke  the  injustice  of  the  treatment,  passed  the  following 
act: 

AD  Act  directing  the  Emancipation  of  certain  Slaves  who  had  served  as 
as  Soldiers  in  this  State,  and  for  the  Emancipation  of  the  Slave, 
Aberdeen. 

"I.  Whereas,  it  hath  been  represented  to  the  present  General  Assem- 
bly, that,  during  the  course  of  the  war,  many  persons  in  this  State  had 
caused  their  slaves  to  enlist  in  certain  regiments  or  corps,  raised  within 
the  same,  having  tendered  such  slaves  to  the  officers  appointed  to 
recruit  forces  within  the  State,  as  substitutes  for  free  persons  whose  lot 
or  duty  it  was  to  serve  in  such  regiments  or  corps,  at  the  same  time  rep- 

*  Simon  Lee,  the  grandfather  of  William  Wells  Brown,  on  his  mother's  side,  was  a 
slave  in  Virginia,  and  served  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  Although  honorably  dis- 
charged, with  the  other  Virginia  troops,  at  the  close  of  the  'war,  he  was  sent  back  to 
his  master,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  toiling  on  a  tobacco  plantation. — 
Patriotism  of  Colored  Americans. 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  69 

resenting  to  such  recruiting  officers  that  the  slaves,  so  enlisted  by  their 
direction  and  concurrence,  were  freemen ;  and  it  appearing  further  to  this 
Assembly,  that  on  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  enlistment  of  such 
slaves,  that  the  former  owners  have  attempted  again  to  force  them  to 
return  to  a  state  of  servitude,  contrary  to  the  principles  of  justice,  and 
to  their  own  solemn  promise ; 

"II.  And  whereas  it  appears  just  and  reasonable  that  all  persons 
enlisted  as  aforesaid,  who  have  faithfully  served  agreeable  to  the  terms 
of  their  enlistment,  and  have  hereby  of  course  contributed  towards  the 
establishment  of  American  liberty  and  independence,  should  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  freedom  as  a  reward  for  their  toils  and  labors. 

"  Be  it  therefore  enacted,  That  each  and  every  slave,  who,  by  the 
appointment  and  direction  of  his  owner,  hath  enlisted  in  any  regiment 
or  corps  raised  within  this  State,  either  on  Continental  or  State  estab- 
lishment, and  hath  been  received  as  a  substitute  for  any  free  person 
whose  duty  or  lot  it  was  to  serve  in  such  regiment  or  corps,  and  hath 
served  faithfully  during  the  term  of  such  enlistment,  or  hath  been  dis- 
charged from  such  service  by  some  officer  duly  authorized  to  grant  such 
discharge,  shall,  from  and  after  the  passing  of  this  act,  be  fully  and  com- 
pletely emancipated,  and  shall  be  held  and  deemed  free,  in  as  full  and 
ample  a  manner  as  if  each  and  every  one  of  them  were  specially  named 
in  this  act;  and  the  Attorney-general  for  the  Commonwealth  is  hereby 
required  to  bring  an  action,  in  forma  pauperis,  in  behalf  of  any  of  the 
persons  above  described  who  shall,  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  be 
detained  in  servitude  by  any  person  whatsoever;  and  if,  upon  such 
prosecution,  it  shall  appear  that  the  pauper  is  entitled  to  his  freedom  in 
consequence  of  this  act,  a  jury  shall  be  empaneled  to  assess  the  damages 
for  his  detention. 

"HI.  And  whereas  it  has  been  represented  to  this  General  Assembly, 
that  Aberdeen,  a  negro  man  slave,  hath  labored  a  number  of  years  in  the 
public  service  at  the  lead  mines,  and  for  his  meritorious  services  is  entitled 
to  freedom ; 

"Be  it  therefore  enacted,  That  the  said  slave  Aberdeen,  shall  be,  and 
he  is  hereby,  emancipated  and  declared  free  in  as  full  and  ample  a  man- 
ner as  if  he  had  been  born  free." 

In  1786  an  act  was  passed  to  emancipate  a  negro 
slave  who  had  acted  as  a  spy  for  Lafayette.  This  practice 
was  not  perhaps  wholly  confined  to  the  South.  Although 
Massachusetts  abolished  slavery  in  1783,  her  territory 
was,  it  seems,  still  subject  to  slave  hunts,  and  her  negro 
soldiers  to  the  insult  of  an  attempt  to  re-enslave  them. 
But  Gen.  Washington,  though  himself  a  slave-holder, 
regarded  the  rights  of  those  who  fought  for  liberty  and: 
national  independence,  with  too  much  sacredness  and  the 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

honor  of  the  country  with  too  much  esteem,  to  permit  them 
to  be  set  aside,  merely  to  accommodate  those  who  had 
rendered  the  nation's  cause  no  help  or  assistance.  Gen. 
Putnam  received  the  following  letter,  which  needs  no 
explanation : 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  Feb.  2, 1783. 

"Sm: — Mr.  Hobby  having  claimed  as  his  property  a  negro  man  now 
serving  in  the  Massachusetts  Regiment,  you  will  please  to  order  a  court 
of  inquiry,  consisting  of  five  as  respectable  officers  as  can  be  found  in 
your  brigade,  to  examine  the  validity  of  the  claim  and  the  manner  in  which 
the  person  in  question  came  into  service.  Having  inquired  into  the  mat- 
ter, with  all  the  attending  circumstances,  they  will  report  to  you  their 
opinion  thereon ;  which  you  will  report  to  me  as  soon  as  conveniently 
may  be. 

"I  am,  Sir,  with  great  respect,  your*nost  obedient  servant, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

"  P.  S.— All  concerned  should  be  notified  to  attend. 
"  Brig.-Gen.  Putnam." 

Not  only  did  some  of  the  negro  soldiers  who  fought  in 
the  American  Army  receive  unjust  treatment  at  the  close 
of  the  war,  but  those  who  served  under  the  Royal  stand- 
ard, also  shared  a  fate  quite  different  from  what  they 
supposed  it  would  be  when  the  proclamations  of  Lord 
Dunmore,  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  were  inviting  them  to 
cast  their  lot  with  the  British. 

The  high  character  of  Thomas  Jefferson  induces  me  to 
reproduce  his  letter  to  Dr.  Gordon,  or  rather  tharfc  portion 
of  it  which  refers  to  the  treatment  of  the  negroes  who 
went  with  the  British  army.  Mr.  Jefferson  says : 

"  From  an  estimate  I  made  at  that  time,  on  the  best  information  I 
could  collect,  I  supposed  the  State  of  Virginia  lost,  under  Lord  Cornwal- 
lis' hand,  that  year,  about  thirty  thousand  slaves ;  and  that,  of  these, 
twenty-seven  thousand  died  of  the  small-pox  and  camp  fever ;  the  rest 
were  partly  sent  to  the  West  Indies,  and  exchanged  for  rum,  sugar, 
coffee  and  fruit;  and  partly  sent  to  New  York,  from  whence  they  went,  at 
the  peace,  either  to  Nova  Scotia  or  to  England.  From  this  last  place,  I 
believe  they  have  lately  been  sent  to  Africa.  History  will  never  relate 
the  horrors  committed  by  the  British  army  in  the  Southern  States  of 
America." 

The  heroism  of  the  negro  soldier  has  ever  been  eulo- 
gized by  the  true  statesmen  of  our  country,  whenever  the 


THE  WAR  OF  1775.  71 

question  of  the  American  patriots  was  the  theme.  And  I 
find  no  better  eulogy  to  pronounce  upon  them  than  that 
Hon.  Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  delivered  in 
the  United  States  House  of  Representatives  in  1820,  and 
that  of  Hon  Wm.  Eustis,  of  Massachusetts,  during  the 
same  debate.  Mr.  Pinckney  said : 

"It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  notwithstanding,  in  t_e  course  of  the 
Revolution,  the  Southern  States  were  continually  overrun  by  the  British> 
and  that  every  negro  in  them  had  an  opportunity  of  leaving  their  own- 
ers, few  did ;  proving  thereby  not  only  a  most  remarkable  attachment  to 
their  owners,  but  the  mildness  of  the  treatment,  from  whence  their  affec- 
tion sprang.  They  then  were,  as  they  still  are,  as  valuable  a  part  of  our 
population  to  the  union  as  any  other  equal  number  of  inhabitants. 
They  were  in  numerous  instances  the  pioneers,  and  in  all  the  laborers,  of 
your  armies.  To  their  hands  were  owing  the  erection  of  the  greatest 
part  of  the  fortifications  raised  for  the  protection  of  our  country ;  some 
of  which,  particularly  Fort  Moultrie,  gave,  at  the  early  period  of  the 
inexperience  and  untried  valor  of  our  citizens,  immortality  to  American 
arms ;  and,  in  the  Northern  States,  numerous  bodies  of  them  were  en- 
rolled into,  and  fought,  by  the  side  of  the  whites,  the  battles  of  the  Rev- 
olution."—Annals  of  Congress. 

And  said  Mr.  Eustis  : 

"At  the  commmencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  there  were  found 
in  the  Middle  and  Northern  States,  many  blacks,  and  other  people  of 
color,  capable  of  bearing  arms ;  a  part  of  them  free,  the  greater  part 
slaves.  The  freemen  entered  our  ranks  with  the  whites.  The  time  of 
those  who  were  slaves  was  purchased  by  the  States ;  and  they  were  in- 
duced to  enter  the  service  in  eonsequence  of  a  law  by  which,  on  condition 
of  their  serving  in  the  ranks  during  the  war,  they  were  made  freemen. 

"The  war  over,  and  peace  restored,  these  men  returned  to  their 
respective  States ;  and  who  could  have  said  to  them,  on  their  return  to 
civil  life,  after  having  shed  their  blood  in  common  with  the  whites  in  the 
defence  of  the  liberties  of  their  country,  'You  are  not  to  participate  in 
the  liberty  for  which  you  have  been  fighting? '  Certainly  no  white  man  in 
Massachusetts." 

Such  is  the  historic  story  of  the  negro  in  the  American 
Revolution,  and  it  is  a  sad  one  as  regards  any  benefit  to 
his  own  condition  by  his  connection  with  either  side.  But 
it  is  one  of  the  most  memorable  of  all  history  on  exhibi- 
tion of  the  fidelity  of  a  race  to  the  cause  of  the  freedom  of 
all  men. 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

While  there  is  no  intention  of  entering-  into  an  exam- 
ination of  the  causes  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  in  1812,  yet  in  order  to  carry  out  the 
design  of  the  author  to  show  that  in  this  war, — like  all 
others  in  which  the  government  of  the  United  States 
has  been  engaged,— the  negro,  as  a  soldier,  took  part,  it 
is  deemed  necessary  to  cite  at  least  one  of  the  incidents, 
perhaps  the  incident,  which  most  fired  the  national  heart 
of  America,  and  hastened  the  beginning  of  hostilities. 

The  war  between  England  and  France  gave  to  the 
American  merchant  marine  interest  an  impetus  that  in- 
creased the  number  of  vessels  three-fold  in  a  few  years ; 
it  also  gave  command  of  the  carrying  trade  of  the  West 
Indies,  from  which  Napoleon's  frigates  debarred  the  Eng- 
lish merchantmen.  In  consequence  England  sought  and 
used  every  opportunity  to  cripple  American  commerce 
and  shipping.  One  plan  was  to  deprive  American  ships  of 
the  service  of  English  seamen.  Her  war  vessels  claimed 
and  exercised  the  right  of  searching  for  English  seamen 
on  board  American  vessels.  During  the  year  1807,  the 
English  Admiral  Berkeley,  in  command  of  the  North 
American  Station,  issued  instructions  to  commanders  of 
vessels  in  his  fleet  to  look  out  for  the  American  frigate 
Chesapeake,  and  if  they  fell  in  with  her  at  sea,  to  board 
her  and  search  for  deserters,  as  all  English  seamen  in  the 
American  service  were  regarded  by  England.  With  the 
instructions,  were  the  descriptions  of  four  sailors,  three 
negroes  and  one  white  man,  who  were  missing. 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  73 

The  persons  who  deserted  from  the  Melampus,  then 
lying  in  Hampton  Eoads,  were  William  Ware,  Daniel  Mar- 
tin, John  Strachan,  John  Little  and  Ambrose  Watts. 
Within  a  month  from  their  escape  from  the  Melampus,  the 
first  three  of  these  deserters  offered  themselves  for  enlist- 
ment, and  were  received  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  then  at 
Norfolk,  Ya,  preparing  for  sea.  The  British  consul  at 
Norfolk,  being  apprized  of  the  circumstance,  wrote  a  let- 
ter to  the  American  naval  officer,  requesting  the  men  to 
be  returned.  With  this  request,  the  officer  refused  to  com- 
ply, and  the  British  lost  no  time  in  endeavoring  to  pro- 
cure an  order  from  the  American  government  for  their 
surrender.  On  receipt  of  the  application,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  ordered  an  examination  into  the  charac- 
ters and  claims  of  the  men  in  question.  The  examination 
resulted  in  proof  that  the  three  negroes,  Ware,  Martin 
and  Strachan  were  natives  of  America.  The  two  former 
had  "protections"  or  notarial  certificates  of  their  citizen- 
ship;* Strachan  had  no  "protection"  but  asserted  that 
he  lost  it  previous  to  his  escape.  Such  being  the  circum- 
stances, the  government  refused  to  give  the  men  up,  insist- 
ing that  they  were  American  citizens,  and  though,  they 
had  served  in  the  British  navy,  they  were  pressed  into  the 
service  and  had  a  right  to  desert  it. 

The  Chesapeake  was  one  of  the  finest  of  the  frigates  in 
the  American  Navy,  and  after  receiving  an  outfit  requir- 
ing six  months  to  complete  at  the  Gosport  Navy  Yard, 
at  Norfolk,  Ya.,  started  for  the  Mediterranean.  The  Eng- 
lish frigate  Leopard,  which  lay  in  the  harbor  at  Norfolk 
when  the  Chesapeake  sailed,  followed  her  out  to  sea,  hailed 
her  and  sent  a  letter  to  her  commander,  Commodore 
James  Barron,  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  desert- 
ers. Barron  sent  a  note  refusing  to  comply  with  the 
demand,  whereupon  the  Leopard  fired  several  broadsides 

*  So  indiscriminate  were  English  officers  in  these  outrages,  that  it  sometimes  hap- 
pened that  black  men  were  seized  as  English  seamen.  At  that  time  the  public  opinion 
of  the  world  was  such,  that  few  statesmen  troubled  themselves  much  about  the  rights 
of  negroes.  But  in  another  generation,  when  it  proved  convenient  in  the  United  States 
to  argue  that  free  negroes  had  never  been  citizens,  it  was  remembered  that  the  cabinets 
of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  in  their  diplomatic  discussions  with  Great  Britain,  had  been 
willing  to  argue  that  the  impressment  of  a  free  negro  was  the  seizure  of  an  American 
citizen.— Bryant's  History  of  the  United  States. 

5 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

into  the  Chesapeake.  Barron  struck  his  colors  without 
firing  a  shot,  and  permitted  the  officers  of  the  Leopard  to 
board  his  vessel  and  search  her.  The  British  captain 
refused  to  accept  the  surrender  of  the  Chesapeake,  but 
took  from  her  crew  the  three  men  who  had  been  demanded 
as  deserters ;  also  a  fourth,  John  Wilson,  a  white  man, 
claimed  as  a  runaway  from  a  merchant  ship. 

The  white  sailor,  it  was  admitted  by  the  American 
government,  was  a  British  subject,  and  his  release  was  not 
demanded ;  he  was  executed  for  deserting  the  British  Navy. 
Of  the  negroes,  two  only  were  returned  by  the  British  gov- 
ernment, the  other  one  having  died  in  England.  Says 
an  American  historian  : 

"An  outrage  like  this,  inflicted  not  by  accident  or  the  brutality  of  a 
separate  commander,  naturally  excited  the  whole  nation  to  the  utmost. 

President  Jefferson  very  soon  interdicted  American  harbors  and 
waters  to  all  vessels  of  the  English  Navy,  and  forbade  intercourse  with 
them.  He  sent  a  vessel  of  war  with  a  special  minister  to  demand  satis- 
faction. The  English  Admiral  hanged  the  deserter,  and  dismissed  the 
three  black  men  with  a  reprimand,  blaming  them  for  disturbing  the 
peace  of  two  nations.  That  the  outrage  did  not  end  in  immediate  war, 
was  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  Americans  had  no  Navy  to  fight 
with." 

Nearly  four  years  elapsed  before  the  final  settlement  of 
the  Chesapeake  affair,  and  then  the  English  government 
insisted  upon  its  right  to,  and  issued  orders  for  the  search 
for  British  sailors  to  be  continued ;  thus  a  cause  for  quar- 
rel remained. 

The  principal  grounds  of  war,  set  forth  in  a  message 
of  the  President  to  Congress,  June  1st,  1812,  and  further 
explained  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  ^Relations,  in  their 
report  on  the  subject  of  the  message,  were  summarily  : 

"The  impressment  of  American  seamen  by  the  British ;  the  blockade 
of  her  enemy's  ports,  supported  by  no  adequate  force,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  American  commerce  had  been  plundered  in  every  sea,  and  the 
great  staples  of  the  country  cut  off  from  their  legitimate  markets ;  and 
the  British  orders  in  council." 

On  these  grounds,  the  President  urged  the  declaration 
of  war.  In  unison  with  the  recommendation  of  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  concluded  their 
reports  as  follows : 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  77 

"  Your  committee,  believing  that  the  freeborn  sons  of  America  are 
worthy  to  enjoy  the  liberty  which  their  fathers  purchased  at  the  price  of 
much  blood  and  treasure,  and  seeing  by  the  measures  adopted  by  Great 
Britain,  a  course  commenced  and  persisted  in,  which  might  lead  to  a  loss 
of  national  character  and  independence,  feel  no  hesitation  in  advising 
resistence  by  force,  in  which  the  Americans  of  the  present  day  will  prove 
to  the  enemy  and  the  world,  that  we  have  not  only  inherited  that  liberty 
which  our  fathers  gave  us,  but  also  the  will  and  power  to  maintain  it. 
Relying  on  the  patriotism  of  the  nation,  and  confidently  trusting  that 
the  Lord  of  Hosts  will  go  with  us  to  battle  in  a  righteous  cause,  and 
crown  our  efforts  with  success,  your  committee  recommend  an  immedi- 
ate appeal  to  arms" 

War  was  declared  by  Congress  on  the  17th  of  June, 
and  proclaimed  by  the  President  on  the  second  day  fol- 
lowing. 

The  struggle  was  principally  carried  on  upon  the 
water,  between  the  armed  vessels  of  the  two  nations,  con- 
sequently no  great  armies  were  called  into  active  service 
upon  the  field.  This  was  indeed  fortunate  for  America, 
whose  military  establishments  at  the  time  were  very  defec- 
tive. Congress  called  for  twenty  thousand  men,  but  a  very 
few  enlisted.  The  President  was  authorized  to  raise  fifty 
thousand  volunteers  and  to  call  out  one  hundred  thou- 
sand militia  for  the  defence  of  the  seacoast  and  frontiers  ; 
but  officers  could  not  be  found  to  nominally  command  the 
few  thousand  that  responded  to  the  call;  which  state  of 
affairs  was  no  doubt  largely  due  to  the  opposition  to  the 
war,  which  existed  in  the  New  England  States. 

Since  the  peace  of  1783,  a  class  of  marine  merchants 
at  the  North  had  vied  with  each  other  in  the  African  slave 
trade,  in  supplying  the  Southern  planters.  Consequently 
the  increase  in  negro  population  was  great;  in  1800  it  was 
1,001,463,  and  in  1810,  two  years  before  war  was  de- 
clared, 1,377,810,  an  increase  of  376,347.  Of  the  1,377,- 
810,  there  were  1,181,362  slaves,  and  186,448  free.  Of 
course  their  increase  was  not  due  solely  to  the  importa- 
tion by  the  slave  trade,  but  the  aggregate  increase  was 
large,  compared  with  the  increase  of  the  white  poDulation 
for  the  same  period. 

The  free  negroes  were  mainly  residents  of  the  Northern 
States,  where  they  enjoyed  a  nominal  freedom:  They 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

entered  the  service  with  alacrity ;  excluded  from  the  army, 
they  enlisted  in  the  navy,  swelling  the  number  of  those 
who,  upon  the  rivers,  lakes,  bays  and  oceans,  manned 
the  guns  of  the  war  vessels,  in  defense  of  Free  Trade,  Sai- 
lor's Rights  and  Independence  on  the  seas  as  well  as  on 
the  land.  It  is  quite  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact 
number  of  negroes  who  stood  beside  the  guns  that  won 
for  America  just  recognition  from  the  maritime  powers  of 
the  world.  Like  the  negro  soldiers  in  the  Revolutionary 
war  who  served  with  the  whites,  so  the  negro  sailors  in 
the  war  of  1812  served  in  the  American  Navy;  in  the  mess, 
at  the  gun,  on  the  yard-arm  and  in  the  gangway,  to- 
gether with  others  of  various  nationalities,  they  achieved 
many  victories  for  the  navy  of  our  common  country. 
The  best  evidence  I  can  give  in  substantiation  of  what 
has  been  written,  is  the  following  letter  from  Surgeon  Par- 
sons to  George  Livermore,  Esq.,  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society : 

"  PROVIDENCE,  October  18, 1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :— In  reply  to  your  inquiries  about  the  employing  of 
blacks  in  our  navy  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  particularly  in  the  battle  of 
Lake  Erie,  I  refer  you  to  documents  in  Mackenzie's  'Life  of  Commodore 
Perry,'  vol.  i.  pp.  166  and  187. 

"In  1814,  our  fleet  sailed  to  the  Upper  Lakes  to  co-operate  with 
Colonel  Croghan  at  Mackinac.  About  one  in  ten  or  twelve  of  the  crews 
were  black. 

"In  1816,  I  was  surgeon  of  the  'Java,  under  Commodore  Perry. 
The  white  and  colored  seamen  messed  together.  About  one  in  six  or 
eight  were  colored. 

"In  1819, 1  was  surgeon  of  the  'Guerriere/  under  Commodore  Mac- 
donough  ;  and  the  proportion  of  blacks  was  about  the  same  in  her  crew. 
There  seemed  to  be  an  entire  absence  of  prejudice  against  the  blacks  as 
messmates  among  the  crew.  What  I  have  said  applies  to  the  crews  of 
the  other  ships  that  sailed  in  squadrons. 

Yours  very  respectfully, 

USHER  PARSONS. 

Dr.  Parsons  had  reference  to  the  following  correspond- 
ence between  Captain  Perry  and  Commodore  Chauncey, 
which  took  place  in  1813,  before  the  former's  victory 
on  Lake  Erie.  As  will  be  seen,  Perry  expressed  dissatisfac- 
tion as  to  the  recruits  sent  him  to  man  the  squadron  then 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  79 

on  Lake  Erie,  and  with  which  he  gained  a  decisive  victory 
over  the  British  fleet,  under  command  of  Capt  Barley : 

"SiR,— I  have  this  moment  received,  by  express,  the  enclosed  letter 
from  General  Harrison.  If  I  had  officers  and  men, — and  I  have  no  doubt 
you  will  send  them,— I  could  fight  the  enemy,  and  proceed  up  the  lake ; 
but,  having  no  one  to  command  the  'Niagara,'  and  only  one  commis- 
sioned lieutenant  and  two  acting  lieutenants,  whatever  my  wishes  may 
be,  going  out  is  out  of  the  question.  The  men  that  came  by  Mr  Champ- 
lin  are  a  motley  set,— blacks,  soldiers,  and  boys.  I  cannot  think  you 
saw  them  after  they  were  selected.  I  am,  however,  pleased  t:  see  any 
thing  in  the  shape  of  a  man."— Mackenzie's  Life  of  Perry,  voL  i.  pp. 
165, 166. 

Commodore  Chauncey  then  rebuked  him  in  his  reply, 
and  set  forth  the  worth  of  the  negro  seaman : 

"SiR,— I  have  been  duly  honored  with  your  letters  of  the  twenty- 
third  and  twenty-sixth  ultimo,  and  notice  your  anxiety  for  men  and  offi- 
cers. I  am  equally  anxious  to  furnish  you ;  and  no  time  shall  be  lost  in 
sending  officers  and  men  to  you  as  soon  as  the  public  service  will  allow 
me  to  send  them  from  this  lake.  I  regret  that  you  are  not  pleased  with 
the  men  sent  you  by  Messrs  Champlin  and  Forest ;  for,  to  my  knowledge, 
a  part  of  them  are  not  surpassed  by  any  seamen  we  have  in  the  fleet: 
and  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the  color  of  the  skin,  or  the  cut  and  trim- 
mings of  the  coat,  can  effect  a  man's  qualifications  or  usefulness.  I  have 
nearly  fifty  blacks  on  board  of  this  ship,  and  many  of  them  are  among 
my  best  men ;  and  those  people  you  call  soldiers  have  been  to  sea  from 
two  to  seventeen  years ;  and  I  presume  that  you  will  find  them  as  good 
and  useful  as  any  men  on  board  of  your  vessel ;  at  least  if  you  can  judge 
by  comparison ;  for  those  which  we  have  on  board  of  this  ship  are  atten- 
tive and  obedient,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  many  of  them  excellent 
seamen :  at  any  rate,  the  men  sent  to  Lake  Erie  have  been  selected  with 
a  view  of  sending  a  fair  proportion  of  petty  officers  and  seamen ;  and  I 
presume,  upon  examination,  it  will  be  found  that  they  are  equal  to  those 
upon  this  lake."— Mackenzie's  Life  of  Perry,  vol.  i.  pp.  186, 187. 

The  battle  of  Lake  Erie  is  the  most  memorable  naval 
battle  fought  with  the  British ;  of  it  Eossiter  Johnson,  in 
his  "History  of  the  War  of  1812,"  in  the  description  of 
the  engagement,  says : 

"As  the  question  of  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  black  man  has  since 
been  considerably  discussed,  it  is  worth  noting  that  in  this  bloody  and 
brilliant  battle  a  large  number  of  Perry's  men  were  negroes." 

It  was  not  left  to  Commodores  Chauncey  and  Perry, 
solely,  to  applaud  them ;  there  was  not  an  American  war 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

vessel,  perhaps,  whose  crew,  in  part,  was  not  made  up  of 
negroes,  as  the  accounts  of  various  sea  fights  prove.  And 
they  are  entitled  to  no  small  share  of  the  meed  of  praise 
given  the  American  seamen,  who  fought  and  won  victory 
over  the  British.  Not  only  in  the  Navy,  but  on  board  the 
privateers,*  the  American  negro  did  service,  as  the  follow- 
ing extract  will  show : 

"Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Nathaniel  Shaler,  Commander  of  the  private- 
armed  Schooner  Gov.  Tompkins,  to  his  Agent  in  New  York. 

AT  SEA,  Jan.  1, 1813. 

"  Before  I  could  get  our  light  sails  on,  and  almost  before  I  could  turn 
round,  I  was  under  the  guns,  not  of  a  transport,  but  of  a  large  frigate! 
and  not  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  her.  *  *  Her  first 

broadside  killed  two  men  and  wounded  six  others  *  *  My  officers 
conducted  themselves  in  a  way  that  would  have  done  honor  to  a  more 
permanent  service  *  *  *  The  name  of  one  of  my  poor  fellows  who  was 
killed  ought  to  be  registered  in  the  book  of  fame,  and  remembered  with 
reverence  as  long  as  bravery  is  considered  a  virtue.  He  was  a  black  man 
by  the  name  of  John  Johnson.  A  twenty-four  pound  shot  struck  him  in. 
the  hip,  and  took  away  all  the  lower  part  of  his  body.  In  this  state,  the 
poor  brave  fellow  lay  on  the  deck,  and  several  times  exclaimed  to  his 
shipmates,  'Fire  away,  my  boy:  no  haul  a  color  down '  The  other  was  a 
black  man,  by  the  name  of  John  Davis,  and  was  struck  in  much  the  same 
way.  He  fell  near  me,  and  several  times  requested  to  be  thrown  over- 
board, saying  he  was  only  in  the  way  of  others. 

"When  America  has  such  tars,  she  has  little  to  fear  from  the  tyrants 
of  the  ocean."— Nile's  Weekly  Register,  Saturday,  Feb.  26, 1814. 

As  in  the  late  war  of  the  rebellion,  the  negroes  offered 
their  services  at  the  outset  when  volunteers  were  called 
for,  and  the  true  patriots  at  the  North  sought  to  have 
their  services  accepted ;  but  the  government  being  in  the 
control  of  the  opponents  of  universal  freedom  and  the 
extention'of  the  rights  of  citizenship  to  the  negro,  the 
effort  to  admit  him  into  the  ranks  of  the  army,  even  in 
separate  organizations,  was  futile.  At  the  same  time 
American  whites  would  not  enlist  to  any  great  extent, 
and  but  for  the  tide  of  immigration,  which  before  the  war 
had  set  in  from  Ireland,  the  fighting  on  shore  would  prob- 

*  "Hammond  Golar,  a  colored  man  who  lived  In  Lynn  for  many  years,  died  a  few 
years  since  at  the  age  of  80  years.  He  was  born  a  slave,  was  a  privateer  "powder 
boy  "  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  was  taken  to  Halifax  as  a  prisoner.  The  English  Govern- 
ment did  not  exchange  colored  prisoners  because  they  would  then  be  returned  to  slay- 
Very,  and  Golar  remained  a  prisoner  until  the  close  of  the  war  " 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  81 

ably  not  have  lasted  six  months ;  certainly  the  invasion  of 
Canada  would  not  have  been  attempted. 

The  reverses  which  met  the  American  army  in  the  first 
year  of  the  war,  slackened  even  the  enlistment  that  was 
going  on  and  imperiled  the  safety  of  the  country,  and  the 
defences  of  the  most  important  seaports  and  manufactur- 
ing states.  Battle  after  battle  had  been  lost,  the  invasion 
of  Canada  abandoned,  and  the  British  had  turned  their 
attention  southward.  The  war  in  Europe  had  been 
brought  to  a  close,  and  Napoleon  was  a  captive.  Eng- 
land was  now  at  liberty  to  reinforce  her  fleet  and  army  in 
America,  and  fears  were  entertained  that  other  European 
powers  might  assist  her  in  invading  the  United  States. 
The  negro  soldier  again  loomed  up,  and  as  the  British 
were  preparing  to  attack  New  Orleans  with  a  superior 
force  to  that  of  Gen.  Jackson's,  he  sought  to  avail  himself 
of  every  possible  help  within  his  reach.  Accordingly  he 
issued  the  following  proclamation : 

GENERAL-  JACKSON'S  PROCLAMATION  TO  THE  NEGROES. 

HEADQUARTERS,  SEVENTH  MILITARY  DISTRICT, 

MOBILE,  September  21, 1814. 
To  the  Free  Colored  Inhabitants  of  Louisiana: 

Through  a  mistaken  policy,  you  have  heretofore  been  deprived  of  a 
participation  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  national  rights  in  which  our 
country  is  engaged.  This  no  longer  shall  exist. 

As  sons  of  freedom,  you  are  now  called  upon  to  defend  our  most 
inestimable  blessing.  As  Americans,  your  country  looks  with  confidence 
to  her  adopted  children  for  a  valorous  support,  as  a  faithful  return  for 
the  advantages  enjoyed  under  her  mild  and  equitable  government.  As 
fathers,  husbands,  and  brothers,  you  are  summoned  to  rally  around  the 
standard  of  the  Eagle,  to  defend  all  which  is  dear  in  existence. 

Your  country,  although  calling  for  your  exertions,  does  not  wish  you 
to  engage  in  her  cause  without  amply  remunerating  you  for  the  services 
rendered.  Your  intelligent  minds  are  not  to  be  led  away  by  false  repre- 
sentations. Your  love  of  honor  would  cause  you  to  despise  the  man 
who  should  attempt  to  deceive  you.  In  the  sincerity  of  a  soldier  and 
the  language  of  truth  I  address  you. 

To  every  noble-hearted,  generous  freeman  of  color  volunteering  to 
serve  during  the  present  contest  with  Great  Britain,  and  no  longer,  there 
will  be  paid  the  same  bounty,  in  money  and  lands,  now  received  by  the 
white  soldiers  of  the  United  States,  viz :  one  hundred  and  twenty-four 
dollars  in  money,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land.  The  non- 


82  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

commissioned  officers  and  privates  will  also  be  entitled  to  the  same 
monthly  pay,  and  daily  rations,  and  clothes,  furnished  to  any  American 
Boldier. 

On  enrolling  yourselves  in  companies,  the  Major-General  Command- 
ing will  select  officers  for  your  government  from  your  white  fellow-citi- 
zens. Your  non-commissioned  officers  will  be  appointed  from  among 
yourselves. 

Due  regard  will  be  paid  to  the  feelings  of  freeman  and  soldiers.  You 
will  not,  by  being  associated  with  white  men  in  the  same  corps,  be  ex. 
posed  to  improper  comparisons  or  unjust  sarcasm.  As  a  distinct,  inde- 
pendent battalion  or  regiment,  pursuing  the  path  of  glory,  you  will, 
undivided,  receive  the  applause  and  gratitude  of  your  countrymen. 

To  assure  you  of  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions,  and  my  anxiety  to 
engage  your  invaluable  services  to  our  country,  I  have  communicated 
my  wishes  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  who  is  fully  informed  as  to  the 
manner  of  enrollment,  and  will  give  you  every  necessary  information  on 
the  subject  of  this  address. 

ANDREW  JACKSON,  Major-General  Commanding. 
[Niles  Register,  vol.  viL  p.  205.'] 

When  the  news  of  Gen.  Jackson  arming  the  free 
negroes  reached  the  North  it  created  no  little  surprise, 
and  greatly  encouraged  those,  who,  from  the  commence- 
ment of  hostilities,  had  advocated  it.  The  successes  of 
the  summer  were  being  obliterated  by  the  victories  which 
the  British  were  achieving.  The  national  capitol  was 
burned;  Maine  had  virtually  fallen  into  their  hands; 
gloom  and  disappointment  prevailed  throughout  the 
country.  Enlistment  was  at  a  stand-still,  and  as  the 
British  were  threatening  with  annihilation  the  few  troops 
then  in  the  field,  it  became  evident  that  the  States  would 
have  to  look  to  their  own  defence.  New  York  again 
turned  her  attention  to  her  free  negro  population ;  a  bill 
was  prepared  and  introduced  in  the  legislature  looking  to 
the  arming  of  her  negroes,  and  in  October,  a  month  after 
Gen.  Jackson  issued  his  appeal  to  the  negroes  of  Louisiana, 
the  Legislature  passed  a  bill  of  which  the  following  are  the 
most  important  sections : 

"An  Act  to  authorize  the  raising  of  Two  Regiments  of  Men  of  Color; 

passed  Oct.  24, 1814. 

"SECT.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
represented  in  Senate  and  Assembly,  That  the  Governor  of  the  State  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  authorized  to  raise,  by  voluntary  enlistment,  two  regi- 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  83 

ments  of  free  men  of  color,  for  the  defence  of  the  State  for  three  years, 
unless  sooner  discharged. 

"SECT.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  each  of  the  said  regi- 
ments shall  consist  of  one  thousand  and  eighty  adble-bodied  men ;  and 
the  said  regiments  shall  be  formed  into  a  brigade,  or  be  organized  in 
such  manner,  and  shall  be  employed  in  such  service,  as  the  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York  shall  deem  best  adapted  to  defend  the  said  State. 

"SECT.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  the  commissioned 
officers  of  the  said  regiments  and  brigade  shall  be  white  men ;  and  the 
Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  author- 
ized to  commission,  by  brevet,  all  the  officers  of  the  said  regiments  and 
brigade,  who  shall  hold  their  respective  commissions  until  the  council  of 
appointment  shall  have  appointed  the  officers  of  the  said  regiments  and 
brigade,  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  said  State. 

"SECT.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
any  able-bodied  slave,  with  the  written  assent  of  his  master  or  mis- 
tress, to  enlist  into  the  said  corps ;  and  the  master  or  mistress  of  such 
slave  shall  be  entitled  to  the  pay  and  bounty  allowed  him  for  his  service : 
and,  further,  that  the  said  slave,  at  the  time  of  receiving  his  discharge, 
shall  be  deemed  and  adjudged  to  have  been  legally  manumitted  from 
that  time,  and  his  said  master  or  mistress  shall  not  thenceforward  be 
liable  for  his  maintenance.— Laws  of  the  State  of  New  York,  passed  at 
the  Thirty-eighth  Session  of  the  Legislature,  chap,  xviii. 

The  organization  of  negro  troops  was  now  fairly 
begun;  at  the  South  enlistment  was  confined  to  the  free 
negroes  as  set  forth  in  Gen.  Jackson's  Proclamation.  Inr 
New  York,  the  slaves  who  should  enlist  with  the  consent 
of  their  owners  were  to  be  free  at  the  expiration  of  their 
service,  as  provided  in  the  Sixth  section  of  the  law  quoted 
above. 

Animated  by  that  love  of  liberty  and  country  which 
has  ever  prompted  them,  notwithstanding  the  disabilities 
under  which  they  labored,  to  enter  the  ranks  of  their 
country's  defenders  whenever  that  country  has  been 
assailed  by  foes  without  or  traitors  within,  the  negroes 
responded  to  the  call  of  General  Jackson  and  to  that  of 
New  York,  with  a  zeal  and  energy  characteristic  only  of  a 
brave  and  patriotic  people.  Inspired  by  the  hope  of  im- 
partial liberty,  they  rallied  to  the  support  of  that  banner 
which  Commodore  Barron  lowered  when  he  failed  to  pro- 
tect them  from  British  aggression,  but  which  Commodore 
Decatur  gallantly  and  successfully  defended. 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  forcible  capture  and  imprisonment  of  Ware,  Mar* 
tin  and  Strachan,  the  three  negroes  taken  from  the  Chesa- 
peake, and  who  were  recognized  by  the  United  States  au- 
thorities as  citizens  of  the  republic,  was  sounded  as  the 
key-note  and  rallying  cry  of  the  war ;  the  outrage  served 
greatly  to  arouse  the  people.  The  fact  that  the  govern, 
ment  sought  to  establish  the  liberty  of  the  free  negroes, 
and  the  further  fact  that  she  regarded  them  as  citizens, 
heightened  their  indignation  at  the  outrage  committed  by 
the  British,  and  appealed  to  their  keenest  patriotic  sensi- 
bilities. New  York  was  not  long  in  raising  her  two  battal- 
ions, and  sending  it  forward  to  the  army,  then  at  Sock- 
et's Harbor. 

On  the  18th  of  December,  1814,  following  the  issuing 
of  his  Proclamation,  Gen.  Jackson  reviewed  the  troops 
under  his  command  at  New  Orleans,  amounting  to  about 
six  thousand,  and  of  this  force  about  five  hundred  were 
negroes,  organized  into  two  battalions,  commanded  by 
Maj.  Lacoste  and  Maj.  Savory.  These  battalions,  at  the 
close  of  the  review,  says  Parton,  in  his  Life  of  Jackson, 
had  read  to  them  by  Edward  Livingston,  a  member  of 
Jackson's  staff,  the  following  address,  from  the  Com- 
mander of  the  American  forces : 

"To  THE  EMBODIED  MILITIA. — Fellow  Citizens  and  Soldiers:  The 
General  commanding  in  chief  would  not  do  justice  to  the  noble  ardor 
that  has  animated  you  in  the  hour  of  danger,  he  would  not  do  justice  to 
his  own  feeling,  if  he  suffered  the  example  you  have  shown  to  pass  with- 
out public  notice. 

"Fellow-citizens,  of  every  description,  remember  for  what  and 
against  whom  you  contend.  For  all  that  can  render  life  desirable — for  a 
country  blessed  with  every  gift  of  nature — for  property,  for  life— for 
those  dearer  than  either,  your  wives  and  children — and  for  liberty,  with- 
out which,  country,  life,  property,  are  ho  longer  worth  possessing;  as 
even  the  embraces  of  wives  and  children  become  a  reproach  to  the  wretch 

who  could  deprive  them  by  his  cowardice  of  those  invaluable  blessings. 
***** 

"To  THE  MEN  OF  COLOR.— Soldiers !  From  the  shores  of  Mobile  I 
collected  you  to  arms, — I  invited  you  to  share  in  the  perils  and  to 
divide  the  glory  of  your  white  countrymen.  I  expected  much  from  you ; 
for  I  was  not  uninformed  of  those  qualities  which  must  render  you  so 
formidable  to  an  invading  foe.  I  knew  that  you  could  endure  hunger 
and  thirst,  and  all  the  hardships  of  war.  I  knew  that  you  loved  the 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  85 

land  of  your  nativity,  and  that,  like  ourselves,  you  had  to  defend  "all 
that  is  most  dear  to  man.  But  you  surpass  my  hopes.  I  have  found  in 
you,  united  to  these  qualities,  that  noble  enthusiasm  which  impels  to 
great  deeds. 

"Soldiers !  The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  informed  of 
your  conduct  on  the  present  occasion ;  and  the  voice  of  the  Representa- 
tives of  the  American  nation  shall  applaud  your  valor,  as  your  General 
now  praises  your  ardor.  The  enemy  is  near.  His  sails  cover  the  lakes. 
But  the  brave  are  united ;  and,  if  he  finds  us  contending  among  our- 
selves, it  will  be  for  the  prize  of  valor,  and  fame  its  noblest  reward." — 
Niles's  Register,  vol.  vii.  pp.  345,  346. 

Thus  in  line  with  the  white  troops  on  the  soil  of 
Louisiana,  amid  a  large  slave  population,  the  negro  sol- 
diers were  highly  praised  by  the  commanding  General. 
The  British  had  already  made  their  appearance  on  the 
coast  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  at  the  time 
of  their  landing,  General  Jackson  went  out  to  meet 
them  with  two  thousand  one  hundred  men ;  the  British 
had  two  thousand  four  hundred.  This  was  on  the  23rd  of 
December.  The  two  armies  met  and  fought  to  within  a 
few  miles  of  the  city,  where  the  British  general,  Paken- 
ham,  who  had  arrived  with  reinforcements,  began  on  the 
31st  to  lay  seige.  On  Jan.  8th  the  short  but  terrible  strug- 
gle took  place  which  not  only  taxed  the  energies  and  dis- 
played the  great  courage  of  both  forces,  but  made  the 
engagement  one  of  historic  interest.  In  the  short  space 
of  twenty-live  minutes  seven  hundred  of  the  British  were 
killed;  fourteen  hundred  were  wounded  and  four  hun- 
dred were  taken  prisoners.  The  American  army  was  so 
well  protected  that  only  four  were  killed  and  thirteen 
wounded.  It  was  in  this  great  battle  that  two  battalions 
of  negroes  participated,  and  helped  to  save  the  city,  the 
coveted  prize,  from  the  British.  The  two  battalions  num- 
bered four  hundred  and  thirty  men,  and  were  commanded 
by  Maj.  Lacoste  and  Maj.  Savory.  Great  Britain  also 
had  her  negro  soldiers  there,— a  regiment  imported  from 
the  West  Jndies  which  headed  the  attacking  column 
against  Jackson's  right,— they  led  her  van  in  the  battle; 
their  failure,  with  that  of  the  Irish  regiment  which  formed 
also  a  part  of  the  advance  column,  lost  the  British  the 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

battle.  The  conduct  of  the  negro  soldiers  in  Gen.  Jack- 
son's army  on  that  occasion  has  ever  been  applauded  by 
the  American  people.  Mr.  Day,  in  Nell's  "Colored  Patriots 
of  the  American  Revolution,"  says: 

"  From  an  authenticated  chart,  belonging  to  a  soldier  friend,  I  find 
that,  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  Major-General  Andrew  Jackson, 
Commander-in-Chief,  and  his  staff,  were  just  at  the  right  of  the  advanc- 
ing left  column  of  the  British,  and  that  very  near  him  were  stationed  the 
colored  soldiers.  He  is  numbered  6,  and  the  position  of  the  colored  soldiers 
8.  The  chart  explanation  of  No.  8  reads  thus : —  '  8.  Captains  Domi- 
nique and  Bluche,  two  24  pounders;  Major  Lacoste's  battalion,  formed 
of  the  men  of  color  of  New  Orleans  and,  Major  Daquin's  battalion, 
formed  of  the  men  of  color  of  St.  Domingo,  under  Major  Savary,  second 
in  command. ' 

"  They  occupied  no  mean  place,  and  did  no  mean  service. 

"  From  other  documents  in  my  possession,  I  am  able  to  state  the 
number  of  the  '  battalion  of  St.  Domingo  men  of  color '  to  have  been 
one  hundred  and  fifty ;  and  of  '  Major  Lacoste's  battalion  of  Louisiana 
men  of  color,'  two  hundred  and  eighty. 

"Thus  were  over  four  hundred  'men  of  color'  in  that  battle.  When 
it  is  remembered  that  the  whole  number  of  soldiers  claimed  by  Ameri- 
cans to  have  been  in  that  battle  reached  only  3600,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  '  men  of  color '  were  present  in  much  larger  proportion  than  their 
numbers  in  the  country  warranted. 

"  Neither  was  there  colorphobia  then.  Major  Planche's  battalion  of 
uniformed  volunteer  companies,  and  Major  Lacoste's  'men  of  color,' 
fought  together;  so,  also,  did  Major  Daquin's  'men  of  color,'  and  the 
44th,  under  Captain  Baker. " 

Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  in  his  speech  in  Congress 
on  the  Imprisonment  of  Colored  Seamen,  September, 
1850,  bore  this  testimony  to  their  gallant  conduct : 

"I  have  an  impression,  that,  not,  indeed,  in  these  piping  times  of 
peace,  but  in  the  time  of  war,  when  quite  a  boy,  I  have  seen  black  sol- 
diers enlisted,  who  did  faithful  and  excellent  service.  But,  however  it 
may  have  been  in  the  Northern  States,  I  can  tell  the  Senator  what  hap- 
pened in  the  Southern  States  at  this  period.  I  believe  that  I  shall  be 
borne  out  in  saying,  that  no  regiments  did  better  service,  at  New  Orleans, 
than  did  the  black  regiments,  which  were  organized  under  the  direction 
of  General  Jackson  himself,  after  a  most  glorious  appeal  to  the  patriot- 
ism and  honor  of  the  people  of  color  of  that  region ;  and  which,  after 
they  came  out  of  the  war,  received  the  thanks  of  General  Jackson,  in  a 
proclamation  which  has  been  thought  worthy  of  being  inscribed  on  the 
pages  of  history." 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  87 

Perhaps  the  most  glowing  account  of  the  services  of 
these  black  American  soldiers,  appeared  in  an  article  in 
the  New  Orleans  Picayune : 

"Not  the  least  interesting,  although  the  most  novel  feature  of  the 
procession  yesterday,  was  the  presence  of  ninety  of  the  colored  veterans 
who  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  dangers  of  the  day  they  were  now 
for  the  first  time  called  to  assist  in  celebrating,  and  who,  by  their  good 
conduct  in  presence  of  the  enemy,  deserved  and  received  the  appro- 
bation of  their  illustrious  commander-in-chief.  During  the  thirty-six 
years  that  have  passed  away  since  they  assisted  to  repel  the  invaders 
from  our  shores,  these  faithful  men  have  never  before  participated  in  the 
annual  rejoicings  for  the  victory  which  their  valor  contributed  to  gain. 
Their  good  deeds  have  been  consecrated  only  in  their  memories,  or  lived 
but  to  claim  a  passing  notice  on  the  page  of  the  historian.  Yet,  who 
more  than  they  deserve  the  thanks  of  the  country,  and  the  gratitude  of 
succeeding  generations  ?  Who  rallied  with  more  alacrity  in  response  to 
the  summons  of  danger?  Who  endured  more  cheerfully  the  hardships 
of  the  camp,  or  faced  with  greater  courage  the  perils  of  the  fight  ?  If, 
in  that  hazardous  hour,  when  our  homes  were  menanced  with  the  hor- 
rors of  war,  we  did  not  disdain  to  call  upon  the  colored  population  to 
assist  in  repelling  the  invading  horde,  we  should  not,  when  the  danger  is 
passed,  refuse  to  permit  them  to  unite  with  us  in  celebrating  the  glori- 
ous event,  which  they  helped  to  make  so  memorable  an  epoch  in  our  his- 
tory. We  were  not  too  exalted  to  mingle  with  them  in  the  affray ;  they 
were  not  too  humble  to  join  in  our  rejoicings. 

"  Such,  we  think,  is  the  universal  opinion  of  our  citizens.  We  con- 
versed with  many  yesterday,  and,  without  exception,  they  expressed 
approval  of  the  invitation  which  had  been  extended  to  the  colored  vet- 
erans to  take  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  day,  and  gratification  at 
seeing  them  in  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  procession. 

"  The  respectability  of  their  appearance,  and  the  modesty  of  their 
demeanor,  made  an  impression  on  every  observer,  and  elicited  unquali- 
fied approbation.  Indeed,  though  in  saying  so  we  do  not  mean  disre- 
spect to  any  one  else,  we  think  that  they  constituted  decidedly  the  most 
interesting  portion  of  the  pageant,  as  they  certainly  attracted  the  most 
attention." 

It  was  during  the  rebellion  of  1861-65  that  therrathor 
saw  one  of  the  colored  drummer  boys  of  that  column 
beating  his  drum  at  the  head  of  a  negro  United  States 
regiment  marching  through  the  streets  of  New  Orleans  in 
1862. 

The  New  York  battalion  was  organized  and  marched 
to  the  reinforcement  of  the  American  army  at  Sacket's 


88  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Harbor,  then  threatened  by  the  enemy.  This  battalion 
was  said  to  be  a  fine  looking  body  of  men,  well  drilled  and 
disciplined.  In  Congress  Mr.  Martindale,  of  New  York, 
said,  in  a  speech  delivered  on  the  22nd  January  1828,  be- 
fore that  body : 

"Slaves  or  negroes  who  had  been  slaves  were  enlisted  as  soldiers  in 
the  war  of  the  Revolution :  and  I  myself  saw  a  battalion  of  them,— as- 
fine  martial  looking  men  as  I  ever  saw  attached  to  the  Northern  army  in 
the  last  war  (1812),— on  its  march  from  Plattsburg  to  Sacket's  Har- 
bor, where  they  did  service  for  the  country  with  credit  to  New  York  and 
honor  to  themselves." 

As  in  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolution,  so  now  in 
another  period  of  national  danger,  the  negroes  proved 
their  courage  and  patriotism  by  service  in  the  field.  How- 
ever, the  lamentable  treatment  of  Major  Jeffrey*  is  evi- 
dence that  these  services  were  not  regarded  as  a  protec- 
tion against  outrage. 

In  the  two  wars  in  which  the  history  of  the  negroes- 
has  been  traced  in  these  pages,  there  is  nothing  that  miti- 
gates against  his  manhood,  though  his  condition,  either 
bond  or  free,  was  lowly.  But  on  the  contrary  the  honor 
of  the  race  has  been  maintained  under  every  circumstance 
in  which  it  has  been  placed. 

*  See  page  50 


PART  II,  . 

THE  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  STATES, 


1861. 


CHAPTEK  I. 

PUBLIC  OPINION. 

It  seems  proper,  before  attempting  to  record  the 
achievements  of  the  negro  soldiers  in  the  war  of  the 
Rebellion,  that  we  should  consider  the  state  of  public 
opinion  regarding  the  negroes  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war; 
also,  in  connection  therewith,  to  note  the  rapid  change 
that  took  place  during  the  early  part  of  the  struggle. 

For.  some  cause,  unexplained  in  a  general  sense,  the 
white  people  in  the  Colonies  and  in  the  States,  came  to 
entertain  against  the  colored  races  therein  a  prejudice, 
that  showed  itself  in  a  hostility  to  the  latter 's  enjoying 
equal  civil  and  political  rights  with  themselves.  Various 
reasons  are  alleged  for  it,  but  the  difficulty  of  really  solv- 
ing the  problem  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  early  settlers  in 
this  country  came  without  prejudice  against  color.  The 
Negro,  Egyptian,  Arab,  and  other  colored  races  known  to 
them,  lived  in  European  countries,  where  no  prejudice,  on 
account  of  color  existed.  How  very  strange  then,  that  a 
feeling  antagonistic  to  the  negroes  should  become  a 
prominent  feature  in  the  character  of  the  European  emi- 
grants to  these  shores  and  their  descendants.  It  has  been 
held  by  some  writers  that  the  American  prejudice  against 
the  negroes  was  occasioned  by  their  docility  and  unresent- 
ing  spirit.  Surely  no  one  acquainted  with  the  Indian  will 
agree  that  he  is  docile  or  wanting  in  spirit,  yet  occasion- 
ally there  is  manifested  a  prejudice  against  him;  the 
recruiting  officers  in  Massachusetts  refused  to  enlist  In- 
dians, as  well  as  negroes,  in  regiments  and  companies 
made  up  of  white  citizens,  though  members  of  both  races, 
could  sometimes  be  found  in  white  regiments.  During  the 

6  (93) 


04  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

rebellion  of  1861-5,  some  Western  regiments  had  one  or 
two  negroes  and  Indians  in  them,  but  there  was  no  general 
enlistment  of  either  race  in  white  regiments.*  The  objec- 
tion was  on  account  of  color,  or,  as  some  writers  claim, 
by  the  fact  of  the  races— negro  and  Indian  f — having  been 
enslaved.  Be  the  cause  what  it  may,  a  prejudice,  strong, 
unrelenting,  barred  the  two  races  from  enjoying  with  the 
white  race  equal  civil  and  political  rights  in  the  United 
States.  So  very  strong  had  that  prejudice  grown  since 
tjie  Eevolution,  enhanced  it  may  be  by  slavery  and  docil- 
ity, that  when  the  rebellion  of  1861  burst  forth,  a  feeling 
stronger  than  law,  like  a  Chinese  wall  only  more  impreg- 
nable, encircled  the  negro,  and  formed  a  barrier  betwixt 
him  and  the  army.  Doubtless  peace— a  long  peace — lent 
its  aid  materially  to  this  state  of  affairs.  Wealth,  chiefly, 
was  the  dream  of  the  American  from  1815  to  1860,  nearly 
half  a  century ;  a  period  in  which  the  negro  was  friendless, 
save  in  a  few  strong-minded,  iron-hearted  men  like  John 
Brown  in  Kansas,  Wendell  Philips  in  New  England,  Charles 
Sumner  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Horace  Greeley  in 
New  York  and  a  few  others,  who  dared,  in  the  face  of 
strong  public  sentiment,  to  plead  his  cause,  even  from  a 
humane  platform.  In  many  places  he  could  not  ride  in  a 
street  car  that  was  not  inscribed,  "  Colored  persons  ride 
in  this  car."  The  deck  of  a  steamboat,  the  box  cars  of 
the  railroad,  the  pit  of  the  theatre  and  the  gallery  of  the 
church,  were  the  locations  accorded  him.  The  church  lent 
its  influence  to  the  rancor  and  bitterness  of  a  prejudice  as 
deadly  as  the  sap  of  the  Upas. 

To  describe  public  opinion  respecting  the  negro  a  half 
a  century  ago,  is  no  easy  task.    It  was  just  budding  into 

*  I  arrived  in  New  York  in  August,  1862,  from  Valparaiso,  Chili,  on  the  steamship 
"Bio-Bio,"  of  Boston,  and  in  company  with  two  Spaniards,  neither  of  whom  could 
epeak  English,  enlisted  in  a  New  York  regiment.  We  were  sent  to  the  rendezvous  on 
one  of  the  islands  in  the  harbor.  The  third  day  after  we  arrived  at  the  barracks,  I 
was  sent  with  one  of  my  companions  to  carry  water  to  the  cook,  an  aged  negro,  who 
immediately  recognized  me,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  cor- 
poral, who  reported  the  matter  to  the  commanding  officer,  and  before  I  could  give  the 
cook  the  hint,  he  was  examined  by  the  officer  of  the  day.  At  noon  I  was  accompanied 
by  a  guard  of  honor  to  the  launch,  which  landed  me  in  New  York.  I  was  a  negro, 
that  was  all ;  how  it  was  accounted  for  on  the  rolls  I  cannot  say.  I  was  honorably 
discharged,  however,  without  receiving  a  certificate  to  that  effect. 

t  The  Indians  referred  to  are  many  of  those  civilized  and  living  as  citizens  in  the 
several  States  of  the  Union. 


PUBLIC  OPINION.  95 

maturity  when  DeTocqueville  visited  the  United  States, 
and,  as  a  result  of  that  visit,  he  wrote,  from  observation, 
a  pointed  criticism  upon  the  manners  and  customs,  and 
the  laws  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  For  fear  that 
I  might  be  thought  over-doing—heightening—giving  too 
much  coloring  to  the  strength,  and  extent  and  power  of 
the  prejudice  against  the  negro  I  quote  from  that  distin- 
guished writer,  as  he  clearly  expressed  himself  under  the 
heading,  "Present  and  Future  condition  of  the  three  races 
inhabiting  the  United  States"  He  said  of  the  negro : 

I  see  that  in  a  certain  portion  of  the  United  States  at  the  present 
day,  the  legal  barrier  which  separates  the  two  races  is  tending  to  fall 
away,  but  not  that  which  exists  in  the  manners  of  the  country.  Slavery 
recedes,  but  the  prejudice  to  which  it  has  given  birth  remains  stationary. 
Whosoever  has  inhabited  the  United  States,  must  have  perceived,  that 
in  those  parts  of  the  United  States,  in  which  the  negroes  are  no  longer 
slaves,  they  have  in  nowise  drawn  nearer  the  whites ;  on  the  contrary, 
the  prejudice  of  the  race  appears  to  be  stronger  in  those  States  which 
have  abolished  slavery,  than  in  those  where  it  still  exists.  And,  nowhere 
is  it  so  intolerant  as  in  the  states  where  servitude  has  never  been  known. 
It  is  true  ,  that  in  the  North  of  the  Union,  marriages  may  be  legally  con- 
tracted between  negroes  and  whites,  but  public  opinion  would  stigmatize 
a  man,  who  should  content  himself  with  a  negress,  as  infamous.  If 
oppressed,  they  may  bring  an  action  at  law,  but  they  will  find  none  but 
whites  among  their  judges,  and  although  they  may  legally  serve  as 
jurors,  prejudice  repulses  them  for  that  office.  In  theatres  gold  cannot 
procure  a  seat  for  the  servile  race  beside  their  former  masters,  in  hospi- 
tals they  lie  apart.  They  are  allowed  to  invoke  the  same  divinity  as  the 
whites.  The  gates  of  heaven  are  not  closed  against  those  unhappy 
beings;  but  their  inferiority  is  continued  to  the  very  confines  of  the  other 
world.  The  negro  is  free,  but  he  can  share,  neither  the  rights,  nor  the 
labor,  nor  the  afflictions  of  him,  whose  equal  he  has  been  declared  to  be, 
and  he  cannot  meet  him  upon  fair  terms  in  life  or  death." 

DeTocqueville,  as  is  seen,  wrote  with  much  bitterness 
and  sarcasm,  and,  it  is  but  fair  to  state,  makes  no  allu- 
usion  to  any  exceptions  to  the  various  conditions  of 
affairs  that  he  mentions.  In  all  cases  matters  might  not 
have  been  exactly  as  bad  as  he  pictures  them,  but  as  far 
as  the  deep-seated  prejudice  against  the  negroes,  and  indif- 
ference to  their  rights  and  elevation  are  concerned,  the 
facts  will  freely  sustain  the  views  so  forcibly  presented. 

The  negro  had  no  remembrance  of  the  country  of  his 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ancestry,  Africa,  and  he  abjured  their  religion.  In  the 
South  he  had  no  family ;  women  were  merely  the  tempor- 
ary sharer  of  his  pleasures ;  his  master's  cabins  were  the 
homes  of  his  children  during  their  childhood.  While  the 
Indian  perished  in  the  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  his 
home,  his  hunting  grounds  and  his  freedom,  the  negro 
entered  into  slavery  as  soon  as  he  was  born,  in  fact  was 
often  purchased  in  the  womb,  and  was  born  to  know,  first, 
that  he  was  a  slave.  If  one  became  free,  he  found  freedom 
harder  to  bear  than  slavery;  half  civilized,  deprived  of 
nearly  all  rights,  in  contact  with  his  superiors  in  wealth 
and  knowledge,  exposed  to  the  rigor  of  a  tyrannical  prej- 
udice moulded  into  laws,  he  contented  himself  to  be 
allowed  to  live. 

The  Negro  race,  however,  it  must  be  remembered,  is 
the  only  race  that  has  ever  come  in  contact  with  the  Euro- 
pean race,  and  been  able  to  withstand  its  atrocities  and 
oppression ;  all  others,  like  the  Indian,  whom  they  could 
not  make  subservient  to  their  use,  they  have  destroyed. 
The  Negro  race,  like  the  Israelites,  multiplied  so  rapidly  in 
bondage,  that  the  oppressor  became  alarmed,  and  began 
discussing  methods  of  safety  to  himself.  The  only  people 
able  to  cope  with  the  Anglo-American  or  Saxon,  with  any 
show  of  success,  must  be  of  patient  fortitude,  progressive 
intelligence,  brave  in  resentment  and  earnest  in  endeavor. 
In  spite  of  his  surroundings  and  starte  of  public  opinion 
the  African  lived,  and  gave  birth,  largely  through  amal- 
gamation with  the  representatives  of  the  different  races 
that  inhabited  the  United  States,  to  a  new  race, — the  Am- 
erican Negro.  Professor  Sampson  in  his  mixed  races  says: 

"The  Negro  is  a  new  race,  and  is  not  the  direct  descent  of  any  people 
that  have  ever  flourished.    The  glory  of  the  negro  race  is  yet  to  come." 

As  evidence  of  its  capacity  to  acquire  glory,  the  record 
made  in  the  late  struggle  furnishes  abundant  proof.  At 
the  sound  of  the  tocsin  at  the  North,  negro  waiter,  cook, 
barber,  boot-black,  groom,  porter  and  laborer  stood 
ready  at  the  enlisting  office;  and  though  the  recruiting 
officer  refused  to  list  his  name,  he  waited  like  the  "  patient 
ox"  for  the  p&Ytition-prejudice-to  be  removed.  He  waited 


ROBERT  SMALLS,  (pilot). 

WILLIAM  MORRISON,  (sailor).  *  A.  GRADINE,  (Engineer). 
JOHN  SMALLS,  (sailor). 

Four  of  the  crew  who,  while  the  white  officers  were  ashore  in 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  ran  off  with  the  Confederate  war  steamer, 
••  Planter,"  passed  Fort  Sumter  and  delivered  the  vessel  to  the 
United  States  authorities.  On  account  of  the  daring  exploit  a 
special  act  of  Congress  was  passed  ordering  one-half  the  value 
of  the  captured  vessel  to  be  invested  in  U.  S.  bonds,  and  the  in- 
terest thereof  to  be  annually  paid  them  or  their  heirs.  Robert, 
Smalls  joined  the  Union  army,  and  after  the  war  became  active 
and  prominent  in  politics. 


PUBLIC  OPINION.  99 

two  years  before  even  the  door  of  the  partition  was 
opened ;  then  he  did  not  hesitate,  but  walked  in,  and  with 
what  effect  the  world  knows. 

The  war  cloud  of  1860  still  more  aroused  the  bitter 
prejudice  against  the  negro  at  both  the  North  and  South ; 
but  he  was  safer  in  South  Carolina  than  in  New  York,  in 
Richmond  than  in  Boston. 

It  is  a  natural  consequence,  when  war  is  waged  be- 
tween two  nations,  for  those  on  either  side  to  forget  local 
feuds  and  unite  against  the  common  enemy,  as  was  done 
in  the  Revolutionary  war.  How  different  was  the  situa- 
tion now  when  the  threatened  war  was  not  one  between 
nations,  but  between  states  of  the  same  nation.  The  feel- 
ing of  hostility  toward  the  negro  was  not  put  aside  and 
forgotten  as  other  troublesome  matters  were,  but  the  bit- 
terness became  intensified  and  more  marked. 

The  Confederate  Government  though  organized  for 
the  perpetual  enslavement  of  the  negro,  fostered  the  idea 
that  the  docility  of  the  negroes  would  allow  them  to  be 
used  for  any  purpose,  without  their  having  the  least  idea 
of  becoming  freemen.  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  pub- 
lic opinion  at  the  South  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  by 
what  Mr.  Pollard,  in  his  history,  gives  as  the  feeling  at  the 
South  at  the  close  of  the  second  year  of  the  struggle : 

"Indeed,  the  war  had  shown  the  system  of  slavery  in  the  South  to 
the  world  in  some  new  and  striking  aspects,  and  had  removed  much  of 
that  cloud  of  prejudice,  defamation,  falsehood,  romance  and  perverse 
sentimentalism  through  which  our  peculiar  institution  had  been  formerly 
known  to  Europe.  It  had  given  a  better  vindication  of  our  system  of 
slavery  than  all  the  books  that  could  be  written  in  a  generation.  It  had 
shown  that  slavery  was  an  element  of  strength  to  us;  that  it  had 
assisted  us  in  our  struggle ;  that  no  servile  insurrections  had  taken  place 
in  the  South,  in  spite  of  the  allurements  of  our  enemy ;  that  the  slave 
had  tilled  the  soil  while  his  master  had  fought;  that  in  large  districts, 
unprotected  by  our  troops,  and  with  a  white  population,  consisting 
almost  exclusively  of  women  and  children,  the  slave  had  continued  his 
work,  quiet,  faithful,  and  cheerful ;  and  that,  as  a  conservative  element 
in  our  social  system,  the  institution  of  slavery  had  withstood  the  shocks 
of  war,  and  been  a  faithful  ally  of  our  army,  although  instigated  .to 
revolution  by  every  art  of  the  enemy,  and  prompted  to  the  work  of 
assassination  and  pillage  by  the  most  brutal  examples  of  the  Yankee 
soldiers." 


100  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

With  this  view,  the  whole  slave  population  was 
brought  to  the  assistance  of  the  Confederate  Government, 
and  thereby  caught  the  very  first  hope  of  freedom.  An 
innate  reasoning  taught  the  negro  that  slaves  could  not 
be  relied  upon  to  fight  for  their  own  enslavement.  To  get 
to  the  breastworks  was  but  to  get  a  chance  to  run  to  the 
Yankees ;  and  thousands  of  those  whose  elastic  step  kept 
time  with  the  martial  strains  of  the  drum  and  fife,  as  they 
marched  on  through  city  and  town,  enroute  to  the  front, 
were  not  elated  with  the  hope  of  Southern  success,  but  were 
buoyant  with  the  prospects  of  reaching  the  North.  The 
confederates  found  it  no  easy  task  to  watch  the  negroes 
and  the  Yankees  too;  their  attention  could  be  given  to 
but  one  at  a  time;  as  a  slave  expressed  it,  "when  marsa 
watch  the  Yankee,  nigger  go;  when  marsa  watch  the 
nigger,  Yankee  come."  But  the  Yankees  did  not  always 
receive  him  kindly  during  the  first  year  of  the  war. 

In  his  first  inaugural,  Mr.  Lincoln  declared  "that  the 
property,  peace  and  security  of  no  section  are  to  be  in 
anywise  endangered  by  the  new  incoming  administra- 
tion.." The  Union  generals,  except  Fremont  and  Phelps 
and  a  few  subordinates,  accepted  this  as  public  opinion, 
and  as  their  guide  in  dealing  with  the  slavery  question. 
That  opinion  is  better  expressed  in  the  doggerel,  sung  in 
after  months  by  the  negro  troops  as  they  marched  along 
through  Dixie : 

"  McClellan  went  to  Richmond  with  two  hundred  thousand  braves, 
He  said,  '  keep  back  the  niggers  and  the  Union  he  would  save." 
Little  Mac.  he  had  his  way,  still  the  Union  is  in  tears, 
And  they  call  for  the  help  of  the  colored  volunteers." 

The  first  two  lines  expressed  the  sentiment  at  the  time, 
not  only  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomoc,  but  the  army  com- 
manders everywhere,  with  the  exceptions  named.  The 
administration  winked  at  the  enforcement  of  the  fugitive 
slave  bill  by  the  soldiers  engaged  in  capturing  and  return- 
ing the  negroes  coming  into  the  Union  lines.*  Undoubted- 
ly it  was  the  idea  of  the  Government  to  turn  the  course  of 
the  war  from  its  rightful  channel,  or  in  other  words, — in 

*  See  Appendix,  "A." 


PUBLIC  OPINION.  103 

the  restoration  of  the  Union, — to  eliminate  the  anti-slav- 
ery sentiment,  which  demanded  the  freedom  of  the  slaves. 
Hon.  Elisha  E.  Potter,  of  Khode  Island, — "who  may," 
said  Mr.  Gree^ey,  "be  fairly  styled  the  hereditary  chief  of 
the  Democratic  party  of  that  State," — made  a  speech  on 
the  war  in  the  State  Senate,  on  the  10th  of  August  1861, 
in  which  he  remarked : 

I  have  said  that  the  war  may  assume  another  aspect,  and  be  a  short 
and  bloody  one.  And  to  such  a  war— an  anti-slavery  war— it  seems  to 
me  we  are  inevitably  drifting.  It  seems  to  me  hardly  in  the  power  of 
human  wisdom  to  prevent  it.  We  may  commence  the  war  without 
meaning  to  interfere  with  slavery ;  but  let  us  have  one  or  two  battles, 
and  get  our  blood  excited,  and  we  shall  not  only  not  restore  any  more 
slaves,  but  shall  proclaim  freedom  wherever  we  go.  And  it  seems  to  me 
almost  judicial  blindness  on  the  part  of  the  South  that  they  do  not  see 
that  this  must  be  the  inevitable  result,  if  the  contest  is  prolonged." 

This  sentiment  became  bolder  daily  as  the  thinking 
Union  men  viewed  the  army  turning  aside  from  its  legiti- 
mate purposes,  to  catch  runaway  negroes,  and  return 
them.  Party  lines  were  also  giving  away;  men  in  the 
army  began  to  realize  the  worth  of  the  negroes  as  they 
sallied  up  to  the  rebel  breastworks  that  were  often  impreg- 
nable. They  began  to  complain,  finding  the  negro  with 
his  pick  and  spade,  a  greater  hinderance  to  their  progress 
than  the  cannon  balls  of  the  enemy ;  and  more  than  one 
said  to  the  confederates,  when  the  pickets  of  the  two 
armies  picnicked  together  in  the  battle'sjull,  as  frequently 
they  did:  "We  can  whip  you,  if  you  keep  your  negroes 
out  of  your  army." 

Quite  a  different  course  was  pursued  in  the  navy. 
Negroes  were  readily  accepted  all  along  the  coast  on 
board  the  war  vessels,  it  being  no  departure  from  the  regu- 
lar and  established  practice  in  the  service.  The  view  with 
which  the  loyal  friends  of  the  Union  began  to  look  at  the 
negro  and  the  rebellion,  was  aptly  illustrated  in  an  article 
in  the  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Advertiser  in  1861,  which  said: 

"THE  SLAVES  AS  A  MILITARY  ELEMENT  IN  THE  SOUTH.— The  total 
white  population  of  the  eleven  States  now  comprising  the  Confederacy  is 
6,000,000,  and,  therefore,  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  the  proposed  army 
(600,000)  about  ten  per  cent  of  the  entire  white  population  will  be 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

required.  In  any  other  country  than  our  own  such  a  draft  could  not  be 
met,  but  the  Southern  States  can  furnish  that  number  of  men,  and  still 
not  leave  the  material  interests  of  the  country  in  a  suffering  condition. 
Those  who  are  incapacitated  for  bearing  arms  can  oversee  the  planta- 
tions, and  the  negroes  can  go  on  undisturbed  in  their  .usual  labors.  In 
the  North  the  case  is  different;  the  men  who  join  the  army  of  subjuga- 
tion are  the  laborers,  the  producers,  and  the  factory  operatives.  Nearly 
every  man  from  that  section,  especially  those  from  the  rural  districts, 
leaves  some  branch  of  industry  to  suffer  during  his  absence.  The  institu- 
tion of  slavery  in  the  South  alone  enables  her  to  place  in  the  field  a  force 
much  larger  in  proportion  to  her  white  population  than  the  North,  or 
indeed  any  country  which  is  dependent  entirely  on  free  labor.  The  insti- 
tution is  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  South,  particularly  at  the  present 
crisis,  and  our  enemies  will  be  likely  to  find  that  the  'moral  cancer'  about 
which  their  orators  are  so  fond  of  prating,  is  really  one  of  the  most 
effective  weapons  employed  against  the  Union  by  the  South.  Whatever 
number  of  men  may  be  needed  for  this  war,  we  are  confident  our  people 
stand  ready  to  furnish.  We  are  all  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  there  must 
be  no  holding  back  until  the  independence  of  the  South  is  fully  acknowl- 
edged." 

The  facts  already  noted  became  apparent  to  the  nation 
very  soon,  and  then  came  a  change  of  procedure,  and  the 
war  began  to  be  prosecuted  upon  quite  a  different  policy. 
Gen.  McClellan,  whose  loyalty  to  the  new  policy  was 
doubted,  was  removed  from  the  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  and  slave  catching  ceased.  The  XXX YII 
Congress  convened  in  Dec.  1861,  in  its  second  session,  and 
passed  the  following  additional  article  of  war : 

"All  officers  are  prohibited  from  employing  any  of  the  forces  under 
their  respective  commands  for  the  purpose  of  returning  fugitives  from 
service  or  labor  who  may  have  escaped  from  any  persons  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due.  Any  officer  who  shall  be  found 
guilty  by  court-martial  of  violating  this  article  shall  be  dismissed  from 
the  service." 

This  was  the  initatory  measure  of  the  new  policy, 
which  progressed  to  its  fulfillment  rapidly.  And  then 
what  Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  had  recommended 
in  December.  1861,  and  to  which  the  President  objected, 
very  soon  developed,  through  a  series  of  enactments,  in 
the  arming  of  the  negro ;  in  which  the  loyal  people  of  the 
whole  country  acquiesced,  save  the  border  states  people, 
who  fiercely  opposed 'it  as  is  shown  in  the  conduct  of  Mr. 


PUBLIC  OPINION.  107 

Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky ;  Salisbury,  of  Delaware,  and  others 
in  Congress. 

Public  opinion  was  now  changed,  Congress  had  pro- 
hibited the  surrender  of  negroes  to  the  rebels,  the  Presi- 
dent issued  his  Emancipation  Proclamation,  and  more 
than  150,000  negroes  were  fighting  for  the  Union.  The 
Kepublican  party  met  in  convention  at  Chicago,  and 
nominated  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  second  term  as  President 
of  the  United  States ;  the  course  of  his  first  administra- 
tion was  now  to  be  approved  or  rejected  by  the  people. 
In  the  resolutions  adopted,  the  fifth  one  of  them  related  to 
Emancipation  and  the  negro  soldiers.  It  was  endorsed 
by  a  very  large  majority  of  the  voters.  A  writer  in  one 
of  the  magazines,  prior  to  the  election,  thus  reviews  the 
resolutions : 

"The  fifth  resolution  commits  us  to  the  approval  of  two  meas- 
ures that  have  aroused  the  most  various  and  strenuous  opposition,  the 
Proclamation  of  Emancipation  and  the  use  of  negro  troops.  In  refer- 
ence to  the  first,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  it  is  a  war  measure.  The 
expresss  language  of  it  is :  '  By  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  in  time 
of  actual  armed  rebellion  against  the  authority  and  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for  suppressing 
said  rebellion.'  Considered  thus,  the  Proclamation  is  not  merely  defensi- 
ble, but  it  is  more ;  it  is  a  proper  and  efficient  means  of  weakening  the 
rebellion  which  every  person  desiring  its  speedy  overthrow  must 
zealously  and  perforce  uphold.  Whether  it  is  of  any  legal  effect  beyond 
the  actual  limits  of  our  military  lines,  is  a  question  that  need  not  agitate 
us.  In  due  time  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  nation  will  be  called  to 
determine  that,  And  to  its  decision  the  country  will  yield  with  all  respect 
and  loyalty.  But  in  the  mean  time  let  the  Proclamation  go  wherever 
the  army  goes,  let  it  go  wherever  the  navy  secures  a  foothold  on  the 
outer  border  of  the  rebel  territory,  and  let  it  summon  to  our  aid  the 
negroes  who  are  truer  to  the  Union  than  their  disloyal  masters;  and 
when  they  have  come  to  us  and  put  their  lives  in  our  keeping,  let  us  pro- 
tect and  defend  them  with  the  whole  power  of  the  nation.  Is  there  any- 
thing unconstitutional  in  that?  Thank  God,  there  is  not.  And  he  who 
is  willing  to  give  back  to  slavery  a  single  person  who  has  heard  the 
summons  and  come  within  our  lines  to  obtain  his  freedom,  he  who 
would  give  up  a  single  man,  woman,  or  child,  once  thus  actually  freed,  is 
not  worthy  the  name  of  American.  He  may  call  himself  Confederate,  if 
he  will. 

"Let  it  be  remembered,  also  that  the  Proclamation  has  had  a  very 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

important  bearing  upon  our  foreign  relations.  It  evoked  in  behalf  of 
our  country  that  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  people  in  Europe,  whose 
is  the  only  sympathy  we  can  ever  expect  in  our  struggle  to  perpetuate 
free  institutions.  Possessing  that  sympathy,  moreover,  we  have  had  an 
element  in  our  favor  which  has  kept  the  rulers  of  Europe  in  wholesome 
dread  of  interference.  The  Proclamation  relieved  us  from  the  false  posi- 
tion before  attributed  to  us  of  fighting  simply  for  national  power.  It 
placed  us  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  transferred  men's  sympa- 
thies from  a  confederacy  fighting  for  independence  as  a  means  of  estab- 
lishing slavery,  to  a  nation  whose  institutions  mean  constitutional 
liberty,  and,  when  fairly  wrought  out,  must  end  in  universal  freedom." 

The  change  of  policy  and  of  public  opinion  was  so 
strongly  endorsed  that  it  affected  the  rebels,  who  shortly 
passed  a  Congressional  measure  for  arming  200,000 
negroes  themselves.  What  a  reversal  of  things ;  what  a 
change  of  sentiment,  in  less  than  twenty-four  months  !* 
Mr.  Lincoln,  in  justifying  the  change,  is  reported  to  have 
said  to  Judge  Mills,  of  Wisconsin : 

"The  slightest  knowledge  of  arithmetic  will  prove  to  any  man  that 
the  rebel  armies  cannot  be  destroyed  with  Democratic  strategy.  It 
would  sacrifice  all  the  white  men  of  the  North  to  do  it.  There  are  now 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States  near  two  hundred  thousand  able- 
bodied  colored  men,  most  of  them  under  arms,  defending  and  acquiring 
Union  territory.  The  Democratic  strategy  demands  that  these  forces  be 
disbanded,  and  that  the  masters  be  conciliated  by  restoring  them  to 
slavery.  The  black  men  who  now  assist  Union  prisoners  to  escape,  they 
are  to  be  converted  into  our  enemies  in  the  vain  hope  of  gaining  the 
good  will  of  their  masters.  We  shall  have  to  fight  two  nations  instead 
of  one.  You  cannot  conciliate  the  South  if  you  guarantee  to  them  ulti- 
mate success ;  and  the  experience  of  the  present  war  proves  their  success 
is  inevitable  if  you  fling  the  compulsory  labor  of  millions  of  black  men 
into  their  side  of  the  scale.  Will  you  give  our  enemies  such  military 
advantages  as  insure  success,  and  then  depend  on  coaxing,  flattery,  and 
concession  to  get  them  back  into  the  Union?  Abandon  all  the  posts 
now  garrisoned  by  black  men;  take  two  hundred  thousand  men  from 
our  side  and  put  them  in  the  battlefield  or  cornfield  against  us,  and  we 
would  be  compelled  to  abandon  the  war  in  three  weeks.  We  have  to 
hold  territory  in  inclement  and  sickly  places;  where  are  the  Demo- 

*  "Those  who  have  declaimed  loudest  against  the  employment  of  negro  troops 
have  shown  a  lamentable  amount  of  ignorance,  and  an  equally  lamentable  lack  of 
common  sense.  They  know  as  little  of  the  military  history  and  martial  qualities  of 
the  African  race  as  they  do  of  their  own  duties  as  commanders. 

All  distinguished  generals  of  modern  times  who  have  had  opportunity  to  use  negro 
soldiers,  have  uniformily  applauded  their  subordination,  bravery,  and  powers  of  endur- 
ance. Washington  solicited  the  military  services  of  negroes  in  the  revolution,  and  re- 
warded them.  Jackson  did  the  same  in  the  war  of  1812.  Under  both  those  great  cap- 
tains, the  negro  troops  fought  so  well  that  they  'received  unstinted  praise."— Charles 
Sumner. 


PUBLIC  OPINION.  109 

crats  to  do  this?  It  was  a  free  fight,  and  the  field  was  open  to  the  war 
Democrats  to  put  down  this  rebellion  by  fighting  against  both  master 
and  slave,  long  before  the  present  policy  was  inaugurated.  There  have 
been  men  base  enough  to  propose  to  me  to  return  to  slavery  the  black 
warriers  of  Port  Hudson  and  Olustee,  and  thus  win  the  respect  of  the 
masters  they  fought.  Should  I  do  so,  I  should  deserve  to  be  dammed  in 
time  and  eternity.  Come  what  will,  I  will  keep  my  faith  with  friend  and 
foe.  My  enemies  pretend  I  am  now  carrying  on  this  war  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  abolition.  So  long  as  I  am  President,  it  shall  be  carried  on  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  restoring  the  Union.  But  no  human  power  can  subdue 
this  rebellion  without  the  use  of  the  emancipation  policy,  and  every 
other  policy  calculated  to  weaken  the  moral  and  physical  forces  of  the 
rebellion.  Freedom  has  given  us  two  hundred  thousand  men  raised  on 
southern  soil.  It  will  give  us  more  yet.  Just  so  much  it  has  subtracted 
from  the  enemy;  and  instead  of  alienating  the  South,  there  are  now 
evidences  of  a  fraternal  feeling  growing  up  between  our  men  and  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  rebel  soldiers.  Let  my  enemies  prove  to  the  country 
that  the  destruction  of  slavery  is  not  necessary  to  the  restoration  of  the 
Union.  I  will  abide  the  issue." 

But  the  change  of  policy  did  not  change  the  opinion 
of  the  Southerners,  who,  notwithstanding  the  use  which 
the  Confederate  Government  was  making  of  the  negro, 
still  regarded  him,  in  the  United  States  uniform,  as  a  vic- 
ious brute,  to  be  shot  at  sight.  I  prefer,  in  closing  this 
chapter,  to  give  the  Southern  opinion  of  the  negro,  in  the 
words  of  a  distinguished  native  of  that  section.  Mr. 
George  W.  Cable,  in  his  "  Silent  South,"  thus  gives  it : 

"  He  was  brought  to  our  shores  a  naked,  brutish,  unclean,  captive, 
pagan  savage,  to  be  and  remain  a  kind  of  connecting  link  between  man 
and  the  beasts  of  burden.  The  great  changes  to  result  from  his  contact 
with  a  superb  race  of  masters  were  not  taken  into  account.  As  a  social 
factor  he  was  intended  to  be  as  purely  zero  as  the  brute  at  the  other  end 
of  his  plow  line.  The  occasional  mingling  of  his  blood  with  that  of  the 
white  man  worked  no  change  in  the  sentiment;  one,  two,  four,  eight, 
multiplied  upon  or  divided  in  to  zero,  still  gave  zero  for  the  result.  Gen- 
erations of  American  nativity  made  no  difference ;  his  children  and  chil- 
drens'  children  were  born  in  sight  of  our  door,  yet  the  old  notion  held 
fast.  He  increased  to  vast  numbers,  but  it  never  wavered.  He  accepted 
our  dress,  language,  religion,  all  the  fundamentals  of  our  civilization, 
and  became  forever  expatriated  from  his. own  land;  still  he  remained,  to 
us,  an  alien.  Our  sentiment  went  blind.  It  did  not  see  that  gradually, 
here  by  force  and  there  by  choice,  he  was  fulfilling  a  host  of  conditions 
that  earned  at  least  a  solemn  moral  right  to  that  naturalization  which 
no  one  at  first  had  dreamed  of  giving  him.  Frequently  he  even  bought 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


back  the  freedom  of  which  he  had  been  robbed,  became  a  tax-payer,  and 
at  times  an  educator  of  his  children  at  his  own  expense;  but  the  old  idea 
of  alienism  passed  laws  to  banish  him,  his  wife,  and  children  by  thou- 
sands from  the  State,  and  threw  him  into  loathsome  jails  as  a  common 
felon  for  returning  to  his  native  land.  It  will  be  wise  to  remember  that 
these  were  the  acts  of  an  enlightened,  God  fearing  people." 


SCENE  IN  AND  NEAK  A  KECRUITING  OFFICE. 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  Ill 


CHAPTER  II. 

RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING. 

The  recruiting  officer,  in  the  first  year  of  the  enlist- 
ment of  negroes,  did  not  have  a  pleasant  service  to  per- 
form. At  New  Orleans  there  was  no  trouble  in  recruiting 
the  regiments  organized  under  Butler's  command,  for, 
beside  the  free  negroes,  the  slave  population  for  miles 
around  were  eager  to  enlist,  believing  that  with  the  United 
States  army  uniform  on,  they  would  be  safe  in  their 
escape  from  "ole  master  and  the  rebs."  And  then  the 
action  of  the  confederate  authorities  in  arming  the  free 
negroes  lent  a  stimulent  and  gave  an  ambition  to  the 
whole  slave  population  to  be  soldiers.  Could  arms  have 
been  obtained,  a  half  a  dozen  regiments  could  have  been 
organized  in  sixty  days  just  as  rapidly  as  were  three. 
Quite  early  in  1862,  while  the  negroes  in  New  Orleans 
were  being  enrolled  in  the  Confederate  service,  under  Gov. 
Moore's  proclamation,  in  separate  and  distinct  organiza- 
tions from  the  whites,  the  Indians  and  negroes  were  enlist- 
ing in  the  Union  service,  on  the  frontier,  in  the  same  com- 
pany and  regiments,  with  white  officers  to  command 
them.  In  the  "Kansas  Home  Guard,"  comprising  two 
regiments  of  Indians,  were  over  400  negroes,  and  these 
troops  were  under  Custer,  Blunt  and  Herron.  They  held 
Fort  Gibson  twenty  months  against  the  assaults  of  the 
enemy.  Two  thousand  five  hundred  negroes  served  in  the 
Federal  army  from  the  Indian  Nations,  and  these,  in  all 
probability,  are  a  part  of  5,896  "not  accounted  for"  on 
the  Adjutant  General's  rolls. 

Quite  a  different  state  of  things  existed  in  South  Caro- 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

lina;  rumors  were  early  afloat,  when  recruiting  began, 
that  the  government  officers  were  gathering  up  the 
negroes  to  ship  away  to  Cuba,  Africa  and  the  West  Indies. 
These  reports  for  a  long  time  hindered  the  enlistment  very 
much.  Then  there  was  no  large  city  for  contrabands  to 
congregate  in ;  besides  they  had  no  way  of  traveling  from 
island  to  island  except  on  government  vessels.  Before  the 
Proclamation  of  freedom  was  issued,  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton, with  Virginia  and  Maryland  as  additional  territory 
to  recruit  from,  afforded  an  officer  a  better  field  to  oper- 
ate in  than  any  other  point  except  New  Orleans.  The  con- 
duct of  the  Government  in  revoking  Gen.  Fremont's  Proc- 
lamation, and  of  McClellan's  with  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac, in  catching  and  returning  escaped  slaves,  also  had  a 
tendency  for  some  time  to  keep  back  even  the  free  negroes 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  But  this  class  of  people  never 
enlisted  to  any  great  numbers,  either  before  or  after  1863, 
and  there  finally  came  to  be  a  general  want  of  spirit  with 
them,  while  with  the  slave  class  there  was  a  ready  enthu- 
siasm to  enlist.  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Military  Affairs,  and 
reported  from  that  committee  on  the  8th  of  July  1862,  a 
bill  authorizing  the  arming  of  negroes  as  a  part  of  the 
army.  The  bill  finally  passed  both  houses  and  received 
the  approval  of  the  President  on  the  17th  of  July,  1862. 
The  battle  for  its  success  is  as  worthy  of  record  as  any 
fought  by  the  Phalanx.  The  debate  was  characterized  by 
eloquence  and  deep  feeling  on  both  sides.  Says  an  account 
of  the  proceedings  in  Henry  Wilson's  "Anti-slavery  Meas- 
ures of  Congress : 

"Mr.  Sherman  (Rep.)  of  Ohio  said,  "The  question  arises,  whether 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  struggling  for  national  existence, 
should  not  employ  these  blacks  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Government. 
The  policy  heretofore  pursued  by  the  officers  of  the  United  States  has 
been  to  repel  this  class  of  people  from  our  lines,  to  refuse  their  services. 
They  would  have  made  the  best  spies;  and  yet  they  have  been  driven  from 
our  lines." — "I  tell  the  President,"  said  Mr.  Fessenden  (Rep.)  of  Maine, 
"from  my  place  here  as  a  senator,  I  tell  the  generals  of  our  army,  they 
must  reverse  their  practices  and  their  course  of  proceeding  on  this  sub- 
ject. *  *  I  advise  it  here  from  my  place,— treat  your  enemies  as 


EECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  115 

enemies,  as  the  worst  of  enemies,  and  avail  yourselves  like  men  of  every 
power  which  God  has  placed  in  your  hands  to  accomplish  your  purpose 
within  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare."    Mr.  Rice,  (war  Dem.)  of  Minnesota, 
declared  that  "not  many  days  can  pass  before  the  people  of  the  United 
States  North  must  decide  upon  one  of  two  questions :  we  have  either  to 
acknowledge  the  Southern  Confederacy  as  a  free  and  independent  nation, 
and  that  speedily ;  or  we  have  as  speedily  to  resolve  to  use  all  the  means 
given  us  by  the  Almighty  to  prosecute  this  war  to  a  successful  termina- 
tion.   The  necessity  for  action  has  arisen.    To  hesitate  is  worse  than 
criminal.    Mr.  "Wilson  said,  "  The  senator  from  Delaware,  as  he  is  accus- 
tomed to  do,  speaks  boldly  and  decidedly  against  the  proposition.    He 
asks  if  American  soldiers  will  fight  if  we  organize  colored  men  for  mili- 
tary purposes.    Did  not  American  soldiers  fight  at  Bunker  Hill  with 
negroes  in  the  ranks,  one  of  whom  shot  down  Major  Pitcairn  as  he 
mounted  the  works?    Did  not  American  soldiers  fight  at  Red  Bank  with 
a  black  regiment  from  your  own  State,  sir?    (Mr.  Anthony  in  the  chair.) 
Did  they  not  fight  on  the  battle-field  of  Rhode  Island  with  that  black 
regiment,  one  of  the  best  and  bravest  that  ever  trod  the  soil  of  this  con- 
tinent?   Did  not  American  soldiers  fight  at  Fort  Griswold  with  black 
men?    Did  they  not  fight  with  black  men  in  almost  every  battle-field  of 
the  Revolution?    Did  not  the  men  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  standing 
on  the  lines  of  New  Orleans,  .under  the  eye  of  Andrew  Jackson,  fight 
with  colored  battalions  whom  he  had  summoned  to  the  field,  and  whom 
he  thanked  publicly  for  their  gallantry  in  hurling  back  a  British  foe?    It 
is  all  talk,  idle  talk,  to  say  that  the  volunteers  who  are  fighting  the  bat- 
tles of  this  country  are  governed  by  any  such   narrow   prejudice   or 
bigotry.    These  prejudices  are  the  results  of  the   teachings  of  dema- 
gogues and  politicians,  who  have  for  years  undertaken  to  delude  and 
deceive  the  American  people,  and  to  demean  and  degrade  them." 

Mr.  Grimes  had  expressed  his  views  a  few  weeks  before,  and  desired  a 
vote  separately  on  each  of  these  sections.  Mr.  Davis  declared  that  he 
was  utterly  opposed,  and  should  ever  be  opposed,  to  placing  arms  in  the 
hands  of  negroes,  and  putting  them  into  the  army.  Mr.  Rice  wished  "to 
know  if  Gen.  Washington  did  not  put  arms  into  the  hands  of  negroes, 
and  if  Gen.  Jackson  did  not,  and  if  the  senator  has  ever  condemned 
either  of  those  patriots  for  doing  so."  "I  deny,"  replied  Mr.  Davis, 
"that,  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  there  ever  was  any  considerable 
organization  of  negroes.  I  deny,  that,  in  the  war  of  1812,  there  was 
ever  any  organization  of  negro  slaves.  *  *  *  In  my  own  State,  I 
have  no  doubt  that  there  are  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  thousand  slaves 
that  belong  to  disloyal  men.  You  propose  to  place  arms  in  the  hands  of 
the  men  and  boys,  or  such  of  them  as  are  able  to  handle  arms,  and  to 
manumit  the  whole  mass,  men,  women,  and  children,  and  leave  them 
among  us.  Do  you  expect  us  to  give  our  sanction  and  our  approval  to 
these  things?  No,  no!  We  would  regard  their  authors  as  our  worst 
enemies;  and  there  is  no  foreign  despotism  that  could  come  to  our  rescue, 
that  we  would  not  joyously  embrace,  before  we  would  submit  to  any 


116  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

such  condition  of  things  as  that.  But,  before  we  had  invoked  this  for- 
eign despotism,  we  would  arm  every  man  and  boy  that  we  have  in  the 
land,  and  we  would  meet  you  in  a  death-struggle,  to  overthrow  together 
such  an  oppression  and  our  oppressors."  Mr.  Kice  remarked  in  reply  to 
Mr.  Davis,  "The  rebels  hesitate  at  nothing.  There  are  no  means  that 
•God  or  the  Devil  has  given  them  that  they  do  not  use.  The  honorable 
senator  said  that  the  negroes  might  be  useful  in  loading  and  swabbing 
and  firing  cannon.  If  that  be  the  case,  may  not  some  of  them  be  useful 
in  loading,  swabbing,  and  firing  the  musket?" 

On  the  10th  of  February,  1864,  Mr.  Stevens  (Republi- 
can) of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
moved  an  amendment  to  the  Enrollment  Act.  Says  the 
same  authority  before  quoted : 

The  Enrollment  Bill  was  referred  to  a  Conference  Committee,  consist- 
ing of  Mr.  Wilson  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Nesmet  of  Oregon,  and  Mr. 
Grimes  of  Iowa,  on  the  part  of  the  Senate ;  and  Mr.  Schenck  of  Ohio,  Mr. 
Deming  of  Connecticut,  and  Mr.  Kernan  of  New  York,  on  the  part  of 
the  House.  In  the  Conference  Committee,  Mr.  Wilson  stated  that  he 
never  could  assent  to  the  amendment,  unless  the  drafted  slaves  were 
made  free  on  being  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Grimes  sustained  that  position;  and  the  House  committee  assented  to  it. 
The  House  amendment  was  then  modified  so  as  to  read,  "That  all  able- 
bodied  male  colored  persons  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty-five 
years,  whether  citizens  or  not,  resident  in  the  United  States,  shall  be 
enrolled  according  to  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  of  the  act  to  which 
this  is  an  amendment,  and  form  part  of  the  national  forces ;  and,  when  a 
slave  of  a  loyal  master  shall  be  drafted  and  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  his  master  shall  have  a  certificate  thereof;  and  there- 
upon such  slave  shall  be  free;  and  the  bounty  of  a  hundred  dollars,  now 
payable  by  law  for  each  drafted  man,  shall  be  paid  to  the  person  to 
whom  such  drafted  person  was  owing  service  or  labor  at  the  time  of  his 
muster  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  The  Secretary  of  War 
shall  appoint  a  commission  in  each  of  the  slave  States  represented  in 
Congress,  charged  to  award,  to  each  loyal  person  to  whom  a  colored 
volunteer  may  owe  service,  a  just  compensation,  not  exceeding  three 
hundred  dollars,  for  each  such  colored  volunteer,  payable  out  of  the 
fund  derived  from  commutation ;  and  every  such  colored  volunteer,  on 
being  mustered  into  the  service,  shall  be  free." 

The  report  of  the  Conference  Committee  was  agreed  to ;  and  it  was 
enacted  that  every  slave,  whether  a  drafted  man  or  a  volunteer,  shall  be 
free  on  being  mustered  into  the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  not 
by  the  act  of  the  master,  but  by  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment." 

When  Gen.  Banks  took  command  of  the  Gulf  Depart- 
ment, Dec.  1862,  he  very  soon  after  found  the  negro 


EECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  119 

troops  an .  indispensable  quantity  to  the  success  of  his 
expeditions ;  consequently  he  laid  aside  his  prejudice,  and 
endeavored  to  out-Herod  Gen.  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant 
General  of  the  Army,— who  in  March  had  been  dispatched 
on  a  military  inspection  tour  through  the  Armies  of  the 
West  and  the  Mississippi  Yalley,  and  also  to  organize  a 
number  of  negro  regiments* — by  issuing  in  May  the  fol- 
lowing order : 

Corps  d'Afrique. 

GENEEAL  ORDERS1  HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 

No.  40.  J  19TH  ARMY  CORPS, 

Opelousas,   May  1,  1863. 

The  Major  General  commanding  the  Department  proposes  the  organization  of  a 
corps  d'armee  of  colored  troops,  to  be  designated  as  the  "Corps  d'Afrique."  It  will 
consist  ultimately  of  eighteen  regiments,  representing  all  arms — Infantry,  Artillery, 
and  Cavalry,  organized  in  three  Divisions  of  three  Brigades  each,  with  appropriate 
corps  of  Engineers  and  flying  Hospitals  for  each  Division.  Appropriate  uniforms,  and 
the  graduation  of  pay  to  correspond  with  value  of  services,  will  be  hereafter  awarded. 

In  the  field,  the  efficiency  of  every  corps  depends  upon  the  influence  of  its  officers 
upon  the  troops  engaged,  and  the  practicable  limits  of  one  direct  command  is  gener- 
ally estimated  at  one  thousand  men.  The  most  eminent  military  historians  and  com- 
manders, among  others  Thiers  and  Chambray,  express  the  opinion,  upon  a  full  review 
of  the  elements  of  military  power,  that  the  valor  of  the  soldier  is  rather  acquired  than 
natural.  Nations  whose  individual  heroism  is  undisputed,  have  failed  as  soldiers  in  the 
field.  The  European  and  American  continents  exhibit  instances  of  this  character,  and 
the  military  prowess  of  every  nation  may  be  estimated  by  the  centuries  it;  haa  devoted 
to  military  contest,  or  the  traditional  passion  of  its  people  for  military  glory.  With  a 
ra.ce  unaccustomed  to  military  service,  much  more  depends  on  the  immediate  influence 
of  officers  upon  individual  members,  than  with  those  that  have  acquired  more  or  less 
of  warlike  habits .  and  spirit  by  centuries  of  contest.  It  is  deemed  best,  therefore,  in 
the  organization  of  the  Corps  d'Afrique,  to  limit  the  regiments  to  the  smallest  number 
of  men  consistent  with  efficient  service  in  the  field,  in  order  to  secure  the  most  thorough 
instruction  and  discipline,  and  the  largest  influence  of  the  officers  over  the  troops.  At 
first  they  will  be  limited  to  five  hundred  men.  The  average  of  American  regiments  is 
less  than  that  number. 

The  Commanding  General  desires  to  detail  for  temporary  or  permanent  duty  the 
best  officers  of  the  army,  for  the  organization,  instruction  and  discipline  of  this  corps. 
With  their  aid,  he  is  confident  that  the  corps  will  render  important  service  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. It  is  not  established  upon  any  dogma  of  equality  or  other  theory,  but  as  a 
practical  and  sensible  matter  of  business.  The  Government  makes  use  of  mules,  horses, 
uneducated  and  educated  white  men,  in  the  defense  of  its  institutions.  Why  should 
not  the  negro  contribute  whatever  is  in  his  power  for  the  cause  in  which  he  is  as  deeply 
interested  as  other  men?  We  may  properly  demand  from  him  whatever  service  he  can 
render.  The  chief  defect  in  organizations  of  this  character  has  arisen  from  incorrect 
ideas  of  the  officers  in  command.  Their  discipline  has  been  lax,  and  in  some  cases  the 
conduct  of  the  regiments  unsatisfactory  and  discreditable.  Controversies  unnecessary 
and  injurious  to  the  service  have  arisen  between  them  and  other  troops.  The  organiza- 
tion proposed  will  reconcile  and  avoid  many  of  these  troubles. 

Officers  and  soldiers  will  consider  the  exigencies  of  the  service  in  this  Department, 
and  the  absolute  necessity  of  appropriating  every  element  of  power  to  the  support  of 
the  Government.  The  prejudices  or  opinions  of  men  are  in  nowise  involved.  The  co- 
operation and  active  support  of  all  officers  and  men,  and  the  nomination  of  fit  men 
from  the  ranks,  and  from  the  lists  of  non-commissioned  and  commissioned  officers,  are 
respectfully  solicited  from  the  Generals  commanding  the  respective  Divisions. 

BY  COMMAND  OP  MAJOR  GENERAL,  BANKS  : 

RICHARD  B.  IRWIN, 

Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
• Washington  City,  March  25th,  1863. 

*  GENERAL  :— The  exigencies  of  the  service  require  that  an  inspection  should  be  made 
of  the  Armies,  military  posts  and  military  operations  in  the  AVest;  you  will  therefore 
make  arrangements  immediately  to  perform  that  service.  Without  entering  into  any  mi- 
nute details,  I  beg  t9  direct  your  attention  to  the  following  subjects  of  investigation  : 

First.  On  arriving  at  Cairo,  you  will  make  a  careful  examination  of  the  military 
condition  of  that  post,  in  the  various  branches  of  service,  and  report  to  this  De- 
partment, the  result  of  your  investigation,  suggesting  whatever  in  your  opinion,  the 
service  may  require.  You  will  observe  particularly  the  condition  of  that  class  of  popu- 
lation known  as  contrabands;  the  manner  in  which  they  are  received,  provided  for  and 
treated  by  the  military  authorities,  and  give  such  directions  to  the  Commissary  and 
Quartermaster  Departments,  and  to  the  officers  commanding,  as  shall,  in  your  judge- 
7 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

4 

His  plan  of  organization  is  here  given,  but  it  was 
never  fully  consummated : 

Corps  d'Afrique. 

GENERAL  ORDERS1  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 

No.  47.  /  19TH  ARMY  CORPS, 

Before  Port  Hudson,  June  6th,  1863. 

I.— The  regime»ts  of  infantry  of  the  Corps  d'Afrique,  authorized  by  General  Orders 
No.  44,  current  series,  will  cojisist  of  ten  companies  each,  having  the  following  minimum 
organization : 

1  Captain,  1  First  Lieutenant,  1  Second  Lieutenant,  1  First  Sergeant,  4  Sergeants,  4 
Corporals,  2  Buglers,  40  Privates. 

To  the  above  may  be  added  hereafter,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Commanding  Gen- 
eral, four  corporals  and  forty-two  privates ;  thus  increasing  the  strength  to  the  maxi- 
mum fixed  by  law  for  a  company  of  infantry. 

The  regimental  organization  will  be  that  fixed  by  law  for  a  regiment  of  infantry. 

II. — The  Commissary  and  Assistant  Commissaries  of  Musters  will  muster  the  Sec- 
ond Lieutenant  into  service  as  soon  as  he  is  commissioned ;  the  First  Lieutenant  when 
thirty  men  are  enlisted;  and  the  Captain  when  the  minimum  organization  is  completed. 

III.— The  First,  Second,  Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  of  Louisiana  Native  Guards 
will  hereafter  be  known  as  the  First,  Second,  Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  of  Infantry 
of  the  Corps  d'Afrique. 

IV.— The  regiment  of  colored  troops  in  process  of  organization  in  the  district  of 
Pensacola  will  be  known  as  the  Fifth  Regiment  of  Infantry  of  the  Corps  d'Afrique. 

V.— The  regiments  now  being  raised  under  the  direction  of  Brigadier  General  Daniel 
Ullman,  and  at  present  known  as  the  First,  Second,  Third,  Fourth  and  Fifth  Regi- 
ments of  Ullman's  Brigade,  will  be  respectively  designated  as  the  Sixth,  Seventh, 
Eighth,  Ninth  and  Tenth  Regiments  of  Infantry  of  the  Corps  d'Afrique. 

VI. — Tlie  First  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Engineers,  Colonel  Justin  Hodge,  will  here- 
after be  known  as  the  First  Regiment  of  Engineers  of  the  Corps  'dAfrique. 

BY  COMMAND  OF  MAJOR  GENERAL,  BANKS: 

RICHARD  B.  IRWIN, 

OFFICIAL  :  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

NATHANIEL  BURBANK,  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

General  Banks'  treatment  of  the  negroes  was  so  very 
different  from  that  which  they  had  received  from  Gen. 
Butler, — displacing  the  negro  officers  of  the  first  three 
regiments  organized, — that  it  rather  checkmated  recruit- 
ing, so  much  so  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  resort  to  the 

ment,  be  necessary  to  secure  to  them  humane  and  proper  treatment,  in  respect  to  food, 
clothing,  compensation  for  their  service,  and  whatever  is  necessary  to  enable  them  to 
support  themselves,  and  to  furnish  useful  service  in  any  capacity  to  the  Government. 

Second.  You  will  make  similar  observation  at  Columbus,  Memphis  and  other  posts 
in  your  progress  to  the  Headquarters  of  General  Grant's  Army. 

Third.  The  President  desires  that  you  should  confer  freely  with  Major  General 
Grant,  and  the  officers  with  whom  you  may  have  communication,  and  explain  to  them 
the  importance  attached  by  the  Government  to  the  use  of  the  colored  population 
emancipated  by  the  President's  Proclamation,  and  particularly  for  the  organization  of 
their  labor  and  military  strength.  You  will  cause  it  to  be  understood  that  no  officer  in 
the  United  States  service  is  regarded  as  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  under  the  Acts  of 
Congress,  the  President's  Proclamation,  and  orders  of  this  Department,  who  fails  to  em- 
ploy to  the  utmost  extent,  the  aid  and  co-operation  of  the  loyal  colored  population  in 
performing  the  labor  incident  to  military  operations,  and  also  in  performing  the  duties 
of  soldiers  under  proper  organization,  and  that  any  obstacle  thrown  in  the  way  of 
these  ends,  is  regarded  by  the  President  as  a  violation  of  the  Acts  of  Congress,  and  the 
declared  purposes  of  the  Government  in  using  every  means  to  bring  the  war  to  an  end. 

Fourth.  You  will  ascertain  what  military  officers  are  willing  to  take  command  of 
colored  troops ;  ascertain  their  qualifications  for  that  purpose,  and  if  troops  can  be 
raised  and  organized,  you  will,  so  far  as  can  be  done  without  prejudice  to  the  service, 
relieve  officers  and  privates  from  the  service  in  which  they  are  engaged,  to  receive  com- 
missions such  as  they  may  be  qualified  to  exercise  in  the  organization  of  brigades,  regi- 
ments and  companies  of  colored  troops.  You  are  authorized  in  this  connection,  to 
issue  in  the  name  of  this  department,  letters  of  appointment  for  field  and  company 
officers,  and  to  organize  such  troops  for  military  service  to  the  utmost  extent  to  which 
they  can  be  obtained  in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  service.  You 
will  see,  more  over,  and  expressly  enjoin  upon  the  various  staff  departments  of  the  ser- 
vice, that  such  troops  are  to  be  provided  with  supplies  upon  the  requisition  of  the 
proper  officers,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  other  troops  in  the  service. 

*  »  *  *  * 

Very  Respectfully  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

BBIG.  GEN.  L.  THOMAS,  EDWARD  M.  STANTON,  Sec.  of  War. 

Adjt.  Gen'l.  U.  S.  Army. 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  123 

provost  guard  to  fill  up  regiments,  as  the  following  order 
indicates : 

Commission  of  Enrollment. 

GENERAL  ORDERS1  HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 

No.  64.  1  New  Orleans,  August  29,  1863. 

I.  Colonel  JOHN  S.  CLARK,  Major  B.  RUSH  PLUMLY  and  Colonel  GEORGE  H.  HANKS, 
are  hereby  appointed  a  Commission  to  regulate  the  Enrollment,  Recruiting  and  Em- 
ployment and  Education  of  persons  of  color.    All  questions  concerning  the  enlistment 
of  troops  for  the  Corps  d'Afrique,  the  regulation  of  labor,   or  the  government  and 
education  of  negroes,  will  be  referred  to  the  decision  of  this  commission,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Department. 

II.  No  enlistments  for  the  Corps  d'Afrique  will  be  authorized  or  permitted,  except 
under  regulations  approved  by  this  Commission. 

III.  The  Provost  Marshal  General  will  cause  to  be  enrolled  all  able-bodied  men  of 
color  in  accordance  with  the  Law  of  Conscription,  and  such  number  as  may  be  required 
for  the  military  defence  of  the  Department,  equally  apportioned  to  the  different  par- 
ishes, will  be  enlisted  for  the  military  service  under  such  regulations  as  the  Commission 
may  adopt.    Certificates  of  exemption  will  be  furnished  to  those  not  enlisted,  protect- 
ing them  from  arrest  or  other  interference,  except  for  crime. 

IV.  Soldiers  of  the  Corps  d'Afrique  will  not  be  allowed  to  leave  their  camps,  or  to 
wander  through  the  parishes,  except  upon  written  permission,  or  in  the  company  of 
their  officers. 

V.  Unemployed  persons  of  color,  vagrants  and  camp  loafers,  will  be  arrested  and 
employed  upon  the  public  works,  by  the  Provost  Marshal's  Department,  without  other 
pay  than  their  rations  and  clothing. 

VI.  Arrests  of  persons,  and  seizures  of  property,  will  not  be  made  by  colored  sol- 
diers, nor  will  they  be  charged  with  the  custody  of  persons  or  property,  except  when 
under  the  command,  and  accompanied  by  duly  authorized  officers. 

VII.  Any  injury   or  wrong  done  to  the  family  of  any  soldier,  on  account  of  his 
being  engaged  in  military  service,  will  be  summarily  punished. 

VIII.  As  far  as  practicable,  the  labor  of  persons  not  adapted  to  military  service 
will  be  provided  in  substitution  for  that  of  enlisted  men. 

IX.  All  regulations  hitherto  established  for  the  government  of  negroes,  not  incon- 
sistent herewith,  will  be  enforced  by  the  Provost  Marshals  of  the  different  parishes, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Provost  Marshal  General. 

BY  COMMAND  OF  MAJOR  GENERAL  BANKS: 

RICHARD  B.  IRWIN, 

Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

In  the  department  the  actual  number  of  negroes 
enlisted  was  never  known,  from  the  fact  that  a  practice 
prevailed  of  putting  a  live  negro  in  a  dead  one's  place. 
For  instance,  if  a  company  on  picket  or  scouting  lost  ten 
men,  the  officer  would  immediately  put  ten  new  men  in 
their  places  and  have  them  answer  to  the  dead  men's 
names.  I  learn  from  very  reliable  sources  that  this  \vas 
done  in  Virginia,  also  in  Missouri  and  Tennessee.  If  the 
exact  number  of  men  could  be  ascertained,  instead  of 
180,000  it  would  doubtless  be  in  the  neighborhood  of 
220,000  who  entered  the  ranks  of  the  army.  An  order 
was  issued  which  aimed  to  correct  the  habit  and  to  pre- 
vent the  drawing,  by  collusion,  of  the  dead  men's  pay. 

The  date  of  the  first  organization  of  colored  troops  is 
a  question  of  dispute,  but  it  seems  as  if  the  question 
might  be  settled,  either  by  the  records  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment or  the  personal  knowledge  of  those  interested.  Of 
course  the  muster  of  a  regiment  or  company  is  the  record 


124  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  the  War  Department,  but  the  muster  by  no  means 
dates  the  organization  of  the  troops.*  For  example,  a 
colonel  may  have  been  commissioned  July,  1862,  and  yet 
the  muster  of  his  regiment  may  be  September  1862,  and 
even  later,  by  two  months,  as  is  the  case  in  more  than  one 
instance.  It  is  just  as  fair  to  take  the  date  of  a  soldier's 
enlistment  as  the  date  of  the  organization  of  a  regiment, 
as  that  of  the  date  of  the  order  detailing  an  officer  to 
recruit  as  the  date  of  the  colonel's  commission.  The 
writer's  discharge  from  the  Second  Reg't.  Louisiana  Na- 
tive Guards  credits  him  as  enlisting  on  the  1st  day  of 
September,  1862 ;  at  this  date  the  1st  Reg't.  La.  N.  G.  was 
in  the  field,  in  November  the  Second  Regiment  took  the 
field,  so  that  the  date  of  the  organization  of  the  first 
regiment  of  colored  troops  was  in  September,  1862.  Col. 
Higginson,  says  in  his  volume : 

"Except  the  Louisiana  soldiers  mentioned,— of  whom  no  detailed 
reports  have,  I  think,  been  published,— my  regiment  was  unquestionably 
the  first  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States ;  the  first  com- 
pany mustered  bearing  date,  November  7,  1862,  and  the  others  follow- 
ing in  quick  succession." 

Save  the  regiments  recruited  in  Arkansas,  South  Caro- 
lina and  New  Orleans  during  the  year  1862,  nothing  was 
done  towards  increasing  the  negro  army,  but  in  January 
1863,  when  the  policy  of  the  Government  was  changed 
and  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  foreshadowed  the 
employment  of  negroes  in  the  armed  service,  an  activity 

*  Col.  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson  in  an  appendix  to  his  "Army  Life  in  a  Black 
Hegiment,"  gives  some  account  of  the  organization  of  negro  troops,  from  which  is  con- 
folli 


ig  the  war  of  the  rebellion  was  the  so-called  "Hunter  Regiment."  The  officer  originally 
etailed  to  recruit  for  this  purpose  was  Sergeant  C.  T  Trowbridge,  of  the  New  York 
'olunteer  Engineers  (Col.  Serrell.)  His  detail  was  dated  May  7,  1862,  S.  O.  84,  Dept. 


densed  the  following : 

"It  is  well  known  tha.t  the  first  systematic  attempt  to  organize^ colored  troops  dur- 

& 

"Volunteer  Engineers  (Col. 
South 

"The  second  regiment  in  order  of  muster  was  the  First  Kansas  Colored,  datingfrom 
January  13,  1863.  The  first  enlistment  in  the  Kansas  regiment  goes  back  to  August 
6,  1862 ;  while  the  earliest  technical  date  of  enlistment  in  my  regiment  was  October  19, 

1862,  although,  as  was  stated  above,  one  company  really  dated  its  organization  back 
to  May,  1862.   My  muster  as  Colonel  dates  back  to  November  10,  1862,  several  months 
earlier  than  any  other  of  which  I  am  aware,  among  colored  regiments,  except  that  of 
Col.  Stafford,  (First  Louisiana  Native  Guards,)  Sept.  27,  1862.    Colonel  Williams,  of 
the  First  Kansas  Colored,  was  mustered  as  Lt.  Colonel  on  Jan.  13, 1863  ;  as  Col.,  March 
8  1863      These  dates  I  have  (with  the  other  facts  relating  to  the  regiment)  from  Col. 
R.  J.  Hinton,  the  first  officer  detailed  to  recruit  it. 

"The  first  detachment  of  the  Second  South  Carolina  Volunteers  (Col.  Montgomery) 
•went  into  camp  at  Port  Royal  Island,  February  23,  1863,  numbering  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men.  I  do  not  know  the  date  of  his  muster;  it  was  somewhat  delayed,  but  was 
probably  dated  back  to  about  that  time. 

"Recruiting  for  the  Fifty-Fourth  Massachusetts  (colored)  began  on  February  9, 

1863,  and  the  first  squad  went  into  camp  at  Readville,  Massachusetts,  on  February 
21,  1863,  numbering  twenty-five  men.     Col.  Shaw's  commission — and  probably  his 
muster— was  dated  April  17,  1863.     (Report  of  Adjutant  General  of  Massachusetts  for 
1863,  pp.  896-899.)     These  were  the  earliest  colored  regiments,  so  far  as  I  know." 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  125 

such  as  .had  not  been  witnessed  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war  became  apparent.  Many  officers  without  commands, 
and  some  with,  but  who  sought  promotion,  were  eager  to 
be  allowed  to  organize  a  regiment,  a  battalion  or  a  brig- 
ade of  negro  troops,  Mr.  Lincoln  found  it  necessary  in 
less  than  six  months  after  issuing  his  Proclamation  of 
Freedom,  to  put  the  whole  matter  of  negro  soldiers  into 
the  hands  of  a  board.*  Ambition,  as  ambition  will, 
smothered  many  a  white  man's  prejudice  and  caused  more 
than  one  West  Pointer  to  forget  his  political  education. 
This  order  was  issued : 

ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  January  13th,  1883. 
BRIGADIER  GENERAL  D.  ULLMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

SIR: — By  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War  you  are  hereby  authorized  to  raise  a 
Brigade  of  (four  regiments)  of  Louisiana  Volunteer  Infantry,  to  be  recruited  in  that 
State  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  thejWar. 

Each  regiment  of  said  Brigade  will  be  organized  as  prescribed  in  General  orders  No. 
126,  series  of  1862,  from  this  office. 

The  recruitment  will  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  service,  and 
the  orders  of  the  AVar  Department,  and  by  the  said  department  all  appointments  o< 
officers  will  be  made. 

All  musters  will  be  made  in  strict  eonformity  to  Paragraph  86  Revised  Mustering 
Regulations  of  1862.  I  am,  Very  Respectfully  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

THOMAS  M.  VINCENT,  Asst.  Adjt.  Gen'l. 


*  GENERAL  ORDERS,\  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

No.  143.  /  Washington,  May  22,  1863. 

I.— A  Bureau  is  established  in  the  Adjutant  General's  Office  for  the  record  of  all 
matters  relating  to  the  organization  of  Colored  Troops.  An  officer  will  be  assigned 
to  the  charge  of  the  Bureau,  with  such  number  of  clerks  as  may  be  designated  by  the 
Adjutant  General. 

II. — Three  or  more  field  officers  will  be  detailed  as  Inspectors  to  supervise  the 
organization  of  colored  troops  at  such  points  as  may  be  indicated  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment in  the  Northern  and  Western  States. 

III.— Boards  will  be  convened  at  such  posts  as  may  be  decided  upon  by  the  War 
Department  to  examine  applicants  for  commissions  to  command  colored  troops,  who, 
on  application  to  the  Adjutant  General,  may  receive  authority  to  present  themselves 
to  the  board  for  examination. 

IV — No  persons  shall  be  allowed  to  recruit  for  colored  troops  except  specially 
authorized  by  the  War  Department;  and  no  such  authority  will  be  given  to  persons 
who  have  not  been  examined  and  passed  by  a  board ;  nor  will  such  authority  be  given 
any  one  person  to  raise  more  than  one  regiment. 

V. — The  reports  of  Boards  will  specify  the  grade  of  commission  for  which  each  can- 
didate is  fit,  and  authority  to  recruit  will  be  given  in  accordance.  Commissions  will  be 
issued  from  the  Adjutant  General's  Office  when  the  prescribed  number  of  men  is  ready 
for  muster  into  service. 

VI. — Colored  troops  may  be  accepted  by  companies,  to  be  afterwards  consolidated 
in  battalions  and  regiments  by  the  Adjutant  General.  The  regiments  will  be  numbered 
seriatim,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  raised,  the  numbers  to  be  determined  by  the 
Adjutant  General.  They  will  be  designated  :  " Regiment  of  U.  S.  Colored  Troops." 

VII. — Recruiting  stations  and  depots  will  be  established  by  the  Adjutant  General  as 
circumstances  shall  require,  and  officers  will  be  detailed  to  muster  and  inspect  the 
troops. 

VIII. — The  non-  commissioned  officers  of  colored  troops  may  be  selected  and  ap- 
pointed from  the  best  men  of  their  num-ber  in  the  usual  mode  of  appointing  non-com- 
missioned officers.  Meritorious  commissioned  officers  will  be  entitled  to  promotion  to 
higher  rank  if  they  prove  themselves  equal  to  it. 

IX. — All  personal  applications  for  appointments  in  colored  regiments,  or  for  infor- 
mation concerning  them,  must  be  made  to  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau ;  all  written  commu- 
nications should  be  addressed  to  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau,  to  the  care  of  the  Adjutant 
General. 

BY  ORDER  OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  : 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Asst.  Adjt.  General, 


126  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  March  24,  1863. 
BRIG.  GENERAL  ULLMAN,  Washington,  D.  C. 

GENERAL  : — By  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  you  are  hereby  authorized  to 
raise  a  Battalion  (six  companies)  of  Louisiana  Volunteer  Infantry  to  be  used  for  scout- 
ing purposes,  to  be  recruited  in  that  State,  and  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war. 

The  said  force  will  be  organized  as  prescribed  in  Paragraph  83,  Mustering  Regula- 
tions. 

The  recruitment  will  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  service,  and 
the  orders  of  the  War  Department,  and  by  the  said  Department  all  appointments  of 
officers  will  be  made. 

All  musters  will  be  made  in  accordance  with  the  orders  given  in  reference  to  the 
troops  authorized  by  the  instructions  from  this  office  of  January  13,  1863. 

I  am,  General  Very  Respectfully  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

THOMAS  M.  VINCENT,  Asst.  Adjt.  General. 

In  furtherance  of  the  order  General  Ullman  proceeded 
to  New  Orleans  and  assumed  command  of  seven  thousand 
troops  already  organized.  It  was  said  that  he  had 
arranged  to  place  500  white  officers  in  command  of  the 
troops  in  Louisiana. 

In  October  thereafter  General  Banks  issued  the  fol- 
lowing order,  which  fully  explains  itself: 

Recruiting  for  the  Corps  d'Afrique. 

GENERAL  ORDERS\  HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF. 

No.  77.  /  .  New  Orleans,  October  27,  1863. 

I.  All  persons  of  Color  coming  within  the  lines  of  the  army,  or  following  the 
army  when  in  the  field,  other  than  those  employed  in  the  Staff  Department  of  the 
army,  or  as  servants  of  officers  entitled  by  the  Regulations  to  have  servants,  or  cooks, 
will  be  placed  in  charge  of  and  provided  for  by  the  several  Provost  Marshals  of  the 
Parishes,  or  if  the  army  be  on  the  march,  or  in  the  field,  by  the  Provost  Marshal  of  the 
Army. 

II.  The  several  Provost  Marshals  of  the  Parishes  ami  of  the  Army  will  promptly 
forward  to  the  nearest  recruiting  depot  all  able  bodied  moles  for  service  in  the  Corps 
d'Afrique. 

III.  Recruits  will  be  received  for  the  Corps  d'Afrique  of  all  able  bodied  men  from 
sections  of  the  country  not  occupied  by  our  forces,  and  beyond  our  lines,  without  re- 
gard to  the  enrollment  provided  for  in  General  Orders  No.  64  and  70,  from  these  Head- 
quarters. 

IV.  Instructions  will  be  given  by  the  President  of  the  Commission  of  Enrollment 
to  the  Superintendent  of  Recruiting,  to  govern  in  all  matters  of  detail  relating  to  re- 
cruiting, and  officers  will  be  held  to  a  strict  accountability  for  the  faithful  observance 
of  existing  orders  and  such  instructions ;  but  no  officer  will  be  authorized  to  recruit 
beyond  the  lines  without  first  having  his  order  approved  by  the  officer  commanding 
the  nearest  post,  or  the  officer  commanding  the  Army  in  the  Field,  who  will  render  such 
assistance  as  may  be  necessary  to  make  the  recruiting  service  effective. 

BY  COMMAND  OF  MAJOR  GENERAL  BANKS  : 

G.  NORMAN  LIEBER,  Act.  Asst.  Adjt.  Gen'l. 

At  the  North  where  negroes  had  been  refused  admis- 
sion to  the  army,  the  President's  Proclamation  was  hailed 
with  delight.  Gov.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  at  once 
began  the  organization  of  the  54th  Regiment  of  his  State, 
composed  entirely  of  negroes,  and  on  the  28th  of  May  the 
regiment  being  ready  to  take  the  field,  embarked  for 
South  Carolina.  Other  Northern  States  followed.  Penn- 
sylvania established  Camp  Wm.  Penn,  from  which  several 
regiments  took  their  departure,  while  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island  both  sent  a  regiment. 

The  taste  with  which  the  negro  soldiers  arranged  their 
quarters  often  prompted  officers  of  white  regiments  to 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  129 

borrow  a  detail  to  clean  and  beautify  the  quarters  of  their 
commands.  An  occurrence  of  this  kind  came  very  near 
causing  trouble  on  Morris  Island,  S.  C.  The  matter  was 
brought  to  the  commanding  General's  attention  and  he 
immediately  issued  this  order : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH,  HEADQUARTERS  IN  THE  FIELD. 
GENERAL  ORDERS,)  Morris  Island,  S.  C.,  Sept.  17th,  1863. 

No.  77.  / 

I.  It  has  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Brig.  Gen.  Commanding  that  detachments  of 
colored  troops,  detailed  for  fatigue  duty,  have  been  employed  in  one  instance  at  least, 
to  prepare  camps  and  perform  menial  duty  for  white  troops.  Such  use  of  these  details 
is  unauthorized  and  improper,  and  is  hereafter  expressly  prohibited.  Commanding 
Officers  of  colored  regiments  are  directed  to  report  promptly,  to  the  Headquarters, 
any  violations  of  this  order  which  may  come  to  their  knowledge. 
BY  ORDER  OF  GEN.  Q.  A.  GILLMORE, 

OFFICIAL:  ED.  W.  SMITH,  Asst.  Adjt.  Gen'l. 

ISRAEL  Z.  SEALEY,  Capt.  47th  N.  Y.  Vols., 

Act.  Asst.  Adjt.  General. 

The  Southern  troops  generally  made  no  objection  to 
cleaning  the  quarters  of  their  white  allies,  but  when  a 
detail  from  the  54th  Mass.  Reg't.,  on  its  way  to  the  front, 
was  re-detailed  for  that  purpose,  they  refused  to  obey. 
The  detail  was  placed  under  arrest.  When  this  informa- 
tion reached  the  regiment  it  was  only  by  releasing  the 
prisoners  that  a  turbulent  spirit  was  quieted.  There  were 
about  ten  thousand  negro  troops  in  and  about  Morris  Is- 
land at  that  time,  and  they  quickly  sneezed  at  the  54th  ?s 
snuff.  The  negro  barbers  in  this  department  had  been 
refusing  to  shave  and  to  cut  the  hair  of  negro  soldiers 
in  common  with  the  whites.  Corporal  Kelley  of  the  54th 
Mass.  Regiment,  who  had  been  refused  a  shave  at  a  shop 
located  near  one  of  the  brigade  Headquarters,  went  there 
one  evening  accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  members  of 
Company  C.  The  men  gathered  around  the  barber's 
place  of  business,  which  rested  upon  posts  a  little  up  from 
the  ground ;  the  negro  barbers  were  seated  in  their  chairs 
resting  from  their  labors  and  listening  to  the  concert, 
which  it  was  customary  for  a  band  to  give  each  evening. 
As  the  last  strains  of  music  were  being  delivered,  one  side 
of  the  barber  shop  was  lifted  high  and  then  suddenly 
dropped;  it  came  down  with  a  crash  making  a  wreck  of 
the  building  and  its  contents,  except  the  barbers,  who 
escaped  unhurt,  but  who  never  made  their  appearance 
again.  The  episode  resulted  in  the  issuing  of  an  order 
forbidding  discrimination  on  account  of  color. 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  Washington  authorities  established  recruiting 
stations  throughout  the  South.  Of  the  difficulties  under 
which  recruiting  officers  labored  some  idea  may  be  formed 
by  reading  the  following,  written  by  the  historian  of  the 
7th  Regiment : 

"  The  position  of  recruiting  officer  for  colored  troops  was  by  no 
means  a  sinecure;  on  the  contrary,  it  was  attended  with  hardships, 
annoyances  and  difficulties  without  number.  Moving  about  from  place 
to  place;  often  on  scant  rations,  and  always  without  transportation, 
save  what  could  be  pressed  into  service ;  sleeping  in  barns,  out-houses, 
public  buildings,— wherever  shelter  could  be  found,  and  meeting  from  the 
people  everywhere  opposition  and  dislike.  To  have  been  an  officer  of 
colored  troops  was  of  itself  sufficient  to  ostracize,  and  when,  in  addition, 
one  had  to  take  from  them  their  slaves,  dislike  became  absolute  hatred. 
There  were,  of  course,  exceptions,  and  doubtless  every  officer  engaged  on 
this  disagreeable  duty  can  bear  testimony  to  receiving  at  times  a  hospi- 
tality as  generous  as  it  was  unexpected,  even  from  people  whom  duty 
compelled  them  to  despoil.  But  this  was  always  from  "  union  men,"  for 
it  must  be  confessed  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  property-holders  on 
both  the  eastern  and  western  shores  of  the  Chesapeake  were  as  deeply  in 
sympathy  with  the  rebellion  as  their  brethren  over  the  Virginia  border. 

"  Perhaps  the  most  disagreeable  feature  of  this  recruiting  duty  was 
that  Gen.  Birney  (Supt.  of  recruiting  of  negro  troops  in  Maryland)  sel- 
dom saw  fit  to  give  his  subordinates  anything  but  verbal  instructions. 
Officers  were  ordered  to  open  recruiting  stations;  to  raid  through  the 
country,  carrying  off  slaves  from  under  the  eyes  of  their  masters ;  to 
press  horses  for  their  own  use  and  that  of  their  men,  and  teams  and 
vehicles  for  purposes  of  transportation ;  to  take  forage  when  needed ;  to 
occupy  buildings  and  appropriate  fuel ;  in  short,  to  do  a  hundred  things 
they  had  really  no  legal  right  to  do,  and  had  they  been  called  upon,  as 
was  likely  to  happen  at  any  time,  for  the  authority  under  which  they 
were  acting,  they  would  have  had  nothing  to  show  but  their  commis- 
sions ;  and  if,  in  carrying  out  these  verbal  instructions  from  their  chief, 
they  had  become  involved  in  serious  difficulty,  they  had  little  reason  to 
suppose  that  they  Avould  be  sustained  by  him. 

"  When  it  is  remembered  that  slavery  was  at  that  time  still  a  recog- 
nized institution,  and  that  the  duty  of  a  recruiting  officer  often  required 
him  to  literally  strip  a  plantation  of  its  field  hands,  and  that,  too,  at  a 
time  of  the  year  when  the  crops  were  being  gathered,  it  is  perhaps  to  be 
wondered  that  the  bitter  feelings  of  the  slave-owners  did  not  often  find 
vent  in  open  resistence  and  actual  violence.  That  this  delicate  and  dis- 
agreeable duty  was  performed  in  a  manner  to  avoid  serious  difficulty 
certainly  speaks  well  for  the  prudence  and  good  judgment  of  the  officers 
and  men  engaged  in  it. 

"The  usual  method  of  proceeding  was,  upon  reaching  a  designated 
point,  to  occupy  the  most  desirable  public  building,  dwelling-house,  ware- 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  131 

house,  or  barn  found  vacant,  and  with  this  as  a  rendezvous,  small 
parties  were  sent  into  the  surrounding  country,  visiting  each  plantation 
within  a  raidus  of  twenty  or  thirty  miles.  The  parties,  sometimes  under 
charge  of  an  officer,  usually  consisted  of  a  non-commissioned  officer 
and  ten  or  twelve  men. 

"In  these  journeys  through  the  country  the  recruiting  officer  often  met 
with  strange  experiences.  Recruits  were  taken  wherever  found,  and  as 
their  earthly  possessions  usually  consisted  of  but  what  they  wore  upon 
their  backs,  they  required  no  time  to  settle  their  affairs.  The  laborer  in 
the  field  would  throw  down  his  hoe  or  quit  his  plow  and  march  away 
with  the  guard,  leaving  his  late  owner  looking  after  him  in  speechless 
amazement.  On  one  occasion  the  writer  met  a  planter  on  the  road,  fol- 
lowed by  two  of  his  slaves,  each  driving  a  loaded  wagon.  The  usual 
questions  were  asked  and  the  whilom  slaves  joined  the  recruiting  party, 
leaving  their  teams  and  late  master  standing  in  the  highway.  At 
another  time  a  negro  was  met  with  a  horse  and  wagon.  Having  ex- 
pressed his  desire  to  "'list,"  he  turned  his  horse's  head  toward  home, 
and  marched  away  in  the  opposite  direction. 

"On  one  occasion  the  writer  visited  a  large  plantation  near  Capeville, 
Va.,  and  calling  upon  the  proprietor  asked  him  to  call  in  his  slaves. 
He  complied  without  a  word,  and  when  they  came  and  were  asked  if  they 
wished  to  enlist,  replied  that  they  did,  and  fell  into  the  ranks  with  the 
guard.  As  they  started  away  the  old  man  turned  to  me,  and  with  tears 
in  his  eyes,  said,  "Will  you  take  them  all?  Here  I  am,  an  old  man;  I 
cannot  work ;  my  crops  are  ungathered ;  my  negroes  have  all  enlisted  or 
run  away,  and  what  am  I  to  do?  A  hard  question,  truly.  Another 
officer  was  called  upon  by  a  gentleman  with  this  question,  "You  have 
taken  all  my  able-bodied  men  for  soldiers,  the  others  have  run  away, 
and  only  the  women  and  children  are  left;— what  do  you  propose  to  do 
with  them  ?"  Another  hard  question. 

"At  another  time,  when  the  Balloon  was  lying  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Pocomoke,  accompanied  by  Lieut.  Brown  and  with  a  boat's  crew,  we 
pulled  up  the  river  to  the  plantation  of  a  Mrs.  D.,  a  noted  rebel  sympa- 
thizer. We  were  met,  as  wre  expected,  with  the  most  violent  abuse  from 
the  fair  proprietoress,  which  was  redoubled  when  three  of  her  best  slaves, 
each  of  whom  had  probably  been  worth  a  couple  of  thousand  dollars  in 
ante-bellum  days,  took  their  bundles  and  marched  off  to  the  boat.  We 
bade  the  lady  farewell,  and  pushed  off  amid  the  shouts  and  screams  of  a 
score  of  *negro  women  and  children,  and  the  tears  and  execrations  of  the 
widow. 

"  To  illustrate  the  unreasonable  orders  Gen.  Birney  was  sometimes  in 
the  habit  of  giving  to  officers  engaged  under  him  on  recruiting  service, 
the  writer  well  remembers  being  placed  by  him,  at  Pungateague,  Va.,  in 
charge  of  some  200  recruits  he  had  forcibly  taken  from  an  officer  recruit- 
ing under  Col.  Nelson's  orders,  and  receiving  from  him  (Gen.  Birney)  the 
most  positive  orders  under  no  circumstances  to  allow  Col.  Nelson  to  get 
possession  of  them,— Col.  Nelson's  steamer  was  hourly  expected— and 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

that  I  should  be  held  personally  responsible  that  they  were  put  on  board 
his  own  steamer,  and  this  when  I  had  neither  men  nor  muskets  to  en- 
force the  order.  Fortunately  (for  myself)  Gen.  Birney's  steamer  arrived 
first  and  the  men  were  safely  put  on  board.  Some  days  later,  Lieut. 
Brown,  who  was  then  in  charge  of  the  same  station,  had  a  squad  of 
recruits  taken  from  him  by  Col.  Nelson,  in  retaliation. 

"  Many  a  hap-hazard  journey  was  undertaken  in  search  of  recruits 
and  recruiting  stations.  On  one  occasion  an  officer  was  ordered  by  Gen. 
Birney  to  take  station  at  a  town  (?)  not  many  miles  from  Port  Tobacco, 
on  the  Potomac.  After  two  days'  careful  search  he  discovered  that  the 
town  he  was  in  search  of  had  been  a  post-office  twenty  years  before,  but 
then  consisted  of  one  house,  uninhabited  and  uninhabitable,  with  not 
another  within  the  circuit  of  five  miles." 

When  the  Government  decided  to  arm  the  negroes 
and  ordered  the  organization  of  a  hundred  regiments,  it 
was  with  great  difficulty  the  equipment  department  met 
the  requisitions.  It  necessitated  a  departure  from  the 
accustomed  uniform  material  for  volunteers,  and  helped 
to  arouse  the  animosity  of  the  white  troops.  Instead  of 
the  coarse  material  issued  at  first,  the  Phalanx  was 
clothed  in  a  fine  blue-black  dress  coat  for  the  infantry, 
and  a  superb  dark  blue  jacket  for  the  artillery  and  cav- 
alry, all  neatly  trimmed  with  brass  buttons  and  white, 
red  and  yellow  cord,  representing  the  arm  of  service; 
heavy  sky  blue  pantaloons,  and  a  flannel  cap,  or  high 
crown  black  flelt  hat  or  chapeau  with  a  black  feather 
looped  upon  the  right  side  and  fastened  with  a  brass 
eagle.  For  the  infantry  and  for  the  cavalry  two  swords 
crossed ;  for  the  artillery  two  cannons  on  the  front  of  the 
chapeau  crossed,  with  the  letters  of  the  company,  and 
number  of  the  regiment  to  which  the  soldier  belonged. 
On  the  caps  these  insignias  were  worn  on  the  top  of  the 
crown.  The  uniform  of  the  Phalanx  put  the  threadbare 
clothes  of  the  white  veterans  in  sad  contrast,  and  was  the 
cause  of  many  a  black  soldier  being  badly  treated  by  his 
white  comrades.* 


*  I  attempted  to  pass  Jackson  Square  in  New  Orleans  one  day  in  my  uniform,  when 
I  was  met  by  two  white  soldiers  of  the  24th  Conn.  They  halted  me  and  then  ordered 
me  to  undress.  I  refused,  when  they  seized  me  and  began  to  tear  my  coat  off.  I  resist- 
ed, but  to  no  good  purpose ;  a  half  a  dozen  others  came  up  and  began  to  assist.  I  rec- 
ognized a  sergeant  in  the  crowd,  an  old  shipmate  on  board  of  a  New  Bedford,  Mass., 
Whaler;  he  came  to  my  rescue,  my  clothing  was  restored  and  I  was  let  go.  It  was 
nothing  strange  to  see  a  bla,ck  soldier  a  la,  Adam  come  into  the  barracks  out  of  the 
streets.  This  conduct  led  to  the  killing  of  a  portion  of  a  boat's  crew  of  the  U.  S. 
Gunboat  Jackson,  at  Ship  Island,  Miss.,  by  members  of  a  Phalanx  regiment  stationed 
there. 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  133 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion,  the  pay  of  soldiers 
(volunteers)  was  the  same  as  soldiers  of  the  regular  army, 
by  law,  f  13  per  month.  The  soldiers  of  the  Phalanx 
enlisted  under  the  same  law  and  regulations  as  did  the 
white  volunteers,  as  to  pay  and  term  of  service,  but  the 
Secretary  of  War,  after  a  few  regiments  were  in  the  field, 
decided,  and  so  ordered,  that  negro  troops  should  be  paid 
ten  dollars  per  month.  The  instructions  given  to  General 
Saxton  on  the  25th  day  of  August,  1862,  had  stated  that 
the  pay  would  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  other  troops : 

"In  view  of  the  small  force  under  your  command,  and  the  inability 
of  the  Government  at  the  present  time  to  increase  it,  in  order  to  guard 
the  plantations  and  settlements  occupied  by  the  United  States,  from  in- 
vasion, and  to  protect  the  inhabitants  thereof  from  captivity  and  mur- 
der by  the  enemy,  you  are  also  authorized  to  arm,  uniform,  equip,  and 
receive  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  such  number  of  volunteers 
of  African  descent  as  you  may  deem  expedient,  not  exceeding  five  thou- 
sand, and  may  detail  officers  to  instruct  them  in  military  drill,  discipline 
and  duty,  and  to  command  them.  The  persons  so  received  into  service, 
and  their  officers,  to  be  entitled  to,  and  receive,  the  same  pay  and  rations 
as  are  allowed,  by  law,  to  volunteers  in  the  service." 

As  to  the  white  officers  they  were  paid  in  full,  but  the 
privates  and  non-commissioned  officers  were  allowed  but 
f  10  per  month,  three  of  which  were  deducted  on  account 
of  clothing.  In  several  instances  the  paymaster  not  hav- 
ing received  special  instructions  to  that  effect,  disregarded 
the  general  orders,  and  paid  the  negro  soldiers  in  full,  like 
other  volunteers ;  but  the  order  was  generally  recognized, 
though  many  of  the  regiments  refused  to  receive  the  $7 
per  month,  which  was  particularly  the  case  of  regiments 
from  the  Northern  States.  The  order  at  one  time  in  the 
Department  of  the  Gulf,  came  very  near  causing  a  mu- 
tiny among  the  troops,  because  white  troops,  and  con- 
scripts at  that,  and  those  who  had  done  provost  duty 
about  the  cities,  were  paid  $16  per  month,— Congress  hav- 
ing raised  the  pay,— while  the  Phalanx  regiments  in  the 
field  and  fortifications  were  offered  $7.  The  dissatisfac- 
tion was  so  strongly  manifested  as  to  cause  twelve  mem- 
bers of  the  Phalanx  to  lose 'their  lives,  which  were  not  the 
only  ones  lost  by  the  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the  Govern* 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ment.  However,  in  no  instance  did  the  Phalanx  refuse  ta 
do  its  duty  when  called  upon,  and  at  the  sound  of  the 
long  roll,  though  the  black  flag  was  raised  against  them, 
and  many  of  their  families  were  suffering  at  home,  their 
patriotic  ardor  never  abated  in  the  least.  At  the  North, 
provisions  were  made  by  the  States  to  relieve  the  families 
of  the  brave  men.  Massachusetts  sent  paymasters  to 
make  good  the  promises  of  the  Government,  but  the 
deficiency  was  rejected.  Her  regiments,  although  a  year 
without  pay,  refused  to  accept,  and  demanded  full  pay 
from  the  Government.  The  loyal  people  of  the  country, 
at  public  meetings  and  the  press,*  severely  criticised  the 


*  The  injustice  done  the  Phalanx,  in  discriminating  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  negro,  may  be  clearly  seen  by  the  following  letters: 

"NEW  VICTORIES  AND  OLD  WRONGS.— To  the  Editors  of  the  Evening  Post:  On  the- 
2d  of  July,  at  James  Island,  S.  C.,  a  battery  was  taken  by  three  regiments,  under  the 
following  circumstances : 

"The  regiments  were  the  One  Hundred  and  Third  New  York  (white),  the  Thirty- 
Third  United  States  (formerly  First  South  Carolina  Volunteers),  and  the  Fifty-Fifth 
Massachusetts,  the  two  last  being  colored.  They  marched  at  one  A.  M.,  by  the  flank, 
in  the  above  order,  hoping  to  surprise  the  battery.  As  usual  the  rebels  we're  prepared 
for  them,  and  opened  upon  them  as  they  were  deep  in  one  of  those  almost  impassable 
Southern  marshes.  The  One  Hundred  and  Third  New  York,  which  had  previously  been 
in  twenty  battles,  was  thrown  into  confusion;  the  Thirty-Thirdllnited  States  did  better, 
being  behind ;  the  Fifty-Fifth  Massachusetts  being  in  the  rear,  did  better  still.  All  three 
formed  in  line,  when  Colonel  Hartwell,  commanding  the  brigade,  gave  the  order  to  re- 
treat. The  officer  commanding  the  Fifty-Fifth  Massachusetts,  either  misunderstanding 
the  order,  or  hearing  it  countermanded,  ordered  his  regiment  to  charge.  This  order 
was  at  once  repeated  by  Major  Trowbridge,  commanding  the  Thirty-Third  United 
States,  and  by  the  commander  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Third  New  York,  so  that  the 
three  regiments  reached  the  fort  in  reversed  order.  The  color-bearers  of  the  Thirty-Third 
United  States  and  of  the  Fifty-Fifth  Massachusetts  had  a  race  to  be  first  in,  the  lat- 
ter winning.  The  One  Hundred  and  Third  New  York  entered  the  battery  immediately 
after. 

"These  colored  regiments  are  two  of  the  five  which  were  enlisted  in  South  Carolina 
and  Massachusetts,  under  the  written  pledge  of  the  War  Department  that  they  should 
have  the  same  pay  and  allowances  as  white  soldiers.  That  pledge  has  been  deliberately 
broken  by  the  War  Department,  or  by  Congress,  or  by  both,  except  as  to  the  short 
period,  since  last  New  Year's  Day.  Every  one  of  those  killed  in  this  action  from  these 
two  colored  regiments — under  a  fire  before  which  the  veterans  of  twenty  battles 
recoiled— died  defrauded  by  the  Government  of  -nearly  one-half  of  his  petty  pay. 

"Mr.  Fessenden,  who  defeated  in  the  Senate  the  bill  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  con- 
tract with  these  soldiers,  is  now  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Was  the  economy  of  sav- 
ing six  dollars  per  man  worth  to  the  Treasury  the  ignominy  of  the  repudiation? 

"  Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  on  his  triumphal  return  to  his  constituents,  used  to 
them  this  language :  '  He  had  no  doubt  whatever  as  to  the  final  result  of  the  present 
contest  between  liberty  and  slavery.  The  only  doubt  he  had  was  whether  the  nation 
had  yet  been  satisfactorily  chastised  for  their  cruel  oppression  of  a  harmless  and  long- 
suffering  race.'  Inasmuch  as  it  was  Mr.  Stevens  himself  who  induced  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, most  unexpectedly  to  all,  to  defeat  the  Senate  bill  for  the  fulfilment  of  the 
national  contract  with  these  soldiers,  I  should  think  he  had  excellent  reasons  for  the 
doubt.  Very  respectfully,  T.  W.  HIGGINSON, 

July  10,  1864.  Col.  1st  S.  C.  Vols.  (now 33d  U.  S.) 

"  To  the  Editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune:  No  one  can  possibly  be  so  weary  of 
reading  of  the  wrongs  done  by  Government  toward  the  colored  soldiers  as  I  am  of 
writing  about  them.  This  is  my  only  excuse  for  intruding  on  your  columns  again. 

By  an  order  of  the  .War  Department,  dated  Aug  1,  18(>4,  it  is  at  length  ruled  that 
colored  soldiers  shall  be  paid  the  full  pay  of  soldiers  from  date  of  enlistment,  provided 
they  were  free  on  April  19,  1861,— not  otherwise;  and  this  distinction  is  to  be  noted  on 
the  pay-rolls.  In  other  words,  if  one  half  of  a  company  escaped  from  slavery  on  April 
18,  1861,  they  are  to  be  paid  thirteen  dollars  per  month  and  .allowed  three  dollars  and  a 
half  per  month  for  'dothing.  If  the  other  half  \vw  delayed  two  days,  they  receive 
seven  dollars  per  month  and  are  allowed  three  dollars  per  month  for  precisely  the  same 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  137 

Government,  while  the  patriotic  black  men  continued  to 
pour  out  their  blood  and  to  give  their  lives  for  liberty  and 
the  Union. 

The  matter  being  one  for  Congress  to  adjust,  Henry 
Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  8th  of  Jan.  1864,  intro- 
duced in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  a  bill  to  promote 
enlistments  in  the  army,  and  in  this  measure  justice  to 
the  black  soldiers  was  proposed.  After  months  of  debate, 
it  was  finally  passed ;  not  only  placing  the  Phalanx  sol- 
diers on  a  footing  with  all  other  troops,  but  made  free, 
the  mothers,  wives  and  children  of  the  noble  black  troops. 

The  fight  of  the  Phalanx  for  equal  pay  and  allowance 
with  the  white  troops,  was  a  long  one.  The  friends  of  the 
black  soldiers  in  Congress  fought  it,  however,  to  the  suc- 
cessful issue.  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  took  the 
lead  in  the  matter  in  the  Senate,  as  he  did  in  the  amend- 

articles  of  clothing.  If  one  of  the  former  class  is  made  first  sergeant,  his  pay  is  put  up 
to  twenty-one  dollars  per  month;  but  if  he  escaped  two  days  later,  his  pay  is  still  esti- 
mated at  seven  dollars. 

"It  had  not  occurred  to  me  that  anything  could  make  the  pay-rolls  of  these  regi- 
ments more  complicated  than  at  present,  or  the  men  more  rationally  discontented.  I 
had  not  the  ingenuity  to  imagine  such  an  order.  Yet  it  is  no  doubt  in  accordance  with 
the  spirit,  if  not  with  the  letter,  of  the  final  bill  which  was  adopted  by  Congress  under 
the  lead  of  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens. 

"The  ground  taken  by  Mr.  Stevens  apparently  was  that  the  country  might  honor- 
ably save  a  few  dollars  by  docking  the  promised  pay  of  those  colored  soldiers  whom 
the  war  had  made  free.  But  the  Government  should  have  thought  of  this  before  it 
made  the  contract  with  these  wen  and  received  their  services.  When  the  War  Depart- 
ment instructed  Brigadier-General  Saxton,  August  25,  1862,  to  raise  five  regiments  of 
negroes  in  South  Carolina,  it  was  known  very  well  that  the  men  so  enlisted  had  only 
recently  gained  their  freedom.  But  the  instructions  said :  '  The  persons  so  received 
into  service,  and  their  officers,  to  be  entitled  to  and  receive  the  same  pay  and  rations  as 
are  allowed  by  law  to  volunteers  in  the  service.'  Of  this  passage  Mr.  Solicitor  Whiting 
wrote  to  me:  'I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  faith  of  the  Government  was 
thereby  pledged  to  every  officer  and  soldier  enlisted  under  that  call.'  WThere  is  that 
faith  of  the  Government  now? 

"The  men  who  enlisted  under  the  pledge  were  volunteers,  every  one;  they  did  not 
get  their  freedom  by  enlisting;  they  had  it  already.  They  enlisted  to  serve  the  Govern- 
ment, trusting  in  its  honor.  Now  the  nation  turns  upon  them  and  says :  Your  part  of 
the  contract  is  fulfilled ;  we  have  had  your  services.  If  you  can  show  that  you  had  pre- 
viously been  free  for  a  certain  length  of  time,  we  will  fulfil  the  other  side  of  the  contract. 
If  not,  we  repudiate  it.  Help  yourselves,  if  you  can. 

"In  other  words,  a  freedman  (since  April  19,  1861)  has  no  rights  which  a  white  man 
is  bound  to  respect.  He  is  incapable  of  making  a  contract.  No  man  is  bound  by  a 
contract  made  with  him.  Any  employer,  following  the  example  of  the  United  States 
Government,  may  make  with  him  a  written  agreement,  receive  his  services,  and  then 
withhold  the  wages.  He  has  no  motive  to  honest  industry,  or  to  honesty  of  any  kind. 
He  is  virtually  a  slave,  and  nothing  else,  to  the  end  of  time. 

"  Under  this  order,  the  greater  part  of  the  Massachusetts  colored  regiments  will  get 
their  pay  at  last,  and  be  able  to  take  their  wives  and  children  out  of  the  almshouses, 
to  which,  as  Governor  Andrew  informs  us,  the  gracious  charity  of  the  nation  has  con- 
signed so  many.  For  so  much  I  am  grateful.  But  toward  my  regiment,  which  had 
been  in  service  and  under  fire,  months  before  a  Northern  colored  soldier  was  recruited, 
the  policy  of  .repudiation  has  at  last  been  officially  adopted.  There  is  no  alternative 
for  the  officers  of  South  Carolina  regiments  but  to  wait  for  another  session  of  Congress, 
and  meanwhile,  if  necessary,  act  as  executioners  for  these  soldiers  who,  like  Sergeant 
Walker,  refuse  to  fulfil  their  share  of  a  contract  where  the  Government  has  openly  repu- 
diated the*  other  share.  If  a  year's  discussion,  however,  has  at  length  secured  the 
arrears  of  pay  for  the  Northern  colored  regiments,  possibly  two  years  may  secure  it  for 
the  Southern.  T.  W!  HIGGINSON, 

August  12,  1864.  Col.  1st  S.  C.  Vols.  (now  33d  U.  S.) 


138  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ing  of  the   enrolling  acts,   and  the  act  calling  out  the 
militia,  whereby  negroes  were  enrolled. 

In  the  winter  of  '64  Gen.  Butler  began  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Army  of  the  James  and  the  enlistment  of 
negro  troops.  A  camp  was  established  near  Fortress 
Monroe,  where  a  great  many  men  enlisted.  The  Secretary 
of  War  gave  permission  to  the  several  Northern  States  to 
send  agents  South,  and  to  enlist  negroes  to  fill  up  their 
quotas  of  troops  needed.  Large  bounties  were  then  being 
paid  and  many  a  negro  received  as  much  as  $500  to 
enlist ;  while  many  who  went  as  substitutes  received  even 
more  than  that.  The  recruiting  officers  or  rather  agents 
from  the  different  States  established  their  headquarters 
largely  within  Gen.  Butlers  departments,  where  negro  vol- 
unteers were  frequently  secured  at  a  much  less  price  than 
the  regular  bounty  offered,  the  agent  putting  into  his  own 
pocket  the  difference,  which  often  amounted  to  |200  or 
even  $400  on  a  single  recruit.  To  correct  this  wrong, 
Gen.  Butler  issued  the  following  order : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEP'T.  VIRGINIA  &  NORTH  CAROLINA, 

GENERAL  ORDERS,!  IN  THE  FIELD,  VA.,  August  4th,  1864 

No.  90.  / 

***** 

"With  all  the  guards  which  the  utmost  vigilance  and  care  have  thrown  around  the 
recruitment  of  white  soldiers,  it  is  a  fact,  as  lamentable  as  true,  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  recruits  have  been  swindled  of  part,  if  not  all,  of  their  bounties.  Can  it  be  hoped 
that  the  colored  man  will  be  better  able  to  protect  himself  from  the  infinite  ingenuity 
of  fraud  than  the  white  ? 

Therefore,  to  provide  for  the  families  of  the  colored  recruits  enlisted  in  this  Depart- 
ment— to  relieve  the  United  States,  as  far  as  may  be,  from  the  burden  of  supporting 
the  families,— and  to  insure  that  at  least  a  portion  of  the  bounty  paid  to  the  negro 
shall  be  received  for  his  use  and  that  of  his  family ; 

It  if;  ordered:  I— That  upon  the  enlistment  of  any  negro  recruit  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States  for  three  (3)  years,  by  any  State  agent  or  other  person  not  enlisting 
recruits  under  the  direct  authority  of  the  War  Department,  a  sum  of  one  hundred  (100) 
dollars,  or  one-third  (Ys)  of  the  sum  agreed  to  be  paid  as  bounty,  shall  be  paid  if  the 
amount  exceeds  three  times  that  sum,  into  the  hands  of  the  Superintendent  of  Recruit- 
ing, or  an  officer  to  be  designated  by  him,  and  in  the  same  proportion  for  any  less 
time;  and  no  Mustering  Officer  will  give  any  certificate  or  voucher  for  any  negro  recruit 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  so  that  he  may  be  credited  to  the  quota 
of  any  State,  or  as  a  substitute,  until  a  certificate  is  filed  with  him  that  the  amount 
called  for  by  this  order  has  been  paid,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Superintendent  of 
Recruiting  of  the  district  wherein  the  recruit  was  enlisted;  but  the  mustering  officer  will, 
in  default  of  such  payment,  certify  upon  the  roll  that  the  recruit  is  not  to  be  credited  to 
the  quota  of  any  State,  or  as  a  substitute. 

II— The  amount  as  paid  to  the  Superintendent  of  Recruiting  shall  be  turned  over, 
on  the  last  day  of  each  month,  to  the  Superintendent  of  Negro  Affairs.to  be  expended 
in  aid  of  the  families  of  negro  soldiers  in  this  Department.  The  certificates  filed  with 
Commissary  of  Musters  will  be  returned  to  said  Superintendent  of  Negro  Affairs,  on 
the  first  day  of  every  month,  so  that  the  Superintendent  may  vouch  for  the  accounts 
of  the  Superintendent  of  Recruiting,  for  the  amounts  received  by  him. 

And  the  Superintendent  of  Negro  Affairs  will  account  monthly  to  the  Financial 
Agent  of  this  Department  for  the  amounts  received  and  expended  by  him. 

Ill — As  there  are  unfilled  colored  Regiments  in  this  Department  sufficient  to  receive 
all  the  negro  recruits  therein,  no  negro  male  person  above  the  age  of  sixteen  (16)  years, 
shall  be  taken  out  or  attempted  to  be  taken  out  of  this  Department,  either  as  a  recruit, 
as  officer's  servant,  or  otherwise,  in  any  manner  whatever,  without  a  pass  from  these 
Head  Quarters.  Any  officer,  Master  of  Transportation,  Provost  Marshal,  or  person, 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING.  141 

who  shall  aid,  assist  or  permit  any  male  negro  of  the  age  of  sixteen  (16)  years  or  lip- 
wards,  to  go  out  of  this  Department,  in  contravention  of  this  order,  will  be  punished, 
on  conviction  thereof  before  the  Provost  Court,  by  not  less  than  six  (6)  months  im- 
prisonment at  hard  labor,  under  the  Superintendent  of  Prison  Labor,  at  Norfolk,  and 
if  this  offence  is  committed  by  or  with  the  connivance  of  any  Master  of  Steamboat, 
Schooner,  or  other  vessel,  the  steamboat  or  other  vessel  shall  be  seized  and  sold,  and 
the  proceeds  be  paid  to  the  Superintendent  of  Negro  Affairs,  for  the  use  of  the  destitute 
negroes  supported  by  the  Government. 

By  command  of  Major  General  B.  F.  BUTLER: 

R.  S.  DA  VIS,  Major  and  Asst.  Adjt.  General. 
OFFICIAL  :    H.  T.  SCHROEDER,  Lt.  &  A.  A.  A.  Gen'l. 
OFFICIAL  :    WM.  M.  PRATT,  Lt.  &  Aide-de-Camp. 

The  chief  result  of  Butler's  order  was  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Freedmens'  Savings  Bank.  At  the  close  of 
the  war,  there  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Superintendent  of 
Negro  Affairs,  eight  thousand  dollars  unclaimed  bounties, 
belonging,  the  most  of  it  without  doubt,  to  dead  men ;  it 
was  placed  in  a  bank  at  Norfolk,  Va.  This  sum  served  as 
a  nucleus  for  the  Freedmens'  Bank,  which,  after  gathering 
large  sums  of  the  Freedmens'  money,  collapsed  suddenly. 

At  Camp  Hamilton  several  regiments  were  organized, 
including  two  of  cavalry.  The  general  enlistment  ordered 
by  the  War  Department  was  pushed  most  actively  and 
with  great  results,  till  more  than  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-eight thousand,  by  the  records,  were  enlisted  into  the 
army. 

The  opposition  to  negro  soldiers  did  not  cease  with 
many  of  the  Union  generals  even  after  the  Government  at 
Washington  issued  its  mandate  for  their  enlistment 
and  impressment,  and  notwithstanding  that  the  many 
thousands  in  the  service,  with  their  display  of  gallantry, 
dash  and  courage,  as  exhibited  at  Port  Hudson,  Mil- 
liken 's  Bend,  Wagner,  and  in  a  hundred  other  battles, 
had  astonished  and  aroused  the  civilized  world.  In 
view  of  all  this,  and,  even  more  strangely,  in  the  face  of 
the  Fort  Pillow  butchery,  General  Sherman  wrote  to  the 
Washington  authorities,  in  September,  1864,  protesting 
against  negro  troops  being  organized  in  his  department. 
If  Whitelaw  Reid's  "Ohio  in  the  War,"  is  to  be  relied 
upon,  Sherman's  treatment  of  the  negroes  in  his  march  to 
the  sea  was  a  counterpart  of  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre. 
His  opposition  was  in  keeping  with  that  of  the  authorities 
of  his  state,*  notwithstanding  it  has  credited  to  its  quota 

*  "It  has  been  sa,id  that  one  negro  regiment  was  raised  in  1868.    More  ought  to 
have  been  secured ;  let  it  never  be  said  that  it  was  the  fault  of  the  colored  men  them- 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  troops  during  the  war  5,092  negroes,  but  one  regiment 
was  raised  in  the  State,  out  of  a  negro  population  of 
36,673  by  the  canvas  of  1860. 

According  to  the  statisticts  on  file  in  the  Adjutant 
General's  office,  the  States  are  accredited  with  the  follow- 
ing number  of  negroes  who  served  in  the  army  during  the 
Eebellion : 


ALABAMA,  2,969 

LOUISIANA,  24,052 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE,  125 

MASSACHUSETTS,  3966 

CONNECTICUT,  1,764 

NEW  JERSEY,  1.185 

DELAWARE,  954 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA,  3,269 

NORTH  CAROLINA,  5,035 

SOUTH  CAROLINA,  5,462 

FLORIDA,  1,044 

TENNESSEE,  20,133 

MICHIGAN,  1,387 

INDIANA,  1,537 

MISSOURI,  8,344 

IOWA,  440 

KANSAS,  2080 

COLORADO  TERRITORY,  95 


MISSISSIPPI,  17,869 

MAINE,  1Q4 

VERMONT,  120 

RHODE  ISLAND,  1,837 

NEW  YORK,  4  125 

PENNSYLVANIA,  8  612 

MARYLAND,  8,718 

VIRGINIA,  5  723 

WEST  VIRGINIA,  'l96 

GEORGIA,  3,486 

ARKANSAS,  5  526 

KENTUCKY,  23,703 

OHIO,  5,092 

ILLINOIS,  1,811 

MINNESOTA,  104 

WISCONSIN,  165 

TEXAS,  47 

NOT  ACCOUNTED  FOR,  5,896 


TOTAL,        ...        178,975. 

The  losses  these  troops  sustained  from  sickness, 
wounds,  killed  in  battle  and  other  casualties  incident  to 
war,  was  68,178. 

The  aggregate  negro  population  in  the  U.  S.  in  1860 
was  4,449,201,  of  which  3,950,531  were  slaves. 

selves  that  they  were  not. 

"At  the  first  call  for  troops  in  1861,  Governor  Dennison  was  asked  if  he  would  accept 
negro  volunteers.  In  deference  to  a  sentiment  then  almost  universal,  not  less  than  to 
the  explicit  regulations  of  the  Government,  he  replied  that  he  could  not.  When  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation  changed  the  status  of  negroes  so  completely,  and  the 
Government  began  to  accept  their  services,  they  resumed  their  applications  to  the 
State  authorities.  Governor  Tod  still  discouraged  them.  He  had  previously  com- 
mitted himself,  in  repelling  the  opportunities  of  their  leaders,  to  the  theory  that  it 
would  be  contrary  to  our  laws,  and  without  warrant  either  in  their  spirit  or  letter, 
to  accept  them,  even  under  calls  for  militia.  He  now  did  all  he  could  to  transfer  such 
as  wished  to  enlist  t6  the  Massachusetts  regiments. 

"  The  Adjutant-General,  in  his  report  for  1863,  professed  his  inability  to  say  why 
Massachusetts  should  be  permitted  to  make  Ohio  a  recruiting-ground  for  filling  her 
quotas.  If  he  had  looked  into  the  correspondence  which  the  Governor  gave  to  the  pub- 
lic in  connection  with  his  message,  he  would  have  found  out.  As  early  as  May  llth  the 
Governor  said,  in  a  letter  to  Hon.  Wm.  Porter,  of  Millon,  Ohio:  'I  do  not  propose  to 
raise  any  colored  troops.  Those  now  being  recruited  in  this  State  are  recruited  by 
authority  from  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts.' 

"  A  few  days  later  he  wrote  to  Hon.  John  M.  Langston :  '  As  it  was  uncertain  what 
number  of  colored  men  could  be  promptly  raised  in  Ohio.  I  have  advised  and  still  do 
advise,  that  those  disposed  to  enter  the  service  promptly  join  the  Massachusetes  regi- 
ments. *  *  *  Having  requested  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  to  organize 
the  colored  men  from  Ohio  into  separate  companies,  so  far  as  practicable,  and  also  to 
keep  me  fully  adviged  of  the  names,  age,  and  place  of  residence  of  each,  Ohio  will  have 
the  full  benefit  of  all  enlistments  from  the  State,  and  the  recruits  themselves  the  bene- 
fit of  the  State  Associations  to  the  same  extent  nearly  as  if  organized  into  a  State 
regiment.'  And  to  persons  proposing  to  recruit  said  companies  he  wrote  that  all  com- 
missions would  be  issued  by  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  In  this  course  he  had  the 
sanction  if  not  the  original  suggestion  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  Afterward  his  appli- 
cations for  authority  to  raise  an  Ohio  regiment  were  for  sometime  refused,  but  finally 
he  secured  it,  and  the  On*  Hundred  a,nd  Twenty-Seventh  was  the  quick  result.  Unfor- 
tunately it  was  numbered  the  Fifth  United  States  Colored.  The  result  of  all  this  was 
that  Ohio  received  credit  for  little  over  a  third  of  her  colored  citizens  who  volunteered 
for  the  war."— Reid's  Ohio  in  the  War,  Vol.  I,  p.  176. 


RECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  145 


CHAPTER  III. 
RECKUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

"Private  Miles  O'Reilly"  was  the  nom  de  plume  of  a 
talented  literary  gentleman  of  the  city  of  New  York,  who 
wrote  much  in  humorous  prose  and  verse.  His  real  name 
was  Charles  G.  Halpine.  After  an  honorable  service  in  the 
war,  rising  to  high  rank,  he  was  elected  Register  of  New 
York,  and  died  suddenly  while  in  office,  in  1868.  The  fol- 
lowing sketches  from  his  pen,  published  during  the  war, 
give  an  account  of  matters'  connected  with  the  recruiting 
and  organizing  of  negro  troops  in  South  Carolina,  and 
are  quoted  here  as  interesting  historical  facts  connected 
with  the  subject : 

"Black  troops  are  now  an  established  success,  and  hereafter — while 
the  race  can  furnish  enough  able-bodied  males — the  probability  would 
seem  that  one-half  the  permanent  naval  and  military  forces  of  the 
United  States  will  be  drawn  from  this  material,  under  the  guidance  and 
control  of  the  white  officers.  To-day  there  is  much  competition  among 
the  field  and  staff  officers  of  our  white  volunteers— more  especially  in 
those  regiments  about  being  disbanded— to  obtain  commission  of  like  or 
even  lower  grades  in  the  colored  regiments  of  Uncle  Sam.  General  Ca- 
sey's board  of  examination  cannot  keep  in  session  long  enough,  nor  dis- 
miss incompetent  aspirants  quick  enough,  to  keep  down  the  vast  throngs 
of  veterans,  with  and  without  shoulder-straps,  who  are  now  seeking 
various  grades  of  command  in  the  colored  brigades  of  the  Union.  Over 
this  result  all  intelligent  men  will  rejoice,— the  privilege  of  being  either 
killed  or  wounded  in  battle,  or  stricken  down  by  the  disease,  toil  and 
privations  incident  to  the  life  of  a  marching  soldier,  not  belonging  to 
that  class  of  prerogative  for  the  exclusive  enjoyment  of  which  men  of 
sense,  and  with  higher  careers  open  to  them,  will  long  contend.  Looking 
back,  however,  but  a  few  years,  to  the  organization  of  the  first  regiment 
of  black  troops  in  the  departments  of  the  South,  what  a  change 
in.  public  opinion  are  we  compelled  to  recognize !  In  sober  verity,  war  is 
8 


146  HISTORY   OF   THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

not  only  the  sternest,  but  the  quickest,  of  all  teachers ;  and  contrasting 
the  Then  and  Now  of  our  negro  regiments,  as  we  propose  to  do  in  this 
sketch,  the  contrast  will  forcibly  recall  Galileo's  obdurate  assertion  that 
'the  world  still  moves.' 

"Be  it  known,  then,  that  the  first  regiment  of  black  troops  raised  in 
our  recent  war,  was  raised  in  the  Spring  of  1862  by  the  commanding 
general  of  the  department  of  the  South,  of  his  own  motion,  and  without 
any  direct  authority  of  law,  order,  or  even  sanction  from  the  President, 
the  Secretary  of  War,  or  our  House  of  Congress.  It  was  done  by  Gen- 
eral Hunter  as  '  a  military  necessity '  under  very  peculiar  circumstances 
to  be  detailed  hereafter ;  and  although  repudiated  at  first  by  the  Govern- 
ment as  were  so  many  other  measures  originated  in  the  same  quarter,  it 
was  finally  adopted  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  country  and  of  our  mili- 
tary system ;  as  have  likewise  since  been  adopted,  all  the  other  original 
measures  for  which  these  officers,  at  the  time  of  their  first  announce- 
ment, was  made  to  suffer  both  official  rebuke  and  the  violently  vitupera- 
tive denunciation  of  more  than  one-half  the  Northern  press. 

"In  the  Spring  of  1862,  General  Hunter,  finding  himself  with  less 
than  eleven  thousand  men  under  his  command,  and  charged  with  the 
duty  of  holding  the  whole  tortuous  and  broken  seacoast  of  Georgia, 
South  Carolina  and  Florida,  had  applied  often,  and  in  vain,  to  the  au- 
thorities at  Washington  for  reinforcements.  All  the  troops  that  could 
be  gathered  in  the  North  were  less  than  sufficient  for  the  continuous 
drain  of  General  McClellan's  great  operations  against  the  enemy's  capi- 
tal ;  and  the  reiterated  answer  of  the  War  Department  was :  '  You  must 
get  along  as  best  you  can.  Not  a  man  from  the  North  can  be  spared.' 

"On  the  mainland  of  three  States  nominally  forming  the  Department 
of  the  South,  the  flag  of  the  Union  had  no  permanent  foothold,  save  at 
Fernandina,  St.  Augustine,  and  some  few  unimportant  points  along  the 
Florida  coast.  It  was  on  the  Sea-islands  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina 
that  our  troops  were  stationed,  and  continually  engaged  in  fortifying,— 
the  enemy  being  everywhere  visible,  and  in  force,  across  the  narrow 
creeks  dividing  us  from  the  mainland ;  and  in  various  raids  they  came 
across  to  our  islands,  and  we  drove  them  back  to  the  mainland,  and  up 
their  creeks,  with  a  few  gunboats  to  help  us— being  the  order  of  the  day ; 
yea,  and  yet  oftener,  of  the  night. 

"No  reinforcements  to  be  had  from  the  North ;  vast  fatigue  duties  in 
throwing  up  earthworks  imposed  on  our  insufficient  garrison ;  the  enemy 
continually  increasing  both  in  insolence  and  numbers;  our  only  success 
the  capture  of  Fort  Pulaski,  sealing  up  of  Savannah ;  and  this  victory 
offset,  if  not  fully  counter-balanced,  by  many  minor  gains  of  the  enemy ; 
this  was  about  the  condition  of  affairs  as  seen  from  the  headquarters 
fronting  Port  Royal  bay,  when  General  Hunter  one  fine  morning,  with 
twirling  glasses,  puckered  lips,  and  dilated  nostrils,  (he  had  just  received 
another  'don't-bother-us-for-reinforcements'  dispatch  from  Washington) 
announced  his  intention  of  '  forming  a  negro  regiment,  and  compelling 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  147 

every  able-bodied  black  man  in  the  department  to  fight  for  the  freedom 
which  could  not  but  be  the  issue  of  our  war.' 

This  resolution  being  taken,  was  immediately  acted  upon  with  vigor, 
the  General  causing  all  the  necessary  orders  to  be  issued,  and  taking 
upon  himself,  as  his  private  burden,  the  responsibility  for  all  the  irregu- 
lar issues  of  arms,  clothing,  equipments,  and  rations  involved  in  collect- 
ing and  organizing  the  first  experimental  negro  regiment.  The  men  he 
intended  to  pay,  at  first,  by  placing  them  as  laborers  on  the  pay-roll  of 
the  Chief  Quartermaster ;  but  it  was  his  hope  that  the  obvious  necessity 
and  wisdom  of  the  measure  he  had  thus  presumed  to  adopt  without  au- 
thority, would  secure  for  it  the  immediate  approval  of  the  higher  author- 
ities, and  the  necessary  orders  to  cover  the  required  pay  and  supply-issue 
of  the  force  he  had  in  contemplation.  If  his  course  should  be  endorsed 
by  the  War  Department,  well  and  good ;  if  it  were  not  so  indorsed,  why, 
he  had  enough  property  of  his  own  to  pay  back  to  the  Government  all 
he  was  irregularly  expending  in  this  experiment. 

"But  now,  on  the  very  threshhold  of  this  novel  enterprise,  came  the 
first— and  it  was  not  a  trivial— difficulty.  Where  could  experienced  offi- 
cers be  found  for  such  an  organization  ?  '  What !  command  niggers? '  was 
the  reply — if  possible  more  amazed  than  scornful — of  nearly  every  com- 
petent young  lieutenant  or  captain  of  volunteers  to  whom  the  sugges- 
tion of  commanding  this  class  of  troops  was  made.  'Never  mind,'  'said 
Hunter,  when  this  trouble  was  brought  to  his  notice ;  '  the  fools  or  bigots 
who  refuse  are  enough  punished  by  their  refusal.  Before  two  years  they 
will  be  competing  eagerly  for  the  commission  they  now  reject.'  Straight- 
ly  there  was  issued  a  circular  to  all  commanding  officers  in  the  depart- 
ment, directing  them  to  announce  to  the  non-commissioned  officers  and 
men  of  their  respective  commands  that  commissions  in  the  *  South  Caro- 
lina Regiment  of  Colored  Infantry,'  would  be  given  to  all  deserving  and 
reputable  sergeants,  corporals;  and  men  who  would  appear  at  depart- 
ment headquarters,  and  prove  able  to  pass  an  examination  in  the  man- 
ual and  tactics  before  a  Band  of  Examiners,  which  was  organized  in  a 
general  order  of  current  date.  Capt.  Arthur  M.  Kenzie,  of  Chicago,  aid- 
de-camp,— now  of  Hancock's  Veterans  Reserve  Corps— was  detailed  as 
Colonel  of  the  regiment,  giving  place,  subsequently,  in  consequence  of 
injured  health,  to  the  present  Brig.-Gen.  James  D.  Fessenden,  then  a 
captain  in  the  Berdan  Sharpshooters,  though  detailed  as  acting  aid-de- 
camp on  Gen.  Hunter's  staff.  Capt.  Kenzie,  we  may  add,  was  Gen.  Hun- 
ter's nephew,  and  his  appointment  as  Colonel  was  made  partly  to  prove 
— so  violent  was  then  the  prejudice  against  negro  troops — that  the  Com- 
manding General  asks  nothing  of  them  which  he  was  not  willing  that 
one  of  his  own  flesh  and  blood  should  be  engaged  in. 

"The  work  was  now  fairly  in  progress,  but  the  barriers  of  prejudice 
were  not  to  be  lightly  overthrown.  Non-commissioned  officers  and  men 
of  the  right  stamp,  and  able  to  pass  the  examination  requisite,  were 
scarce  articles.  Ten  had  the  hardihood  or  moral  courage  to  face  the 


148  HlSTOKY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ecreaming,  riotous  ridicule  of  their  late  associates  in  the  white  regi- 
ments. We  remember  one  very  striking  instance  in  point,  which  we  shall 
give  as  a  sample  of  the  whole. 

"  Our  friend  Mr.  Charles  F.  Briggs,  of  this  city,  so  well  known  in  lit- 
erary circles,  had  a  nephew  enlisted  in  that  excellent  regiment  the  48th 
New  York,  then  garrisoning  Fort  Pulaski  and  the  works  of  Tybee  Island. 
This  youngster  had  raised  himself  by  gallantry  and  good  conduct  to  be 
a  non-commissioned  officer ;  and  Mr.  Briggs  was  anxious  that  he  should 
be  commissioned,  according  to  his  capacities,  in  the  colored  troops  then 
being  raised.  The  lad  was  sent  for,  passed  his  examination  with  credit, 
and  was  immediately  offered  a  first  lieutenancy,  with  the  promise  of  be- 
ing made  captain  when  his  company  should  be  filled  up  to  the  required 
standard, — probably  within  ten  days. 

"The  inchoate  first-lieutenant  was  in  ecstasies;  a  gentleman  by  birth 
and  education,  he  longed  for  the  shoulder-straps.  He  appeared  joyously 
grateful ;  and  only  wanted  leave  to  run  up  to  Fort  Pulaski  for  the  pur- 
pose of  collecting  his  traps,  taking  leave  of  his  former  comrades,  and 
procuring  his  discharge-papers  from  Col.  Barton.  Two  days  after  that 
came  a  note  to  the  department  headquarters  respectfully  declining  the 
commission !  He  had  been  laughed  and  jeered  out  of  accepting  a  cap- 
taincy by  his  comrades ;  and  this— though  we  remember  it  more  accur- 
ately from  our  correspondence  with  Mr.  Briggs— was  but  one  of  many 
scores  of  precisely  similar  cases. 

"At  length,  however,  officers  were  found;  the  ranks  were  filled ;  the 
men  learned  with  uncommon  quickness,  having  the  imitativeness  of  so 
many  monkeys  apparently,  and  such  excellent  ears  for  music  that  all 
evolutions  seemed  to  come  to  them  by  nature.  At  once,  despite  all  hos- 
tile influence,  the  negro  regiment  became  one  of  the  lions  of  the  South ; 
and  strangers  visiting  the  department,  crowded  out  eagerly  to  see  its  eve- 
ning parades  and  Sunday-morning  inspection.  By  a  strange  coinci- 
dence, its  camp  was  pitched  on  the  lawn  and  around  the  mansion  of 
Gen.  Dray  ton,  who  commanded  the  rebel  works  guarding  Hilton  Head, 
Port  Royal  and  Beaufort,  when  the  same  were  first  captured  by  the  joint 
naval  and  military  operations  under  Admiral  DuPont  and  General 
Timothy  W.  Sherman,— General  Drayton's  brother,  Captain  Drayton  of 
our  navy,  having  command  of  one  of  the  best  vessels  in  the  attacking 
squadron ;  as  he  subsequently  took  part  in  the  first  iron-clad  attack  on 
Fort  Sumpter. 

"  Meantime,  however,  the  War  Department  gave  no  sign,  and  the 
oracles  of  the  Adjutant-General's  office  were  dumb  as  the  statue  of  the 
Sphynx.  Reports  of  the  organization  of  the  First  South  Carolina  in- 
fantry were  duly  forwarded  to  army  headquarters ;  but  evoked  no  com- 
ment, either  of  approval  or  rebuke.  Letters  detailing  what  had  been 
done,  and  the  reason  for  doing  it ;  asking  instructions,  and  to  have  com- 
missions duly  issued  to  the  officers  selected;  appeals  that  the  department 
paymaster  should  be  instructed  to  pay  these  negro  troops  like  other 
soldiers;  demands  that  the  Government  should  either  shoulder  the  respon- 


BECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  151 

sibility*  of  sustaining  the  organization,  or  give  such  orders  as  would 
absolve  Gen.  Hunter  from  the  responsibility  of  backing  out  from  an  ex- 
periment which  he  believed  to  be  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  coun- 
try,—all  these  appeals  to  Washington  proved  in  vain;  for  the  oracles  still 
remained  profoundly  silent,  probably  waiting  to  see  how  public  opinion 
and  the  politicians  would  receive  this  daring  innovation. 

"  At  length  one  evening  a  special  dispatch  steamer  plowed  her  way 
over  the  bar,  and  a  perspiring  messenger  delivered  into  Gen.  Hunter's 
hands  a  special  despatch  from  the  War  Department,  '  requiring  immedi- 
ate answer.'  The  General  was  just  about  mounting  his  horse  for  his 
evening  ride  along  the  picket-line,  when  this  portentous  missive  was 
brought  under  his  notice.  Hastily  opening  it,  he  first  looked  grave, 
then  began  to  smile,  and  finally  burst  into  peals  of  irrepressible  laugh- 
ter, such  as  were  rarely  heard  from  'Black  David,'  his  old  army  name. 
Never  was  the  General  seen,  before  or  since,  in  such  good  spirits ;  he  liter- 
ally was  unable  to  speak  from  constant  interruption  of  laughter ;  and 
all  his  Adjutant-General  could  gather  from  him  was:  'That  he  would  not 
part  with  the  document  in  his  hand  for  fifty  thousand  dollars.' 

"At  length  he  passed  over  the  dispatch  to  his  Chief  of  Staff,  who  on 
reading  it,  and  re-reading  it,  could  find  in  its  texts  but  little  apparent 
cause  for  merriment.  It  was  a  grave  demand  from  the  War  Department 
for  information  in  regard  to  our  negro  regiment— the  demand  being 
based  on  a  certain  resolution  introduced  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Wickliffe,  of 
Kentucky,  asking  for  specific  information  on  the  point,  in  a  tone  clearly 
not  friendly.  These  resolutions  had  been  adopted  by  Congress ;  and  as 
Hunter  was  without  authority  for  any  of  his  actions  in  this  case,  it 
seemed  to  his  then  not  cheerful  Adjutant-General  that  the  documents  in 
his  hands  were  the  reverse  of  hilarious. 

"Still  Hunter  was  in  extravagant  spirits  as  he  rode  along,  his 
laughter  startling  the  squirrels  in  the  dense  pine  woods,  and  every  at- 
tempt that  he  made  to  explain  himself  being  again  and  again  inter- 
rupted by  renewed  peals  of  inextinguishable  mirth.  'The  fools!'  he  at 
length  managed  to  say ;  'that  old  fool  has  just  given  me  the  very  chance 
I  was  growing  sick  for !  The  War  Department  has  refused  to  notice  my 
black  regiment ;  but  now,  in  reply  to  this  resolution,  I  can  lay  the  matter 
before  the  country,  and  force  the  authorities  either  to  adopt  my  negroes 
or  to  disband  them.'  He  then  rapidly  sketched  out  the  kind  of  reply  he 
wished  to  have  prepared ;  and,  with  the  first  ten  words  of  his  explana- 
tion, the  full  force  of  the  cause  he  had  for  laughter  became  apparent. 
Never  did  a  General  and  his  Chief-of-Staff,  in  a  more  unseemly  state  of 
cachinnation,  ride  along  a  picket-line.  At  every  new  phase  of  the  subject 
it  presented  new  features  of  the  ludicrous ;  and  though  the  reply  at  this 
late  date  may  have  lost  much  of  the  drollery  which  then  it  wore,  it  is  a 
serio-comic  document  of  as  much  vital  importance  in  the  moral  history 
of  our  late  contest  as  any  that  can  be  found  in  the  archives  under  the 
care  of  Gen.  E.  D.  Townsend.  It  was  received  late  Sunday  evening,  and 
was  answered  very  late  that  night,  in  order  to  be  in  time  for  the  steamer 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Arago,  which  sailed  at  daylight  next  morning,— the  dispatch-ateamer 
which  brought  the  request  '  for  immediate  information'  having  sustained 
some  injuries  which  prevented  an  immediate  return.  It  was  written  after 
midnight,  we  may  add,  in  a  tornado  of  thunder  and  tempest  such  as  has 
rarely  been  known  even  on  that  tornado-stricken  coast ;  but  loud  as  were 
the  peals  and  vivid  the  flashes  of  heaven's  artillery,  there  were  at  least 
two  persons  within  the  lines  on  Hilton  Head  who  were  laughing  far  too 
noisily  themselves  to  pay  any  heed  to  external  clamors.  The  reply  thus 
concocted  and  sent,  from  an  uncorrected  manuscript  copy  now  in  our 
possession,  ran  as  follows : 

"HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH, 

Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  June,  1862. 
"  To  the  HON.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"SiR: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  communication  from  the  Adju- 
tant-General of  the  Army,  dated  June  13,  1862,  requesting  me  to  furnish  you  with  the 
information  necessary  to  answer  certain  Resolutions  introduced  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives June  9,  1862,  on  motion  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky ;  their  sub- 
stance being  to  enquire : 

"1st — Whether  I  had  organized,  or  was  organizing,  a  regiment  of  'fugitive  slaves' 
in  this  department. 

"2d — Whether  any  authority  had  been  given  to  me  from  the  War  Department  for 
euch  an  organization ;  and 

"3rd— Whether  I  had  been  furnished,  by  order  of  the  War  Department,  with  cloth- 
ing, uniforms,  arms,  equipments,  and  so  forth,  for  such  a  force  ? 

"  Only  having  received  the  letter  at  a  late  hour  this  evening,  I  urge  forward  my  an- 
swer in  time  for  the  steamer  sailing  to-morrow  morniTvr,— this  haste  preventing  me 
from  entering,  as  minutely  as  I  could  wish,  upon  many  points  of  detail,  such  as  the 
paramount  importance  of  the  subject  would  seem  to  call  for.  But,  in  view  of  the  near 
termination  of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  and  the  wide-spread  interest  which  must 
have  been  awakened  by  Mr.  Wickliffe's  resolutions,  I  prefer  sending  even  this  imperfect 
answer  to  waiting  the  period  necessary  for  the  collection  of  fuller  and  more  comprehen- 
sive data. 

"To  the  first  question,  therefore,  I  reply:  That  no  regiment  of  ' fugitive  slaves' 
has  been,  or  is  being,  organized  in  this  department.  There  is,  however,  a  fine  regiment 
of  loyal  persons  whose  late  masters  are  fugitive  rebels— men  who  everywhere  fly  before 
the  appearance  of  the  national  flag,  leaving  their  loyal  and  unhappy  servants  behind 
them,  to  shift,  as  best  they  can,  for  themselves.  So  far,  indeed,  are  the  loyal  persons 
composing  the  regiment  from  seeking  to  evade  the  presence  of  their  late  owners,  that 
they  are  now,  one  and  all,  endeavoring  with  commendable  zeal  to  acquire  the  drill  and 
discipline  requisite  to  place  them  in  a  position  to  go  in  full  and  effective  pursuit  of  their 
fugacious  and  traitorous  proprietors. 

"  To  the  second  question,  I  have  the  honor  to  answer  that  the  instructions  given  to 
Brlg.-Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman  by  the  Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  late  Secretary  of  War,  and 
turned  over  to  me,  by  succession,  for  my  guidance,  do  distinctly  authorize  me  to  em- 
ploy '  all  loyal  persons  offering  their  service  in  defence  of  the  Union,  and  for  the  sup- 
pression of  this  rebellion,'  in  any  manner  I  may  see  fit,  or  that  circumstances  may  call 
for.  There  is  no  restriction  as  to  the  character  or  color  of  the  persons  to  be  employed, 
or  the  nature  of  the  employ  men  t— whether  civil  or  military— in  which  their  services  may 
be  used.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  I  have  been  authorized  to  enlist '  fugitive  slaves '  as 
soldiers,  could  any  such  fugitives  be  found  in  this  department.  No  such  characters, 
however,  have  yet  appeared  within  view  of  our  most  advanced  pickets,— the  loyal  ne- 
groes everywhere  remaining  on  their  plantations  to  welcome  us,  aid  us,  and  supply  us 
•with  food,  labor  and  information.  It  is  the  masters  who  have  in  every  instance  been 
the  'fugitives,'  running  away  from  loyal  slaves  as  well  as  loyal  soldiers;  and  these,  as 
yet,  we  have  only  partially  been  able  to  see — chiefly  their  heads  over  ramparts,  or 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  153 

dodging  behind  trees,  rifles  in  hand,  in  the  extreme  distance.  In  the  absence  of  any 
'fugitive  master  law,'  the  deserted  slaves  would  be  wholly  without  remedy  had  not  the 
crime  of  treason  given  them  right  to  pursue,  capture  and  bring  those  persons  of  whose 
benignant  protection  they  have  been  thus  suddenly  and  cruelly  bereft. 

"  To  the  third  interrogatory,  it  is  my  painful  duty  to  reply  that  I  have  never  re- 
ceived any  specific  authority  for  issue  of  clothing,  uniforms,  arms,  equipments  and  so 
forth,  to  the  troops  in  question, — my  general  instructions  from  Mr.  Cameron,  to  em- 
ploy them  in  any  manner  I  might  find  necessary,  and  the  military  exigencies  of  the  de- 
partment and  the  country,  being  my  only,  but  I  trust,  sufficient  justification.  Neither 
have  I  had  any  specific  authority  for  supplying  these  persons  with  shovels,  spades,  and 
pickaxes,  when  employing  them  as  laborers;  nor  with  boats  and  oars,  when  using 
them  as  lighter-men ;  but  these  are  not  points  included  in  Mr.  Wickliffe's  resolution.  To 
me  it  seemed  that  liberty  to  employ  men  in  any  particular  capacity  implied  and  carried 
with  it  liberty,  also,  to  supply  them  with  the  necessary  tools ;  and,  ficting  upon  this 
faith,  I  have  clothed,  equiped,  and  armed  the  only  loyal  regiment  yet  raised  in  South. 
Carolina,  Georgia  or  Florida. 

"I  must  say,  in  vindication  of  my  own  conduct,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  many 
other  diversified  and  imperative  claims  on  my  time  and  attention,  a  much  more  satis- 
factory result  might  to  have  been  achieved ;  and  that,  in  place  of  only  one  regiment,  as 
at  present,  at  least  five  or  six  well-drilled,  and  thoroughly  acclimated  regiments  should, 
by  this  time,  have  been  added  to  the  loyal  forces  of  the  Union. 

"  The  experiment  of  arming  the  blacks,  so  far  as  I  have  made  it,  has  been  a  com- 
plete and  even  marvellous  success.  They  are  sober,  docile,  attentive,  and  enthusiastic ; 
displaying  great  natural  capacities  in  acquiring  the  duties  of  the  soldier.  They  are 
now  eager  beyond  all  things  to  take  the  field  and  be  led  into  action;  and  it  is  the  unani- 
mous opinion  of  the  officers  who  have  had  charge  of  them  that,  in  the  peculiarities  of 
this  climate  and  country,  they  will  prove  invaluable  auxiliaries,  fully  equal  to  the  simi- 
lar regiments  so  long  and  successfully  used  by  the  British  authorities  in  the  West  India 
Islands. 

"In  conclusion,  I  would  say,  it  is  my  hope— there  appearing  no  possibility  of  other 
reinforcements,  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the  campaign  in  the  Peninsula — to  have  or- 
ganized by  the  end  of  next  fall,  and  be  able  to  present  to  the  government,  from  forty- 
eight  to  fifty  thousand  of  these  hardy  and  devoted  soldiers. 

"  Trusting  that  this  letter  may  be  made  part  of  your  answer  to  Mr.  Wickliffe's 
resolution*,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully  your  most  obedient  servant, 

DAVID  HUNTER,  Maj.-Gen.  Commanding." 

"This  missive  was  duly  sent,  with  many  misgivings  that  it  would  not 
get  through  the  routine  of  the  War  Department  in  time  to  be  laid  before 
Congress  previous  to  the  adjournment  of  that  honorable  body  which 
was  then  imminent.  There  were  fears;  too,  that  the  Secretary  of  War 
might  think  it  not  sufficiently  respectful,  or  serious  in  its  tone ;  but  such 
apprehensions  proved  unfounded.  The  moment  it  was  received  and  read 
in  the  War  Department,  it  was  hurried  down  to  the  House,  and  delivered, 
ore  retundo,  from  the  clerk's  desk. 

"  Here  its  effects  were  magical.  The  clerk  could  scarcely  read  it  with 
decorum ;  nor  could  half  his  words  be  heard  amidst  the  universal  peals 
of  laughter  in  which  both  Democrats  and  Republicans  appeared  to  vie  as 
to  which  should  be  the  more  noisy.  Mr.  Wickliffe,  who  only  entered  dur- 
the  reading  of  the  latter  half  of  the  document,  rose  to  his  feet  in  a  frenzy 
of  indignation,  complaining  that  the  reply,  of  which  he  had  only  heard 
some  portion,  was  an  insult  to  the  dignity  of  the  House,  and  should  be 
severely  noticed.  The  more  he  raved  and  gesticulated,  the  more  irre- 
pressibly  did  his  colleagues,  on  both  sides  of  the  slavery  question, 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

scream  and  laugh ;  until  finally,  the  merriment  reached  its  climax  on  a 
motion  made  by  some  member— Schuyler  Colfax,  if  we  remember  rightly 
— that  'as  the  document  appeared  to  please  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  so  much,  and  as  he  had  not  heard  the  whole  of  it  the 
Clerk  be  now  requested  to  read  the  whole  again'—  a  motion  which  was 
instantaneously  carried  amid  such  an  uproar  of  universal  merriment 
and  applause  as  the  frescoed  walls  of  the  chamber  have  seldom  heard, 
either  before  or  since.  It  was  the  great  joke  of  the  day,  and  coming  at 
a  moment  of  universal  gloom  in  the  public  mind,  was  seized  upon  by  the 
whole  loyal  press  of  the  country  as  a  kind  of  politico-military  cham- 
paign cocktail. 

"  This  set  that  question  at  rest  forever;  and  not  long  after,  the 
proper  authorities  saw  fit  to  authorize  the  employment  of  'fifty  thou- 
sand able-bodied  blacks  for  labor  in  the  Quartermaster's  Department,' 
and  the  arming  and  drilling  as  soldiers  of  five  thousand  of  these,  but  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  '  protecting  the  women  and  children  of  their  fellow- 
laborers  who  might  be  absent  from  home  in  the  public  service.' 

"Here  we  have  another  instance  of  the  reluctance  with  which  the 
National  Government  took  up  this  idea  of  employing  negroes  as  soldiers; 
a  resolution,  we  may  add,  to  which  they  were  only  finally  compelled  by 
General  Hunter's  disbandment  of  his  original  regiment,  and  the  storm  of 
puMic  indignation  which  followed  that  act. 

"Nothing  could  have  been  happier  in  its  effect  upon  the  public  mind 
than  Gen.  Hunter's  reply  to  Mr.  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky,  given  in  our 
last.  It  produced  a  general  broad  grin  throughout  the  country,  and  the 
advocate  who  can  set  hie  jury  laughing  rarely  loses  his  cause.  It  also 
strengthened  the  spinal  column  of  the  Government  in  a  very  marked 
degree ;  although  not  yet  up  to  the  point  of  fully  endorsing  and  accept- 
ing this  daring  experiment. 

"Meantime  the  civil  authorities  of  course  got  wind  of  what  was  going 
on, — Mr.  Henry  J.  Windsor,  special  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Times,  in  the  Department  of  the  south,  having  devoted  several  very 
graphic  and  widely-copied  letters  to  a  picture  of  that  new  thing  under 
the  sun,  '  Hunter's  negro  regiment.' 

"  Of  course  the  chivalry  of  the  rebellion  were  incensed  beyond  meas- 
ure at  this  last  Yankee  outrage  upon  Southern  rights.  Their  papers 
teemed  with  vindictive  articles  against  the  commanding  general  who 
had  dared  to  initiate  such  a  novelty.  The  Savannah  Republican,  in  par- 
ticular, denouncing  Hunter  as  'the  cool-blooded  abolition  miscreant  who, 
from  his  headquarters  at  Hilton  Head,  is  engaged  in  executing  the 
bloody  and  savage  behest  of  the  imperial  gorilla  who,  from  his  throne  of 
human  bones  at  Washington,  rules,  reigns  and  riots  over  the  destinies 
of  the  brutish  and  degraded  North.' 

"  Mere  newspaper  abuse,  however,  by  no  means  gave  content  to  the 
outraged  feeling  of  the  chivalry.  They  therefore  sent  a  formal  demand 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  157 

to  our  Government  for  information  as  to  whether  Gen.  Hunter,  in  organ- 
izing his  regiment  of  emancipated  slaves,  had  acted  under  the  authority 
of  our  War  Department,  or  whether  the  villany  was  of  his  own  concep- 
tion. If  he  had  acted  under  orders,  why  then  terrible  measures  of  fierce 
retaliation  against  the  whole  Yankee  nation  were  to  be  adopted ;  but  if, 
per  contra,  the  iniquity  were  of  his  own  motion  and  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  our  Government,  then  the  foreshadowed  retribution  should  be 
made  to  fall  only  on  Hunter  and  his  officers. 

"To  this  demand,  with  its  alternative  of  threats,  President  Lincoln 
was  in  no  mood  to  make  any  definitive  reply.  In  fact  no  reply  at  all  was 
sent,  for,  as  yet,  the  most  far-seeing  political  augurs  could  not  determine 
whether  the  bird  seen  in  the  sky  of  the  Southern  Department  would 
prove  an  eagle  or  a  buzzard.  Public  opinion  was  not  formed  upon  the 
subject,  though  rapidly  forming.  There  were  millions  who  agreed  with 
Hunter  in  believing  that  'that  the  black  man  should  be  made  to  fight 
for  the  freedom  which  could  not  but  be  the  issue  of  our  war ; '  and  then 
they  were  outraged  at  the  prospect  of  allowing  black  men  to  be  killed  or 
maimed  in  company  with  our  nobler  whites. 

"Failing  to  obtain  any  reply  therefor,  from  the  authorities  at  Wash- 
ington, the  Richmond  people  determined  to  pour  out  all  their  vengeance 
on  the  immediate  perpetrators  of  this  last  Yankee  atrocity ;  and  forth- 
with there  was  issued  from  the  rebel  War  Department  a  General  Order 
number  60,  we  believe,  of  the  series  of  1862 — reciting  that '  as  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  U.  S.  had  refused  to  answer  whether  it  authorized  the 
raising  of  a  black  regiment  by  Gen.  Hunter  or  not'  said  General,  his 
staff,  and  all  officers  under  his  command  who  had  directly  or  indirectly 
participated  in  the  unclean  thing,  should  hereafter  be  outlaws  not 
covered  by  the  laws  of  war ;  but  to  be  executed  as  felons  for  the  crimes  of 
'inciting  negro  insurrections  wherever  caught.' 

"  This  order  reached  the  ears  of  the  parties  mainly  interested  just  as 
Gen.  Hunter  was  called  to  Washington,  ostensibly  for  consultation  on 
public  business ;  but  really  on  the  motion  of  certain  prominent  specula- 
tors in  marine  transportation,  with  those  'big  things,'  in  Port  Royal 
harbor,— and  they  were  enormous— with  which  the  General  had  seen  fit 
to  interfere.  These  frauds,  however,  will  form  a  very  fruitful  and  pregnant 
theme  for  some  future  chapters.  At  present  our  business  is  with  the  slow 
but  certain  growth  in  the  public  mind  of  this  idea  of  allowing  some  black 
men  to  be  killed  in  the  late  war,  and  not  continuing  to  arrogate  death 
and  mutilation  by  projectiles  and  bayonets  as  an  exclusive  privilege  for 
our  own  beloved  white  race. 

"No  sooner  had  Hunter  been  relieved  from  this  special  duty  at  Wash- 
ington, than  he  was  ordered  back  to  the  South,  our  Government  still 
taking  no  notice  of  the  order  of  outlawry  against  him  issued  by  the 
rebel  Secretary  of  War.  He  and  his  officers  were  thus  sent  back  to  en- 
gage, with  extremely  insufficient  forces,  in  an  enterprise  of  no  common 
difficulty,  and  with  an  agreeable  sentence  of  sus.  per  col.,  if  captured, 
hanging  over  their  devoted  heads ! 


158  HlSTOKY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"Why  not  suggest  to  Mr.  Stanton,  General,  that  he  should  either 
demand  the  special  revocation  of  that  order,  or  announce  to  the  rebel 
War  Department  that  our  Government  has  adopted  your  negro-regi- 
ment policy  as  its  own — which  would  be  the  same  thing. 

"It  was  partly  on  this  hint  that  Hunter-wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Jefferson  Davis, — a  letter  subsequently  suppressed  and  never  sent,  owing 
to  influences  which  the  writer  of  this  article  does  not  feel  himself  as  yet 
at  liberty  to  reveal,— further  than  to  say  that  Mr.  Stanton  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  matter.  Davis  and  Hunter,  we  may  add,  had  been  very  old 
and  intimate  friends,  until  divided,  some  years  previous  to  our  late  war, 
by  differences  on  the  slavery  question.  Davis  had  for  many  years  been 
adjutant  of  the  1st  U.  S.  Dragoons,  of  which  Hunter  had  been  Captain 
Commanding ;  and  a  relationship  of  very  close  friendship  had  existed 
between  their  respective  families.  It  was  this  thorough  knowledge  of  his 
man,  perhaps,  which  gave  peculiar  bitterness  to  Hunter's  pen ;  and  the 
letter  is  otherwise  remarkable  as  a  prophecy,  or  preordainment  of  that 
precise  policy  which  Pres't.  Johnson  has  so  frequently  announced,  and  re- 
iterated since  Mr.  Lincoln's  death.  It  ran — with  some  few  omissions,  no 
longer  pertinent  or  of  public  interest — as  follows : 

"TO  JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  TITULAR  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  SO-CALLED  CONFED- 
ERATE STATES. 

"  SIR  : — While  recently  in  command  of  the  Department  of  the  South,  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  of  the  war  and  the  dictates  of  common  sense,  I  organized  and  caused 
to  be  drilled,  armed  and  equipped,  a  regiment  of  enfranchised  bondsmen,  known  as  the 
1st  South  Carolina  Volunteers. 

"For  this  action,  as  I  have  ascertained,  the  pretended  government  of  which  you 
are  the  chief  officer,  has  issued  against  me  and  all  of  my  officers  who  were  engaged  in 
organizing  the  regiment  in  question,  a  General  Order  of  Outlawry,  which  announces 
that,  if  captured,  we  shall  not  even  be  allowed  the  usual  miserable  treatment  extended 
to  such  captives  as  fall  into  your  hands ;  but  that  we  are  to  be  regarded  as  felons,  and 
to  receive  the  death  by  hanging  due  to  such,  irrespective  of  the  laws  of  war. 

"  Mr.  Davis,  we  have  been  acquainted  intimately  in  the  past.  We  have  campaigned 
together,  and  our  social  relations  have  been  such  as  to  make  each  understand  the  other 
thoroughly.  That  you  mean,  if  it  be  ever  in  your  power,  to  execute  the  full  rigor  of 
your  threats,  I  am  well  assured ;  and  you  will  believe  my  assertion,  that  I  thank  you 
for  having  raised  in  connection  with  me  and  my  acts,  this  sharp  and  decisive  issue.  I 
ehall  proudly  accept,  if  such  be  the  chance  of  war,  the  martyrdom  you  menace ;  and 
hereby  give  you  notice  that  unless  your  General  Order  against  me  and  my  officers  be 
formally  revoked,  within  thirty  days  from  the  date  of  the  transmission  of  this  letter, 
sent  under  a  flag  of  truce,  I  shall  take  your  action  in  the  matter  as  finale;  and  will  re- 
ciprocate it  by  hanging  every  rebel  officer  who  now  is,  or  may  hereafter  be  taken,  pris- 
oner by  the  troops  of  the  command  to  which  I  am  about  returning. 

"Believe  me  that  I  rejoice  at  the  aspect  now  being  given  to  the  war  by  the  course 
you  have  adopted.  In  my  judgment,  if  the  undoubted  felony  of  treason  had  been 
treated  from  the  outset  as  it  deserves  to  be — as  the  sum  of  all  felonies  and  crimes — this 
rebellion  would  never  have  attained  its  present  menacing  proportions.  The  war  you 
and  your  fellow  conspirators  have  been  waging  against  the  United  States  must  be  re- 
garded either  as  a  war  of  justifiable  defence,  carried  on  for  the  integrity  of  the  bound- 
aries of  a  sovereign  Confederation  of  States  against  foreign  aggression,  or  as  the  most 
wicked,  enormous,  and  deliberately  planned  conspiracy  against  human  liberty  and  for 
the  triumph  of  treason  and  slavery,  of  which  the  records  of  the  world's  history  contain 
a,ny  note. 

"If  our  Government  should  adopt  the  first  view  of  the  case,  you  and  your  fellow- 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  159 


rebels  may  justly  claim  to  be  considered  a  most  unjustly  treated  body  of  disinterested 
patriots, — although,  perhaps,  a  little  mistaken  in  your  connivance  with  the  thefts  by 
which  your  agent,  John  B.  Floyd,  succeeded  in  arming  the  South  and  partially  disarm- 
ing the  North  as  a  preparative  to  the  commencement  of  the  struggle. 

"But  if  on  the  other  hand— as  is  the  theory  of  our  Government— the  war  you  have 
levied  against  the  U.  S.be  a  rebellion  the  most  causeless,  crafty  and  bloody  ever  known, 
—a  conspiracy  having  the  rule-or-ruin  policy  for  its  basis ;  the  plunder  of  the  black  race 
and  the  reopening  of  the  African  slave  trade  for  its  object,  the  continued  and  further 
degredation  of  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  white  population  of  the  South  in  favor  of  a  slave 
driving  ten  per  cent,  aristocracy,  and  the  exclusion  of  all  foreign-born  immigrants  from 
participation  in  the  generous  and  equal  hospitality  foreshadowed  to  them  in  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,— if  this,  as  I  believe,  be  a  fair  statement  of  the  origin  and  mo- 
tives of  the  rebellion  of  which  you  are  the  titular  head,  then  it  would  have  been  better 
had  our  Government  adhered  to  the  constitutional  view  of  treason  from  the  start,  and 
hung  every  man  taken  in  arms  against  the  U.  S.  from  the  first  butchery  in  the  streets  of 
Baltimore,  down  to  the  last  resultless  battle  fought  in  the  vicinity  of  Sharpsburg,  If 
treason,  in  other  words,  be  any  crime,  it  is  the  essence  of  all  crimes ;  a  vast  machinery 
of  guilt,  multiplying  assassinations  into  wholesale  slaughter,  and  organizing  plunder 
as  the  basis  for  supporting  a  system  of  National  Brigandage.  Your  action,  and  that 
of  those  with  whom  you  are  in  league,  has  its  best  comment  in  the  sympathy  extended 
to  your  cause  by  the  despots  and  aristocracies  of  Europe.  You  have  succeeded  in 
throwing  back  civilization  for  many  years;  and  have  made  of  the  country  that  was  the 
freest,  happiest,  proudest,  richest,  and  most  progressive  but  two  short  years  ago,  a 
vast  temple  of  mourning,  doubt,  anxiety  and  privation-  our  manufactories  of  all  but 
war  material  nearly  paralyzed;  the  inventive  spirit  which  was  forever  developing  new  re- 
sources destroyed,  and  our  flag,  that  carried  respect  everywhere,  now  mocked  by 
enemies  who  think  its  glory  tarnished,  and  that  its  power  is  soon  to  become  a  mere  tra- 
dition of  the  past. 

"  For  all  these  results,  Mr.  Davis,  and  for  the  three  hundred  thousand  lives  already 
sacrificed  on  both  sides  in  the  war — some  pouring  out  their  blood  on  the  battle-field, 
and  others  fever  stricken  and  wasting  away  to  death  in  overcrowded  hospitals — you 
and  the  fellow  miscreants  who  have  been  your  associates  in  this  conspiracy  are  respon- 
sible. Of  you  and  them  it  may,  with  truth  be  said,  that  if  all  the  innocent  blood 
which  you  have  spilled  could  be  collected  in  one  pool,  the  whole  government  of  your 
Confederacy  might  swim  in  it. 

"I  am  aware  that  this  is  not  the  language  in  which  the  prevailing  etiquette  of  our 
army  is  in  the  habit  of  considering  your  conspiracy.  It  has  come  to  pass — through 
what  instrumentalities  you  are  best  able  to  decide — that  the  greatest  and  worst  crime 
ever  attempted  against  the  human  family,  has  been  treated  in  certain  quarters  as 
though  it  were  a  mere  error  of  judgment  on  the  part  of  some  gifted  friend  ;  a  thing  to 
be  regretted,  of  course,  as  causing  more  or  less  disturbance  to  the  relation  of  amity 
and  esteem  heretofore  existing  between  those  charged  with  the  repression  of  such  eccen- 
tricities and  the  eccentric  actors ;  in  fact,  as  a  slight  political  miscalculation  or  pecca- 
dillo, rather  than  as  an  outrage  involving  the  desolation  of  a  continent,  and  demand- 
ing the  promptest  and  severest  retribution  within  power  of  human  law. 

"  For  myself,  I  have  never  been  able  to  take  this  view  of  the  matter.  During  a  life- 
time of  active  service,  I  have  seen  the  seeds  of  this  conspiracy  planted  in  the  rank  soil 
of  slavery,  and  the  upas-growth  watered  by  just  such  tricklings  of  a  courtesy  alike  false 
to  justice,  expediency,  and  our  eternal  future.  Had  we  at  an  earlier  day  commenced  to 
call  things  by  their  right  names,  and  to  look  at  the  hideous  features  of  slavery  with 
our  ordinary  eyesight  and  common  sense,  instead  of  through  the  rose-colored  glasses 
of  supposed  political  expediency,  there  would  be  three  hundred  thousand  more  men 
alive  to-day  on  American  soil ;  and  our  country  would  never  for  a  moment  have  for- 
feited her  proud  position  as  the  highest  exampler  of  the  blessings— morals,  intellectual 
and  material — to  be  derived  from  a  free  form  of  government. 

"  Whether  your  intention  of  hanging  me  and  those  of  my  staff  and  other  oflJcers 
who  were  engaged  in  organizing  the  1st  S.  C.  Volunteers,  in  case  we  are  taken  prison- 
ers in  battle,  will  be  likely  to  benefit  your  cause  or  not,  is  a  matter  mainly  for  your 


160  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


own  consideration.  For  us ,  our  profession  makes  the  sacrifice  of  life  a  contingency 
ever  present  and  always  to  be  accepted ;  and  although  such  a  form  of  death  as  your 
order  proposes,  is  not  that  to  the  contemplating  of  which  soldiers  have  trained  them- 
selves, I  feel  well  assured,  both  for  myself  and  those  included  in  my  sentence,  that  we 
could  die  in  no  manner  more  damaging  to  your  abominable  rebellion  and  the  abomina- 
ble institution  which  is  its  origin. 

"The  South  has  already  tried  one  hanging  experiment,  but  not  with  a  success — one 
would  think — to  encourage  its  repetition.  John  Brown,  who  was  well  known  to  me  in 
Kansas,  and  who  will  be  known  in  appreciative  history  through  centuries  which  will 
only  recall  your  name  to  load  it  with  curses,  once  entered  Virginia  with  seventeen  men 
and  an  idea.  The  terror  caused  by  the  presence  of  his  idea,  and  the  dauntless  courage 
which  prompted  the  assertion  of  his  faith,  against  all  odds,  I  need  not  now  recall. 
The  history  is  too  familiar  and  too  painful.  '  Old  Ossawatomie '  was  caught  and  hung; 
his  seventeen  men  were  killed,  captured  or  dispersed,  and  several  of  them  shared  hia 
fate.  Portions  of  his  skin  were  tanned,  I  am  told,  and  circulated  as  relics  dear  to  the 
barbarity  of  the  slave-holding  heart.  But  more  than  a  million  of  armed  white  men, 
Mr.  Davis,  are  to-day  marching  South,  in  practical  acknowledgement  that  they  regard 
the  hanging  of  three  years  ago  as  the  murder  of  a  martyr;  and  as  they  march  to  a 
battle  which  has  the  emancipation  of  all  slaves  as  one  of  its  most  glorious  results,  his 
name  is  on  their  lips ;  to  the  music  of  his  memory  their  marching  feet  keep  time ;  and  as 
they  sling  knapsacks  each  one  becomes  aware  that  he  is  an  armed  apostle  of  the  faitb 
preached  by  him, 

" '  Who  has  gone  to  be  a  soldier 
In  the  army  of  the  Lord  I ' 

"I  am  content,  if  such  be  the  will  of  Providence  to  ascend  the  scaffold  made  sacred 
by  the  blood  of  this  martyr;  and  I  rejoice  at  .every  prospect  of  making  our  struggle 
more  earnest  and  inexorable  on  both  sides;  for  the  sharper  the  conflict  the  sooner 
ended ;  the  more  vigorous  and  remorseless  the  strife,  the  less  blood  must  be  shed  in  it 
eventually. 

"In  conclusion,  let  me  assure  you,  that  I  rejoice  with  my  whole  heart  that  your 
order  in  my  case,  and  that  of  my  officers,  if  unrevoked,  will  untie  our  hands  for  the 
future ;  and  that  we  shall  be  able  to  treat  rebellion  as  it  deserves,  and  give  to  the  felony 
of  treason  a  felon's  death. 

"  Very  obediently  yours, 

DAVID  HUNTER,  Maj.-Gen." 

"Not  long  after  General  Hunter's  return  to  the  Department  of  the 
South,  the  first  step  towards  organizing  and  recognizing  negro  troops 
was  taken  by  our  Government,  in  a  letter  of  instructions  directing  Brig- 
adier-General Rufus  Saxton— then  Military  Governor  of  South  Carolina, 
Georgia  and  Florida,  within  the  limits  of  Gen.  Hunter's  command — to 
forthwith  raise  and  organize  fifty  thousand  able-bodied  blacks,  for  ser- 
vice as  laborers  in  the  quartermaster's  department ;  of  whom  five  thou- 
sand— only  five  thousand,  mark  you — might  be  armed  and  drilled  as  sol- 
diers for  the  purpose  of  '  protecting  the  women  and  children  of  their 
fellow-laborers  who  might  be  absent  from  home  in  the  public  service.' 

"  Here  was  authority  given  to  Gen.  Saxton,  over  Hunter's  head,  to 
pursue  some  steps  farther  the  experiment  which  Hunter— soon  followed 
by  General  Phelps,  also  included  in  the  rebel  order  of  'outlawry'— had 
been  the  first  to  initiate.  The  rebel  order  still  remained  in  full  force,  and 
with  no  protest  against  it  on  the  part,  of  our  Government ;  nor  to  our 
knowledge,  was  any  demand  from  Washington  ever  made  for  its  revoca- 
tion during  the  existence  of  the  Confederacy.  If  Hunter,  therefore,  or 
any  of  his  officers,  had  been  captured  in  any  of  the  campaigns  of  the 
past  two  and  a  half  years,  they  had  the  pleasant  knowledge  for  their 
comfort  that  any  rebel  officers  into  whose  hands  they  might  fall,  was 


KECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  163 

strictly  enjoined  to— not '  shoot  them  on  the  spot,'  as  was  the  order  of 
General  Dix,  but  to  hang  them  on  the  first  tree ;  and  hang  them  quickly. 

"With  the  subsequent  history  of  our  black  troops  the  public  is 
already  familiar.  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  titular  Adjutant-General  of 
our  army,  not  being  regarded  as  a  very  efficient  officer  for  that  place, 
was  permanently  detailed  on  various  services;  now  exchanging  prisoners, 
now  discussing  points  of  military  law,  now  organizing  black  brigades 
down  the  Mississippi  and  elsewhere.  In  fact,  the  main  object  seemed  to 
be  to  keep  this  Gen.  Thomas— who  must  not  be  confounded  with  Gen. 
George  H.  Thomas,  one  of  the  true  heroes  of  our  army,— away  from  the 
Adjutant-General's  office  at  Washington,  in  order  that  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral E.  W.  Townsend— only  a  Colonel  until  quite  recently— might  perform 
all  the  laborious  and  crushing  duties  of  Adjutant-General  of  our  army, 
while  only  signing  himself  and  ranking  as  First  Assistant  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral. If  there  be  an  officer  who  has  done  noble  service  in  the  late  war 
while  receiving  no  public  credit  for  the  same,— no  newspaper  puffs  nor 
public  ovation,— that  man  is  Brigadier-General  E.  W.  Townsend,  who 
should  long  since  have  been  made  a  major-general,  to  rank  from  the 
first  day  of  the  rebellion. 

"And  now  let  us  only  add,  as  practical  proof  that  the  rebels,  even 
in  their  most  rabid  state,  were  not  insensible  to  the  force  of  proper  "rea- 
sons," the  following  anecdote:  Some  officers  of  one  our  black  regiments 
— Colonel  Higginson's,  we  believe — indiscreetly  rode  beyond  our  lines 
around  St.  Augustine  in  pursuit  of  game,  but  whether  feathered  or 
female  this  deponent  sayeth  not.  Their  guide  proved  to  be  a  spy,  who 
had  given  notice  of  the  intended  expedition  to  the  enemy,  and  the  whole 
party  were  soon  surprised  and  captured.  The  next  we  heard  of  them, 
they  were  confined  in  the  condemned  cells  of  one  of  the  Florida  State 
prisons,  and  were  to  be  "tried"— i.  e.,  sentenced  and  executed— as  'hav- 
ing been  engaged  in  inciting  negro  insurrection.' 

"We  had  some  wealthy  young  slave-holders  belonging  to  the  first 
families  of  South  Carolina  in  the  custody  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  F. 
Hall— now  Brigadier-General  of  this  city,  who  was  our  Provost  Marshal ; 
and  it  was  on  this  basis  Gen.  Hunter  resolved  to  operate.  'Release  my 
officers  of  black  troops  from  your  condemned  cells  at  once,  and  notify 
me  of  the  fact.  Until  so  notified,  your  first  family  prisoners  in  my 
hands' — the  names  then  given — '  will  receive  precisely  similar  treatment. 
For  each  of  my  officers  hung,  I  will  hang  three  of  my  prisoners  who  are 
slave-holders.'  This  dose  operated  with  instantaneous  effect,  and  the 
next  letter  received  from  our  captured  officers  set  forth  that  they  were  at 
large  on  parole,  and  treated  as  well  as  they  could  wish  to  be  in  that 
miserable  country. 

"  We  cannot  better  conclude  this  sketch,  perhaps,  than  by  giving  the 
brief  but  pregnant  verses  in  which  our  ex-orderly,  Private  Miles  O'Reilly, 
late  of  the  Old  Tenth  Army  Corps,  gave  his  opinion  on  this  subject. 
They  were  first  published  in  connection  with  the  banquet  given  in  New 
York  bj  Gen.  T.  F.  Meagher  and  the  officers  of  the  Irish  Brigade,  to  the 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

returned  veterans  of  that  organization  on  the  13th  of  Jan.  1864,  at 
Irving  Hall.  Of  this  song  it  may,  perhaps,  be  said,  in  verity  and  without 
ranity,  that,  as  Gen.  Hunter's  letter  to  Mr.  Wickliffe  had  settled  the 
negro  soldiers'  controversy  in  its  official  and  Congressional  form,  so  did 
the  publication  and  immediate  popular  adoption  of  these  verses  con- 
clude all  argument  upon  this  matter  in  the  mind  of  the  general  public. 
Its  common  sense,  with  a  dash  of  drollery,  at  once  won  over  the  Irish, 
who  had  been  the  bitterest  opponents  of  the  measure,  to  become  its 
friends ;  and  from  that  hour  to  this,  the  attacks  upon  the  experiment  of 
our  negro  soldiery  have  been  so  few  and  far  between  that,  indeed,  they 
may  be  said  to  have  ceased  altogether.  It  ran  as  follows,  and  appeared 
in  the  Herald  the  morning  after  the  banquet  as  a  portion  of  the  report 
of  the  speeches  and  festivities : 

"SAMBO'S  EIGHT  TO  BE  KIL'T. 

(Aii^-The  Low-Backed  Chair.) 
Some  say  it  is  a  burnin'  shame 

To  make  the  naygurs  fight, 
An'  that  the  thrade  o'  beiDg  kilt 

Belongs  but  to  the  white ; 
But  as  for  me,  upon  me  sowl, 

So  liberal  are  we  here, 
I'll  let  Sambo  be  murthered  in  place  o'  meself 

On  every  day  in  the  year. 
On  every  day  in  the  year,  boys, 
An'  every  hour  in  the  day, 
The  right  to  be  kil't  I'll  divide  wid  him, 

An'  divil  a  word  I'll  say. 

In  battle's  wild  commotion 

I  shouldn't  at  all  object, 
If  Sambo's  body  should  stop  a  ball 

That  was  comin'  for  me  direct; 
An'  the  prod  of  a  Southern  bagnet, 

So  liberal  are  we  here, 
I'll  resign  and  let  Sambo  take  it, 

On  every  day  in  the  year. 
On  everv  day  in  the  year  boys, 
An'  wid  none  o'  your  nasty  pride, 
All  right  in  a  Southern  bagnet  prod 

Wid  Sambo  I'll  divide. 

The  men  who  object  to  Sambo 

Should  take  his  place  and  fight ; 
An'  it's  betther  to  have  a  naygur's  hue 

Than  a  liver  that's  wake  an'  white ; 
Though  Sambo's  black  as  the  ace  o'  spades 

His  finger  a  thrigger  can  pull, 
An'  his  eye  runs  sthraight  on  the  barrel  sight 

From  under  its  thatch  o'  wool. 
So  hear  me  all,  boys,  darlins ! 

Don't  think  I'm  tippen'  you  chaff, 
The  right  to  be  kilt  I'll  divide  wid  him, 

An'  give  him  the  largest  half! 

"In  regard  to  Hunter's  reply  to  Mr.  Wickliffe,  we  shall  only  add  this 
anecdote,  told  us  one  day  by  that  brilliant  gentleman  and  scholar,  the 
Hon  "  Sunset "  Cox,  of  Ohio  (now  of  New  York) :  '  I  tell  you,  that  letter 


BECRUITING  AND  ORGANIZING  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  165 

from  Hunter  spoiled  the  prettiest  speech  I  had  ever  thought  of  making. 
I  had  been  delighted  with  Wicklifle's-  motion,  and  thought  the  reply  to  it 
would  furnish  us  first-rate  Democrat's  thunder  for  the  next  election.  I 
made  up  my  mind  to  sail  in  against  Hunter's  answer— no  matter  what  it 
was — the  moment  it  came ;  and  to  be  even  more  humorously  successful  in 
its  delivery  and  reception  than  I  was  in  my  speech  against  War  Horse 
Gurley,  of  Ohio,  which  you  have  just  been  complimenting.  Well,  you 
see,  man  proposes,  but  providence  orders  otherwise.  When  the  Clerk 
announced  the  receipt  of  the  answer,  and  that  he  was  about  to  read  it,  I 
caught  the  Speaker's  eye  and  was  booked  for  the  first  speech  against 
your  negro  experiment.  The  first  sentence,  being  formal  and  official, 
was  very  well ;  but  at  the  second  the  House  began  to  grin,  and  at  the 
third,  not  a  man  on  the  floor— except  Father  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky, 
perhaps— who  was  not  convulsed  with  laughter.  Even  my  own  risibles  I 
found  to  be  affected;  and  before  the  document  was  concluded,  I  mo- 
tioned the  Speaker  that  he  might  give  the  floor  to  whom  he  pleased,  as 
my  desire  to  distinguish  myself  in  that  particular  tilt  was  over.' " 


166  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTEE  IV. 
OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX. 

The  character,  qualifications  and  proficiency  of  the 
men,  who,  as  officers,  commanded  the  negro  troops,  may 
be  judged  by  the  process  which  they  had  to  undergo  in 
order  to  obtain  commissions.  Unlike  the  officers  of  the 
white  volunteers  (with  whom  loyalty  and  dash  were  the 
essential  qualifications)  they  were  required  to  possess 
much  more  than  an  ordinary  knowledge  of  military  tac- 
tics. Major-General  Hunter,by  whose  order  the  first  negro 
regiment  with  white  officers  was  organized,  commencing 
May,  1862,  had  an  eye  single  to  the  make  up  of  the  men 
who  should  be  placed  in  command  of  the  regiments.  As  a 
beginning,  Gen.  Saxton  addressed  the  following  letter  to 
Capt.  T.  W.  Higginson,  of  the  51st  Reg't.  Mass.  Volunteers, 
Beaufort,  S.  C.^Nov.  5th,  1862: 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :— I  am  organizing  the  First  Regiment  of  South  Caro- 
lina Volunteers,  with  every  prospect  of  success.  Your  name  has  been 
spoken  of  in  connection  with  the  command  of  this  regiment,  by  some 
friends  in  whose  judgment  I  have  confidence.  I  take  great  pleasure  in 
offering  you  the  position  of  Col.  in  it,  and  hope  that  you  may  be  induced 
to  accept.  I  shall  not  fill  the  place  until  I  hear  from  you,  or  sufficient 
time  shall  have  passed  for  me  to  receive  your  reply.  Should  you  accept 
I  enclose  a  pass  for  Port  Royal,  of  which  I  trust  you  will  feel  disposed  to 
avail  yourself  at  once.  I  am,  with  sincere  regard, 

Yours  truly, 

R.  SAXTON, 

Brig.  Gen.,  Mil  Gov." 

This  was  an  excellent  selection,  and  Captain  Higgin- 
son's  acceptance  rather  assured  a  fair  trial  for  the  men 
who  should  compose  this  regiment,  as  well  as  the  quality 
of  its  officers. 


MAJOR  MARTIN  R.  DELANEY,  U.  S.  A. 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX.  169 

The  first  Kansas  regiment  which  recruited  in  that 
State,  commencing  in  August,  1862,  was  also  fortunate  in 
having  Colonel  R.  J.  Hinton. 

General  Butler,  at  New  Orleans,  was  prevented  by  cir- 
cumstances surrounding  him  at  the  time,  from  choosing 
among  the  friends  of  the  negro  race,  as  was  the  case  in  the 
before  mentioned  regiments,  men  to  command  the  first 
and  second  regiments  organized  by  him  in  the  above  named 
city,  in  August,  1862.  He  was  only  too  glad  to  find  white 
men  of  military  capacity  to  take  charge  of  the  drilling  and 
disciplining  of  the  troops.  As  an  experiment  he  was  more 
than  lucky  in  the  appointment  of  Colonels  Stafford  and 
Daniels  to  the  command  of  these  regiments,  seconded  by 
Lieut.  Cols.  Bassett  and  Hall,  and  Finnegass  of  the  3rd 
Regiment.  These  officers  proved  themselves  worthy  of 
the  trust  reposed  in  them,  and  made  these  regiments,  in 
drill  and  discipline,  second  to  none  in  the  Department  of 
the  Gulf.  Notwithstanding  the  captains  and  subordinate 
officers  of  the  first  and  second  regiments  were  men,  who 
like  those  in  a  large  majority  of  the  white  regiments  had 
never  made  arms  a  profession,  and,  who,  through  Ameri- 
can prejudice,  had  but  very  limited  opportunities  for 
acquiring  even  the  rudiments  of  a  common  English  educa- 
tion. Several  of  them,  however,  being  mulattoes,  had  had 
some  training  in  the  schools  of  the  parishes,  and  some  few 
in  the  higher  schools  of  France,  and  in  the  Islands  of  the 
Carribean  Sea.  Maj.  Dumas,  of  the  2iid  Kegiment,  whose 
slaves  composed  nearly  one  whole  company,  was  a  gentle- 
man of  fine  tact  and  ability,  as  were  others. 

Considering  that  they  were  all  negroes,  free  and  slave, 
their  dash  and  manly  courage,  no  less  than  their  military 
aptitude,  was  equal,  and  in  many  instances  superior,  to 
those  found  in  the  regiments  of  Maine  and  New  York.  The 
3rd  Regiment  was  officered  by  soldiers  of  undoubted  char- 
acter and  pluck,  as  they  proved  themselves  to  be,  during 
the  seige  of  Port  Hudson,  especially  Capt.  Quinn,  who 
won  distinction  and  promotion,  as  the  record  shows.  The 
regiments  raised  thereafter  were  officered,  more  or  less, 
by  the  non-commissioned  officers  of  the  white  regiments, 
9 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

as  a  reward  for  gallantry  and  meritorious  service  upon 
the  field,  or  on  account  of  proficiency  in  drill.  This  rule  of 
selection  held  good  throughout  all  the  departments  in  the 
organizing  of  negro  troops.  In  May,  1863,  President 
Lincoln,  with  a  view  of  correcting  an  abuse  that  a  certain 
commanding  general  had  begun  to  practice  in  assigning 
inferior,  though  brave,  men  to  the  command  of  negro  regi- 
ments ;  and  in  keeping  with  his  new  policy  of  arming  the 
negroes,  for  which  Gen.  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral of  the  Army,  had  gone  into  the  Mississippi  Valley 
region  to  raise  twenty  regiments,  he  appointed  a  Board 
for  the  examination  of  those  applying  for  commands  in 
negro  regiments. 

The  " Record  of  the  7th  Reg't.  U.S.  Colored  Troops,"  in 
regard  to  the  matter,  says:  "That  the  labors  of  this 
Board  contributed  very  materially  to  the  success  of  the 
experiment  of  raising  this  class  of  troops,  no  one  cogniz- 
ant with  the  facts  can  doubt.  The  operations  of  the  Board 
can  best  be  shown  by  quoting  the  following  letter  received 
from  Gen.  Casey  in  reply  to  some  enquiries  on  the  subject : 

"BROOKLYN,  Nov.  30th,  1875. 

*  *  *  "The  Board  for  the  Examination  of  candidates  for  officers  in 
colored  regiments,  of  which  I  was  President,  was  appointed  in  May, 
1863,  and  continued  its  duties  about  two  years.  This  movement  was, 
at  first,  very  unpopular  with  a  portion  of  the  people  of  the  country,  as 
also  with  a  large  portion  of  the  army.  I,  although  doubting  at  first 
with  regard  to  the  expediency  of  operating  in  large  bodies  with  this 
species  of  force,  determined,  that  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  it  should 
have  a  fair  trial. 

"A  system  was  adopted  for  the  examination  of  candidates  which  did 
not  allow  influence,  favor  or  affection  to  interfere  with  the  enforcement 
of  its  provisions.  The  Board  examined  nearly  three  thousand  candi- 
dates, seventeen  hundred  of  whom  they  recommended  for  commissions  in 
various  grades,  from  colonel  down. 

"From  my  knowledge  of  the  officers  of  white  volunteers,  gained  in  my 
duties  connected  with  receiving  and  organizing,  in  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton, 300,000  of  them,  and  also  as  commander  of  a  division  on  the 
Peninsula,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  officers  of  the  colored 
regiments,  who  passed  the  Board,  as  a  body  were  superior  to  them, 
physically,  mentally  and  morally. 

"  From  the  concurrent  reports  received  from  various  sources,  there  is 
but  little  doubt  that  the  success  of  the  colored  troops  in  the  field  was 
brought  about  in  no  small  degree  by  the  action  of  the  Board. 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX.  171 

"The  following  is  the  copy  of  a  letter  which  I  addressed  to  a  gentle- 
man of  Philadelphia,  and  which  you  may  find  of  interest: 

'  In  conversation  with  you  a  few  days  since,  I  promised  to  elaborate 
somewhat  the  ideas  which  I  expressed  with  regard  to  the  appointment 
of  officers  of  colored  troops. 

'  Military  men,  whose  opinion  is  worth  having,  will  agree  in  this, 
that  to  have  good  and  efficient  troops  it  is  indispensable  that  we  should 
have  good  officers.  The  material  for  soldiers  whicji  the  loyal  States 
have  furnished  during  this  rebellion,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  is 
the  best  that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Such  men  deserve  to  have  officers 
to  command  them  who  have  been  educated  to  the  military  profession. 
But  few  men  are  really  fit  to  command  men  who  have  not  had  such  an 
education.  In  default  of  this,  as  a  sufficient  number  of  such  men  cannot 
.  be  found  in  the  country,  the  number  has  to  be  made  up  from  the  best 
available  material.  In  order  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  the  aspirant 
possesses  the  proper  knowledge  and  capacity  for  command,  it  is  neces- 
sary that  he  be  examined  by  a  board  of  competent  officers.  The  fact 
that  the  life  and  death  of  the  men  of  the  regiment  is  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  competency  of  its  officers,  is  not  sufficiently  appreciated 
by  the  community. 

'  The  Board  for  the  examination  of  officers  of  colored  troops  over 
which  I  preside,  considers  three  things  as  indispensable  before  recom- 
mending a  candidate,  viz. :  A  good  moral  character,  physical  capacity, 
true  loyalty  to  the  country.  A  person  possessing  these  indispensable 
qualifications  is  now  submitted  to  an  examination  as  to  his  knowledge 
of  tactics  and  capacity  for  command. 

'The  following  grades  are  entertained,  viz.: 

Colonel— 1st,  2d  and  3d  Class.       Lieut.-Colonel— 1st,  2d  and  3d  Class. 
Major—  "  Captain—  " 

1st  Lieut.—  "  2d  Lieut.—  " 

and  the  recommendations  for  appointment  made  according  to  the  appli- 
cant's merits. 

4  We  have  endeavored,  to  the  best  of  our  abilitj,  to  make  this  rec- 
ommendation without  partiality,  favor  or  affection.  We  consider  alone, 
in  making  our  awards,  the  ability  of  the  person  to  serve  his  country  in 
the  duties  appertaining  to  the  office.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Board,, 
the  person  is  not  possessed  of  sufficient  knowledge  or  capacity  to  fill 
either  of  the  above  named  to  the  advantage  of  his  country,  he  is  rejected,, 
notwithstanding  any  influence  he  may  be  able  to  bring  to  bear  in  the* 
case.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  zeal  alone  is  not  sufficient;  but  what  we 
require  for  a  good  officer  is  zeal  combined  with  knowledge.  No  ordinary 
man  can  properly  fill  the  office  of  colonel  of  a  regiment.  To  acquire  that 
knowledge  of  tactics  as  would  fit  him  to  command  his  regiment,  as  it 
ought  to  be  in  all  situations,  requires  much  study  and  practice,  and  is  by 
no  means  easy.  He  should,  besides,  possess  good  administrative  quali- 
ties, in  order  that  affairs  should  run  smoothly  in  his  command,  and  the 
officers  and  privates  be  as  contented  and  happy  as  circumstances  admit. 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Nor  can  too  much  trouble  be  taken  properly  to  prepare  persons  to  fill 
the  responsible  position  of  officers.  Each  State  should  have  its  military 
academy.  In  the  meantime  much  good  can  be  done  by  instituting  a 
school  for  the  instruction  of  persons  (especially  those  who  have  had 
some  experience  in  the  service)  who  may  have  the  requisite  capacity  and 
zeal  to  serve  their  country  with  advantage.  Eschew  all  humbuggery 
and  mere  pretension,  and  let  merit  be  the  test  of  advancement. 

'  Let  it  be  impressed  deeply  on  the  conscience  of  every  man  of  influ- 
ence and  authority  that  when  he  places  in  command  an  incompetent 
officer  he  is  guilty  of  manslaughter.  The  country  has  lost  millions  of 
treasure  and  thousands  of  lives  by  the  incom.petency  of  officers.  We 
have  many  enemies  on  earth  besides  the  Southern  rebels.  The  fate  of 
free  institutions,  not  only  in  our  own  country,  but  in  other  lands,  the 
destiny  of  millions  unborn,  depend  upon  our  ability  to  maintain  this 
•contest  to  a  successful  issue  against  all  our  enemies,  both  foreign  and 
domestic. 

'The  system  of  examination  instituted  by  this  Board,  in  my  opinion, 
should  be  extended  to  the  white  as  well  as  colored  troops. 

'Many  of  those  who  have  been  unsuccessful  in  the  examination  be- 
fore the  Board  have,  no  doubt,  in  some  cases,  felt  aggrieved,  as  also  their 
friends. 

'  We  have  established  a  system  of  examination  for  officers,  the  good 
effects  of  which  are  already  apparent  in  the  colored  organizations  in  the 
field.  In  the  performance  of  this  responsible,  and  not  always  agreeable 
duty,  of  presiding  over  this  Board,  I  have  always  endeavored  to  be 
guided  by  conscientious  regard  for  the  good  of  the  country,  and  I  have 
every  confidence  that  a  just  and  intelligent  people  will  award  their 
-approbation.  SILAS  CASEY, 

Bvt.  Major-General  U.  S.  Army.' " 

Of  course  this  did  not  apply  to  regiments  raised  at 
the  North,  generally.  They  were  officered  by  the  elite, 
such  as  Col.  R.  G.  Shaw,  of  the  54th  Massachusetts,  a  for- 
mer member  of  the  7th  New  York  Regiment,  and  upon 
whose  battle  monument  his  name  is  carved.  Cols.  James 
C.Beecher,  Wm.  Birney  and  a  host  of  others,  whose  names 
can  now  be  found  on  the  army  rolls,  with  the  prefix  Gen- 
eral, commanded  these  regiments,  Of  those  who  com- 
manded Southern  regiments  this  is  equally  true,  especially 
of  those  who  served  in  the  9th,  10th,  18th  and  19th 
Corps.  Col.GodfredWeitzel,who  in  March,  1865,  had  been 
promoted  to  Major  General  of  Volunteers,  commanded 
the  25th  Corps  of  30,000  negro  soldiers.  The  select  corps 
of  officers  intended  to  officer  Gen.  Ullman's  brigade  of  four 
regiments  to  be  raised  at  New  Orleans  by  order  of  the  War 


("APT.  O.  S.   B.  WALL.  U.  S.  A. 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX.  175 

Department;  dated  January  1863,  as  well  as  the  battal- 
ion, which  he  was  also  ordered  to  raise  for  scouting  pur- 
poses, the  following  March,  included  many  men  of  rank. 
To  command  a  negro  regiment  or  company  was  at  this 
date  a  coveted  prize,  for  which  men  of  wealth  and  educa- 
tion contended.  The  distinction  which  they  were  contin- 
ually winning  for  their  officers,  frequently  overcame  the 
long-cherished  prejudice  of  West  Point,  and  the  graduates 
of  this  caste  institution  now  vied  for  commissions  in 
negro  regiments,  in  which  many  of  them  served  during  the 
Kebellion  and  since. 

It  was  the  idea  of  Gen.  Banks  when  organizing  the 
Corps  d'  Afrique  to  appoint  even  the  non-commissioned 
officers  from  the  ranks  of  white  regiments,  and  he  did  so 
in  several  instances.    His  hostility  to  negro  officers  was 
the  cause  of  his  removing  them  from  the  regiments,  which] 
Major  General  Butler  organized  at  New  Orleans  in  1862.1 
In  organizing  the  Corps  d'  Afrique,  the  order,  No.  40, 
reads : 

"The  Commanding  General  desires  to  detail  for  temporary  or  per- 
manent duty,  the  best  officers  of  the  army,  for  the  organization,  instruc- 
tion, and  discipline  of  this  Corps.  With  them  he  is  confident  that  the 
Corps  will  render  important  service  to  the  Government.  It  is  not  estab- 
lished upon  any  dogma  of  ( quality  or  other  theory,  but  as  a  practical 
and  sensible  matter  of  busi,  JSB.  The  Government  makes  use  of  mules, 
horses,  uneducated  white  men  in  the  defence  of  its  institutions ;  why 
should  not  the  negro  contribute  whatever  is  in  his  power,  for  the  cause 
in  which  he  is  as  deeply  interested  as  other  men?  We  may  properly 
demand  from  him  whatever  service  he  can  render. " 

At  first  it  was  proposed  to  pay  the  officers  of  negro 
troops  less  than  was  paid  the  officers  of  white  soldiers,  but 
this  plan  was  abandoned.  Toward  the  close  of  the  war 
nearly  all  the  chaplains  appointed  to  negro  regiments 
were  negroes;  non-commissioned  officers  were  selected  from 
the  ranks,  where  they  were  found  as  well  qualified  as  those 
taken  from  the  ranks  of  white  regiments.  In  the  10th  and 
18th  Corps  it  was  a  common  thing  for  the  orderly  ser- 
geants to  call  their  company's  roll  from  memory,  and  the 
records  of  many  companies  and  regiments  are  kept  at  the 
War  Department  in  Washington,  as  mementoes  of  their 
efficiency. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


Such  were  the  men  who  commanded  the  Black  Pha- 
lanx. The  following  are^bhe^ii^mes  of  the  negro  commis- 
sioned officers  of  the  Butler  Louisiana  Regiments : 

ROSTER  OF  NEGRO  OFFICERS  OF  THE  LOUISIANA  NATIVE  GUARD 
VOLUNTEER  REGIMENTS. 


Capts.  Andrew  Cailloux, 

Henry  L.  Rey, 
"      James  Lewis, 
Lieuts.  Lewis  Petit, 
"       J.  E.  Moore, 
F.  Kimball, 
"       Louis  D.  Lucien,— 


Major  F.  E.  Dumas,* 
•Capts.  E.  A.  Bertinnean, 
"      W.  P.  Barrett, 
"      William  Bellez, 

Samuel  J.  Wilkerson, 
Lieuts.  Octave  Rey, 
"       Ernest  Murphy, 
"       Louis  Degray, 
"       Alphonso  Fluery, 
Theo.  A.  Martin, 
"       Peter  O.  Depremont. 


•Capts.  Jacques  Gla, 

Joseph  C.  Oliver, 
"      John  J.  Holland 
Lieuts.  Paul  Paree, 
"       Eugene  Rapp, 
"       E.  Moss, 

G.  W.  Talmon, 


FIRST  REGIMENT. 
Louis  A.  Snaer, 
Edward  Carter, 
James  H.  Ingraham, 
Ernest  Sougpre, 
Wm.  Harding, 
V.  Leaner, 

SECOND  REGIMENT. 

Hannibal  Carter, 
S.  W.  Ringgold, 
Monroe  Menllim, 
R.  H.  Isabella. 
J.  P.  Lewis, 
Calvin  Glover, 
George  T.  Watson, 
Rufus  Kinsley, 
Soloman  Hoys, 

THIRD  REGIMENT. 
Peter  A.  Gardner, 
Charles  W.  Gibbons, 

Morris  W.  Morris, 
E.  T.  Nash, 
Chester  W.  Converse, 
Octave  Foy, 


John  Depass 
Joseph  Follin, 
Aleide  Lewis. 
J.  G.  Parker, 
'*""John  Hardman, 
J.  D.  Paddock, 


E.  P.  Chase, 

P.  B.  S.  Pinchback, 

Joseph  Villeverde, 

Jasper  Thompson, 
J.  Wellington, 
Joseph  Jones, 
Ernest  Hubian, 
Alfred  Amis, 


Leon  G.  Forstall, 
Samuel  Laurence,> 

Emile  Detrege, 
Alfred  Bourgoan, 
G.  B.  Miller, 
Chas.  Butler. 


NON-COMMISSIONED  OFFICERS. 


74TH  U.   S.   C.   T.    Co.  I,   2D  LA.   N.   G. 
Sergts.  Joseph  Boudraux,  Andrieu  Vidal,  Joseph  Bellevue, 

Louis  Martin,  Jessy  C.  Wallace, 

Corpls.  Paul  Bonne,  Thos.  William  Joseph  Labeaud, 

Joseph  Toolmer,  Louis  Ford,  Peter  Fleming, 

As  "muster  in"  rolls  show. 

74TH  U.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  D,  2ND  N.  G. 
1st  Sergts.  Joseph  Francois,          Adolph  Augustin,  John  Frick,      ~ 

Francois  Remy,  Louis  Duquenez. 

Corpls,  Dorsin  Sebatier,  Auguste  Martin, 

"       Adolphe  Decoud,  Oscar  Samuel, 

"       Joseph  Armand,  Achilles  Decoud. 

As  "mnster  out"  rolls  show. 

75THU.   S.  C.T.    Co.  F,  3EDN.  G. 

Sergts.  Hy.  White,  Robert  Williams,  Mathew  Roden, 

Frank  Nichols, 


Lucien  Boute,*1 
Andre  Gregoire, 


*Capt.  F.  E.  Dumas  organized  a  company  of  his  own  slaves,  and  attached  it  to  tbift 
regiment.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major,  and  commanded  two  companies  at 
Pascagoula,  Miss.,  during  the  fight.  He  was  a  free  negro,  wealthy,  brave  and  loyal. 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  PHALANX.  179 


Corpls.  Alfred  Kellie,  Philip  Graff,  Julius  Vick. 

As  mustered  out. 

73ED  U.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  A.  1ST  LA.  N.  G. 
Sergts.  Joseph  R,  Forstall,  Edmond  Tomlinson,  Edgar  Thezan, 

"       Numa  Brihou,  Edward  P.  Ducloslange, 

Corpls.  John  G.  Seldon,  Thelesphore  J.  Sauvinet,      Alonzo  Tocca, 

Joseph  Francois  Antonio  Segura,  Auguste  Martin, 

"       Francois  Remy,  Ernest  Brustic, 

73BD  U.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  B.  1ST  LA.  N.  G. 

Sergts.  Faustin  Zenon  Louis  Francois,  August  Bartholenny, 

"       Joseph  Alfred  Win.  Armstrong, 

Arthur  Gaspard  was  a  Sergeant  at  "muster  in"  of  company;  discharged  for  wounds 
Dec.  10th,  1863. 
Corpls.  Alphonse  Barbe,  Albert  Victor,  Wm.  John  Baptist 

Louis  Gille. 
These  were  non-commissioned  officers  of  Co.  B.  at  "muster  out.' 

73BD  U.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  H.  IST  LA.  N.  G. 

Capt.  Henry  L.  Rey,         1st  Lieut.  Eugene  Rapp,         2nd  Lieut.  Louis  Arthur  Thibaut. 
1st  Sergt.  Henry  Mathien,          2nd  Sergt,  Armand  Daniel,          3rd  Sergt.  J.  B.  Dupre. 
4th     "      Felix  Mathien,  5th      "      Lucien  Dupre. 

Corpls.  Ernest  Hewlett,  Frank  Delhomme,  D.  J.  Marine, 

t     "       Felix  Santini,  Celestine  Ferrand,  Auguste  Campbell. 

"       Narcis  Hubert,  Caliste  Dupre. 

As  "muster  in." 

73RD  U.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  G,  1ST  LA.  N.  G, 
Sergts.  Theodule  Drinier,  Peter  Pascal,  Peter  Robin, 

"       Gustave  St.  Leger,  Armand  Le  Blanc. 

Corpls.  Edward  Louis,  Cherry  Fournette,  Townsen  Lee, 

k.  "       John  Thompson,  Perrin  Virgile,  William  Charity, 

John  Marshall,  Soloman  Fisher. 

The  above  were  the  non-commissioned  officers  at  "muster  out*  of  Company. 
Corporal  W.  Heath,  killed  at  Port  Hudson. 

74THU.  S.  C.  T.    Co.  G,  2ND  LA.  N,  G. 
Sergts.  Thos.  Martin,  Etienne  Duluc  Arthur  Frilot, 

Louis  Martin,  J.  B.  Lavigne, 

Corpls.  Martin  Forstals,  Emile  Duval,  Gustave  Ducre, 

"       Joseph  Naroce,  Polin  Paree,*  Jerome  Alugas, 

Ernest  Bqtin,  Pierre  Jignac. 

*  Deserted  Oct.  5th,  1863. 
The  above  were  the  non-commissioned  officers  at  "muster  in"  of  company,  Oct.  1862. 

OTHER  REGIMENTS. 

Surgeons  U.  S.  Army.— Dr.  W.  P.  Powell,        Dr.  A.  T.  Augusta. 
Major,  Martin  R.  Delaney.  Capt.,  O.  S.  B.  Wall. 

Lieuts.  55th  Regt.— James  M.  Trotter,        Chas.  L.  Mitchell,        W.  H.  Dupree, 
J.  F.  Shorter. 

There  were  a  number  of  negroes  commissioned  during 
the  war  whose  record  it  has  not  been  possible  to  obtain. 
Quite  a  number  of  mulattoes  served  in  white  regiments, 
some  as  officers;  they  were  so  light  in  complexion  that 
their  true  race  connection  could  not  be  told.  This  is  true 
of  one  of  the  prominent  Ohioans  of  to-day,  who  served  on 
the  staff  of  a  Major  General  of  volunteers.  There  were 
several  among  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  and  not  a  few  in 


180  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  New  York  and  Massachusetts  regiments.  While  lying 
on  a  battle-field  wounded  and  exhausted,  an  officer  of  the 
brigade  to  which  the  writer  belonged,  rode  up,  passed  me 
his  canteen,  and  enquired  if  I  knew  him.  A  negative  an- 
swer was  given.  "  I  am  Tom  Bunting,"  he  replied.  "  You 
know  me  now,  don't  you?  We  used  to  play  together  in 
our  boyhood  days  in  Virginia;  keep  the  canteen.  I  will  let 
your  people  know  about  you."  So  saying  he  dashed  away 
to  his  command;  he  belonged  to  a  Massachusetts  regi- 
ment. There  was  quite  a  large  number  of  mulattoes  who 
enlisted  under  Butler,  at  New  Orleans,  and  served  in  white 
regiments ;  this  is  also  true  of  the  confederate  army.  The 
writer  has  an  intimate  acquaintance  now  living  in  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  who  served  in  a  New  York  Regiment,  who, 
while  marching  along  with  his  regiment  through  Broad 
street,  after  the  capture  of  that  city,  was  recognized  by  his 
mother,  and  by  her  was  pulled  from  the  ranks  and  em- 
braced. A  man  who  became  United  States  Marshal  of  one 
of  the  Southern  States  after  the  war,  was  Captain  in  the 
2nd  Louisiana  Native  Guards  Regiment.  Numerous  in- 
stances of  this  kind  could  be  cited. 


SERG'T.  W.  H.  CARNEY.— Co.  C.  .VlTH  MASS.  VOLS. 
"The  old  flag  never  touched  the  ground,  boys!  " 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  183 


CHAPTEK  V. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF. 

When  Admiral  Farragut's  fleet  anchored  at  New  Or- 
leans, and  Butler  occupied  the  city,  three  regiments  of 
confederate  negro  troops  were  under  arms  guarding  the 
United  States  Mint  building,  with  orders  to  destroy  it 
before  surrendering  it  to  the  Yankees.  The  brigade,  how- 
ever, was  in  command  of  a  Creole  mulatto,  who,  instead 
of  carrying  out  the  orders  given  him,  and  following  the 
troops  out  of  the  city  on  their  retreat,  counter-marched 
his  command  and  was  cut  off  from  the  main  body  of  the 
army  by  the  Federal  forces,  to  whom  they  quietly  sur- 
rendered a  few  days  after. 

General  Phelps  commanded  the  Federal  forces  at  Car- 
rolton,  about  seven  miles  from  New  Orleans,  the  princi- 
pal point  in  the  cordon  around  the  city.  Here  the  slaves 
congregated  in  large  numbers,  seeking  freedom  and  pro- 
tection from  their  barbarous  overseers  and  masters. 
Some  of  these  poor  creatures  wore  irons  and  chains ;  some 
came  bleeding  from  gun-shot  wounds.  General  Phelps  was 
an  old  abolitionist,  and  had  early  conceived  the  idea  that 
the  proper  thing  to  do  was  for  the  government  to  arm 
the  negroes.  Now  came  his  opportunity  to  act.  Hun- 
dreds of  able-bodied  men  were  in  his  camps,  ready  and 
willing  to  fight  for  their  freedom  and  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  The  secessionists  in  that  neighborhood  com- 
plained to  General  Butler  about  their  negroes  leaving 
them  and  going  into  camp  with  the  Yankees.  So  numer- 
ous were  the  complaints,  that  the  General,  acting 
under  orders  from  Washington,  and  also  foreseeing  that 


184  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

General  Phelps  intended  allowing  the  slaves  to  ga/fcher  at 
Ms  post,  issued  the  following  order : 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  May  23, 1862. 

"  GENERAL  .-—You  will  cause  all  unemployed  persons,  black  and  white,  to  be  exclu- 
ded from  your  lines. 

"  You  will  not  permit  either  black  or  white  persons  to  pass  your  lines,  not  officers 
and  soldiers  or  belonging  to  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  without  a  pass  from  these 
head-quarters,  except  they  are  brought  in  under  guard  as  captured  persons,  with  infor- 
mation, and  those  to  be  examined  and  detained  as  prisoners  of  war,  if  they  have  been 
in  arms  against  the  United  States,  or  dismissed  and  sent  away  at  once,  as  the  case 
may  be.  This  does  not  apply  to  boats  passing  up  the  river  without  landing  within  the 


"Provision  dealers  and  marketmen  are  to  be  allowed  to  pass  in  with  provisions 
and  their  wares,  but  not  to  remain  over  night. 

"Persons  having  had  their  permanent  residence  within  your  lines  before  the  occupa- 
tion of  our  troops,  are  not  to  be  considered  unemployed  persons. 

"  Your  officers  have  reported  a  large  number  of  servants.  Every  officer  so  reported 
employing  servants  will  have  the  allowance  for  servants  deducted  from  his  pay-roll. 

Kespectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

B.  F.  BUTLER. 
"Brig.-Gen.  PHELPS,  Commanding  Camp  Parapet." 

This  struck  Gen.  Phelps  as  an  inhuman  order,  though 
he  obeyed  it  and  placed  the  slaves  just  outside  of  his  camp 
lines.  Here  the  solders,  having  drank  in  the  spirit  of  their 
commander,  cared  for  the  fugitives  from  slavery.  But 
they  continued  to  come,  according  to  divine  appointment, 
and  their  increase  prompted  Gen.  Phelps  to  write  this 
patriotic,  pathetic  and  eloquent  appeal,  knowing  it  must 
reach  the  President : 

"CAMP  PARAPET,  NEAR  CARROLLTON,  LA.,  June  16,  1862. 
"Capt.  R.  S.  DAVIS,  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  New  Orleans.  La,: 

"SIR:  I  enclose  herewith,  for  the  information  of  the  major-general  commanding 
the  department,  a  report  of  Major  Peck,  officer  of  the  day,  concerning  a  large  number 
of  negroes,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  who  are  lying  near  our  pickets,  with  bag  and 
baggage,  as  if  they  had  already  commenced  an  exodus.  Many  of  these  negroes  have 
been  sent  away  from  one  of  the  neighboring  sugar  plantations  by  their  owner,  a  Mr. 
Babilliard  La  Blanche,  who  tells  them,  I  am  informed,  that  'the  Yankees  are  king  here 
now  and  that  they  must  go  to  their  king  for  food  and  shelter.' 

"They  are  of  that  four  millions  of  our  colored  subjects  who  have  no  king  or  chief, 
nor  in  fact  any  government  that  can  secure  to  them  the  simplest  natural  rights.  They 
can  not  even  be  entered  into  treaty  stipulations  with  and  deported  to  the  east,  as  our 
Indian  tribes  have  been  to  the  west.  They  have  no  right  to  the  mediation  of  a  justice 
of  the  peace  or  jury  between  them  and  chains  and  lashes.  They  have  no  right  to 
wages  for  their  labor;  no  right  to  the  Sabbath ;  no  right  to  the  institution  of  marriage; 
no  right  to  letters  or  to  self-defense.  A  small  class  of  owners,  rendered  unfeeling,  and 
•even  unconscious  and  unreflecting  by  habit,  and  a,  large  part  of  them  ignorant  and 
vicious,  stand  between  them  and  their  government,  destroying  its  sovereignty.  This 
government  has  not  the  power  even  to  regulate  the  number  of  lashes  that  its  subjects 
may  receive.  It  can  not  say  that  they  shall  receive  thirty-nine  instead  of  forty.  To  a 
large  and  growing  class  of  its  subjects  it  can  secure  neither  justice,  moderation,  nor 
the  advantages  of  Christian  religion ;  and  if  it  can  not  protect  all  its  subjects,  it  can 
protect  none,  either  black  or  white. 

"It  is  nearly  a  hundred  years  since  onr  people  first  declared  to  the  nations  of  the 
W9rld  that  all  men  are  born  free ;  and  still  we  have  not  made  our  declaration  good. 
Highly  revolutionary  measures  have  since  then  been  adopted  by  the  admission  of  Mis- 
souri and  the  annexation  of  Texas  in  favor  of  slavery  by  the  barest  majorities  of  votes, 
while  the  highly  conservative  vote  of  two-thirds  has  at  length  been  attained  against 
slavery,  and  still  slavery  exists— even,  moreover,  although  two-thirds  of  the  blood  in 
the  veins  of  our  slaves  is  fast  becoming  from  our  own  race.  If  we  wait  for  a  larger 
vote,  or  until  our  slaves'  blood  becomes  more  consanguined  still  with  our  own,  the  dan- 
ger of  a  violent  revolution,  over  which  we  ea.n  have  no  control,  must  become  moreimmi. 
nent  every  day.  By  a  course  of  undecided  action,  determined  by  no  policy  but  the 
vague  will  of  a  war-distracted  people,  we  run  the  risk  of  precipitating  that  very  revolu- 
tionary violence  which  we  seem  seeking  to  avoid. 

"  Let  us  regard  for  a  moment  the  elements  of  such  a  revolution. 

"Many  of  the  slaves  here  have  been  sold  away  from  the  border  States  as  a  punish- 
ment, being  too  refractory  to  be  dealt  with  there  in  the  face  of  the  civilization  of  the 
IS'orth.  They  come  here  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Christian  religion,  with  its  germs 
planted  and  expanding,  as  it  were,  in  the  dark,  rich  soil  of  their  African  nature,  with  feel- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  187 


ings  of  relationship  with  the  families  from  which  they  came,  and  with  a  sense  of  unmeri- 
ted banishment  as  culprits,  all  which  tends  to  bring  upon  them  a  greater  severity  of 
treatment  and  a  corresponding  disinclination  'to  receive  punishment".  They  are  far 
superior  beings  to  their  ancestors,  who  were  brought  from  Africa  two  generations  ago, 
and  who  occasionally  rebelled  against  comparatively  less  severe  punishment  than  is  in- 
flicted now.  While  rising  in  the  scale  of  Christian  beings,  their  treatment  is  being  ren- 
dered more  severe  than  ever.  The  whip,  the  chains,  the  stocks,  and  imprisonment  are 
no  mere  fancies  here;  they  are  used  to  any  extent  to  which  the  imagination  of  civilized 
man  may  reach.  Many  of  them  are  as  intelligent  as  their  masters,  and  far  more  moral, 
for  while  the  slave  appeals  to  the  moral  law  as  his  vindication,  clinging  to  it  as  to  the 
very  horns  of  the  alter  of  his  safety  and  his  hope,  the  master  seldom  hesitates  to  wrest 
him  from  it  with  violence  and  contempt.  The  slave,  it  is  true,  bears  no  resentment ;  he 
asks  for  no  punishment  for  bis  master;  he  simply  claims  justice  for  himself;  and  it  is 
this  feature  of  his  condition  that  promises  more  terror  to  the  retribution  when  it 
comes.  Even  now  the  whites  stand  accursed  by  their  oppression  of  humanity,  being 
subject  to  a  degree  of  confusion,  chaos,  and  enslavement  to  error  and  wrong,  which 
northern  society  could  not  credit  or  comprehend. 

"  Added  to  the  four  millions  of  the  colored  race  whose  disaffection  is  increasing 
even  more  rapidly  than  their  number,  there  are  at  least  four  millions  more  of  the  white 
race  whose  growing  miseries  will  naturally  seek  companionship  with  those  of  the  blacks. 
This  latter  portion  of  southern  society  has  its  representatives,  who  swing  from  the 
scaffold  with  the  same  desperate  coolness,  though  from  a  directly  different  cause,  as 
that  which  was  manifested  by  John  Brown.  The  trator  Mumford,  who  swung  the 
other  day  for  trampling  on  the  national  flag,  had  been  rendered  placid  and  indifferent 
in  his  desperation  by  a  government  that  either  could  not  or  would  not  secure  to  its 
subjects  the  blessings  of  liberty  which  that  flag  imports.  The  South  cries  for  justice 
from  the  government  as  well  as  the  North,  though  in  a  proud  and  resentful  spirit;  and 
in  what  manner  is  that  justice  to  be  obtained  ?  Is  it  to  be  secured  by  that  wretched  re- 
source of  a  set  of  profligate  politicians,  called  '  reconstruction? '  No,  it  is  to  be  ob- 
tained by  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  by  no  other  course. 

"  It  is  vain  to  deny  that  the  slave  system  of  labor  is  giving  shape  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  society  where  it  exists,  and  that  that  government  is  not  republican,  either 
in  form  or  spirit.  It  was  through  this  system  that  the  leading  conspirators  have 
sought  to  fasten  upon  the  people  an  aristocracy  or  a  despotism ;  and  it  is  not  suffi- 
cient that  they  should  be  merely  defeated  in  their  object,  and  the  country  be  rid  of  their 
rebellion;  for  by  our  constitution  we  are  imperatively  obliged  to  sustain  the  State 
against  the  ambition  of  uprincipled  leaders,  and  secure  to  them  the  republican  form  of 
government.  We  have  positive  duties  to  perform,  and  should  hence  adopt  and  pursue 
a  positive,  decided  policy.  We  have  services  to  render  to  certain  states  which  they  can- 
not perform  for  themselves.  We  are  in  an  emergency  which  the  framers  of  the  constitu- 
tion might  easily  have  foreseen,  and  for  which  they  have  amply  provided. 

"  It  is  clear  that  the  public  good  requires  slavery  to  be  abolished ;  but  in  what  man- 
ner is  it  to  be  done?  The  mere  quiet  operation  of  congressional  law  can  not  deal  with 
slavery  as  in  its  former  status  before  the  war,  because  the  spirit  of  law  is  right  rea- 
son, and  there  is  no  reason  in  slavery.  A  system  so  unreasonable  as  slavery  can  not 
be  regulated  by  reason.  We  can  hardly  expect  the  several  states  to  adopt  laws  or 
measures  against  their  own  immediate  interests.  We  have  seen  that  they  will  rather 
find  arguments  for  crime  than  seek  measures  for  abolishing  or  modifying  slavery.  But 
there  is  one  principle  which  is  fully  recognized  as  a  necessity  in  conditions  like  ours,  and 
that  is  that  the  public  safety  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  State,  and  that  amid  the  clash 
of  arms  the  laws  of  peace  are  silent.  It  is  then  for  our  president,  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  our  armies,  to  declare  the  abolition  of  slavery,  leaving  it  to  the  wisdom  of 
congress  to  adopt  measures  to  meet  the  consequences.  This  is  the  usual  course  pur- 
sued by  a  general  or  by  a  military  power.  That  power  gives  orders  affecting  complica- 
ted interests  and  millions  of  property,  leaving  it  to  the  other  functions  of  government 
to  adjust  and  regulate  the  effects  produced.  Let  the  president  abolish  slavery,  and  it 
would  be  an  easy  matter  for  congress,  through  a  well-regulated  system  of  apprentice- 
ship, to  adopt  safe  measures  for  effecting  a  gradual  transition  from  slavery  to  freedom. 

"The  existing  system  of  labor  in  Louisiana  is  unsuited  to  the  age;  and  by  the  in- 
trusion of  the  national  forces  it  seems  falling  to  pieces.  It  is  a  system  of  mutual  jeal- 
ousy and  suspicion  between  the  master  and  the  man — a  system  of  violence,  immorality 
and  vice.  The  fugitive  negro  tells  us  that  our  presence  renders  his  condition  worse 
with  his  master  than  it  was  before,  and  that  we  offer  no  alleviation  in  return.  The  sys- 
tem is  impolitic,  because  it  offers  but  one  stimulent  to  labor  and  effort,  viz.:  the  lash, 
when  another,  viz.:  money,  might  be  added  with  good  effect.  Fear,  and  the  other  low 
and  bad  qualities  of  the  slave,  are  appealed  to,  but  never  the  good.  The  relation, 
therefore,  between  capital  and  labor,  which  ought  to  be  generous  and  confiding,  is  dark- 
ling, suspicious,  unkindly,  full  of  reproachful  threats,  and  without  concord  or  peace. 
This  condition  of  things  renders  the  interests  of  society  a  prey  to  politicians.  Politics 
cease  to  be  practical  or  useful. 

"The  questions  that  ought  to  have  been  discussed  in  the  late  extraordinary  con- 
vention of  Louisiana,  are:  First,  What  ought  the  State  of  Louisiana  to  do  to  adopt 
her  ancient  system  of  labor  to  the  present  advanced  spirit  of  the  ag«?  And  Second, 
How  can  the  State  be  assisted  by  the  general  government  in  effecting  the  change?  But 
instead  of  this,  the  only  question  before  that  body  was  how  to  vindicate  slavery  by 
flogging  the  Yankees ! 

"Compromises  hereafter  are  not  to  be  made  with  politicians,  but  with  sturdy  labor 
and  the  right  to  work.  The  interests  of  workingmen  resent  political  trifling.  Our  po- 
litical education,  shaped  almost  entirely  to  the  interest  of  slavery,  has  been  false  and 
vicious  in  the  extreme,  and  it  must  be  corrected  with  as  much  suddenness,  almost,  as 
that  with  which  Salem  witchcraft  came  to  an  end.  The  only  question  that  remains  to 
decide  is  how  the  change  shall  take  place. 

"  We  are  not  without  examples  and  precedents  in  the  history  of  the  past.  The  en- 
franchisement of  the  ipeople  of  Europe  has  been,  and  is  still  going  on,  through  the  in- 
strumentality of  military  service;  and  by  this  means  our  slaves  might  be  raised  in  the 


188  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

scale  of  civilization  and  prepared  for  freedom.  Fifty  regiments  might  be  raised  among 
them  at  once,  which  could  be  employed  in  this  climate  to  preserve  order,  and  thus  pre- 
vent the  necessity  of  retrenching  our  liberties,  as  we  should  do  by  a  large  army  exclu- 
sively of  whites.  For  it  is  evident  that  a  considerable  army  of  whites  would  give  strin- 
gency to  our  government,  while  an  army,  partly  of  blacks,  would  naturally  operate  in 
favor  of  freedom  and  against  those  influences  which  at  present  most  endanger  our  lib- 
erties. At  the  end  of  five  years  they  could  be  sent  to  Africa,  and  their  places  filled  with 
new  enlistments.  . 

"There  is  no  practical  evidence  against  the  effects  of  immediate  abolition,  even  if 
there  is  not  in  its  favor.  I  have  witnessed  the  sudden  abolition  of  flogging  at  will  in 
the  army,  and  of  legalized  flogging  in  the  navy,  against  the  prejudice-warped  judg- 
ments of  both,  and,  from  the  beneficial  effects  there,  I  have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  im- 
mediate abolition  of  slavery.  I  fear,  rather,  the  violent  consequences  from  a  continu- 
ance of  the  evil.  But  should  such  an  act  devastate  the  whole  State  of  Louisiana,  and 
render  the  whole  soil  here  but  the  mere  passage-way  of  the  fruits  of  the  enterprise  and 
industry  of  the  Northwest,  it  would  be  better  for  the  country  at  large  than  it  is  now  a» 
the  seat  of  disaffection  and  rebellion. 

"  When  it  is  remembered  that  not  a  word  is  found  in  our  constitution  sanctioning 
the  buying  and  selling  of  human  beings,  a  shameless  act  which  renders  our  country  the 
disgrace  of  Christendom,  and  worse,  in  this  respect,  even  than  Africa  herself,  we  should 
have  less  dread  of  seeing  the  degrading  traffic  stopped  at  once  and  forever.  Halt 
wages  are  already  virtually  paid  for  sla,ve  labor  in  the  system  of  tasks  which,  in  an  un- 
willing spirit  of  compromise,  most  of  the  slave  states  have  already  been  compelled  to 
adopt.  At  the  end  of  five  years  of  apprenticeship,  or  of  fifteen  at  farthest,  full  wages 
could  be  paid  to  the  enfranchised  negro  race,  to  the  double  advantage  of  both  master 
and  man.  This  is  just;  for  we  now  hold  the  slaves  of  Louisiana  by  the  same  tenure 
that  the  State  can  alone  claim  them,  viz  :  by  the  original  right  of  conquest.  We  have 
so  far  conquered  them  that  a  proclmation  setting  them  free,  coupled  with  offers  of  pro- 
tection, would  devastate  every  plantation  in  the  State. 

"In  conclusion,  I  may  state  that  Mr.  La  Blanche  is. as  I  am  informed,  a  descendant 
from  one  of  the  oldest  families  of  Louisiana.  He  is  wealthy  and  a  man  of  standing, 
and  his  act  in  sending  away  his  negroes  to  our  lines,  with  their  clothes  and  furniture, 
appears  to  indicate  the  convictions  of  his  own  mind  as  to  the  proper  logical  conse- 
quences and  deductions  that  should  follow  from  the  present  relative  status  of  the  two 
contending  parties.  He  seems  to  be  convinced  that  the  proper  result  of  the  conflict  is 
the  manumission  of  the  slave,  and  he  may  be  safely  regarded  in  this  respect  as  a  repre- 
sentative man  of  the  State.  I  so  regard  him  myself,  and  thus  do  I  interpret  his  action, 
although  my  camp  now  contains  some  of  the  highest  symbols  of  secessionism,  which 
have  been  taken  by  a  party  of  the  Seventh  Vermont  volunteers  from  his  residence. 

"Meantime  his  slaves,  old  and  young,  little  ones  and  all,  are  suffering  from  expos- 
ure and  uncertainty  a,s  to  their  future  condition.  Driven  away  by  their  master,  with 
threats  of  violence  if  they  return,  and  with  no  decided  welcome  or  reception  from  us, 
what  is  to  be  their  lot?  Considerations  of  humanity  are  pressing  for  an  immediate  so- 
lution of  their  difficulties;  and  they  are  but  a  small  portion  of  their  race  who  have 
sought,  and  are  still  seeking,  our  pickets  and  our  military  stations,  declaring  that  they 
can  not  and  will  not  any  longer  serve  their  masters,  and  that  all  they  want  is  work  and 
protection  from  us.  In  such  a  state  of  things,  the  question  occurs  as  to  my  own  action 
in  the  case.  I  cannot  return  them  to  their  masters,  who  not  unfrequently  come  in 
search  of  them,  for  I  am,  fortunately,  prohibited  by  an  article  of  wa,r  from  doing  that, 
even  if  my  own  nature  did  not  revolt  at  it.  I  can  not  receive  them,  for  I  have  neither 
work,  shelter,  nor  the  means  or  plan  of  transporting  them  to  Hayti,  or  of  making  suit- 
able arrangements  with  their  masters  until  they  can  be  provided  for. 

"It  is  evident  that  some  plan,  some  policy,  or  some  system  is  necessary  on  the  part 
of  the  government,  without  which  the  agent  can  do  nothing,  and  all  his  efforts  are  ren- 
dered useless  and  of  no  effect.  This  is  no  new  condition  in  which  I  find  myself;  it  is  my 
experience  during  the  some  twenty-five  years  of  my  public  life  as  a  military  officer  of 
the  government.  The  new  article  of  war  recently  adopted  by  congress,  rendering  it 
criminal  in  an  officer  of  the  army  to  return  fugitives  from  injustice,  is  the  first  support 
that  I  have  ever  felt  from  the  government  in  contending  against  those  slave  influences 
which  are  opposed  to  its  character  and  to  its  interests.  But  the  mere  refusal  to  return 
fugitives  does  not  now  meet  the  case.  A  public  agent  in  the  present  emergency  must  be 
invested  with  wider  and  more  positive  powers  than  this,  or  his  services  will  prove  as 
valueless  to  the  country  as  they  are  unsatisfactory  to  himself. 

"  Desiring  this  communication  to  be  laid  before  the  president,  and  leaving  my  com- 
mission at  his  disposal,  I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  sir, 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  W.  PHELPS,  Brigadier-General." 

On  the  day  on  which  he  received  this  letter,  Gen.  But- 
ler forwarded  to  Washington  this  dispatch : 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  June  18, 1862. 

"Hon.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War: 

"Sm:— Since  my  last  dispatch  was  written,  I  have  received  the  accompanying  re- 
port from  General  Phelps. 

"  It  is  not  my  duty  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the  questions  which  it  presents. 

"I  desire,  however,  to  state  the  information  of  Mr.  La  Blanche,  given  me  by  his 
friends  and  neighbors,  and  also  Jack  La  Blanche,  his  slave,  who  seems  to  be  the 
leader  of  this  party  of  negroes.  Mr.  La  Blanche  I  have  not  seen.  He,  however, 
claims  to  be  loyal,  and  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  war,  but  to  have  lived  quietly  on 


G@®  EC  IN  GUN  CAMP 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  191 


his  plantation,  some  twelve  miles  above  New  Orleans,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
He  has  a  son  in  the  secession  army,  whose  uniform  and  equipments,  &c.,  are  the  sym- 
bols of  secession  of  which  General  Phelps  speaks.  Mr.  La  Blanche's  house  was  searched 
by  the  order  of  General  Phelps,  for  arms  and  contraband  of  war,  and  his  neighbors  say 
that  his  negroes  were  told  that  they  were  free  if  they  would  come  to  the  general's 
camp. 

"  That  thereupon  the  negroes,  under  the  lead  of  Jack,  determined  to  leave,  and  for 
that  purpose  crowded  into  a  small  boat  which,  from  overloading,  was  in  danger  of 
swamping. 

"  La  Blanche  then  told  his  negroes  that  if  they  were  determined  to  go,  they  would 
be  drowned,  and  he  would  hire  them  a  large  boat  to  put  them  across  the  river,  and 
that  they  might  have  their  furniture  if  they  would  go  and  leave  his  plantation  and  crop 
to  ruin. 

"They  decided  to  go,  and  La  Blanche  did  all  a  man  could  to  make  that  going  safe. 

"The  account  of  General  Phelps  is  the  negro  side  of  the  story  ;  that  above  given  is 
the  story  of  Mr.  La  Blanche's  neighbors,  some  of  whom  I  know  to  be  loyal  men. 

"  An  order  against  negroes  being  allowed  in  camp  is  the  reason  they  are  outside. 

"Mr.  La  Blanche  is  represented  to  be  a  humane  man,  and  did  not  consent  to  the 
'exodus'  of  his  negroes. 

"  General  Phelps,  I  believe,  intends  making  this  a  test  case  for  the  policy  of  the  gov- 
ernment. I  wish  it  might  be  so,  for  the  difference  of  our  action  upon  this  subject  is  a 
source  of  trouble.  I  respect  his  honest  sincerity  of  opinion,  but  I  am  a  soldier,  bound 
to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  my  government  so  long  as  I  hold  its  commission,  and  I  un- 
derstand that  policy  to  be  the  one  I  am  pursuing.  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  pursue 
any  other.  If  the  policy  of  the  government  is  nearly  that  I  sketched  in  my  report 
upon  the  subject  and  that  which  I  have  ordered  in  this  department,  then  the  services  of 
General  Phelps  are  worse  than  useless  here.  If  the  views  set  forth  in  his  report  are  to 
obtain,  then  he  is  invaluable,  for  his  whole  soul  is  in  it,  and  he  is  a  good  soldier  of 
large  experience,  and  no  braver  man  lives.  I  beg  to  leave  the  whole  question  with  the 
president,  with  perhaps  the  needless  assurance  that  his  wishes  shall  be  loyally  followed, 
were  they  not  in  accordance  with  my  own,  as  I  have  now  no  right  to  have  any  upon 
the  subject. 

"I  write  in  haste,  as  the  steamer  'Mississippi '  is  awaiting  this  dispatch. 

"Awaiting  the  earliest  possible  instructions,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
"Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"B.  F.  BUTLER,  Major  General  Commanding.9' 

Gen.  Phelps  waited  about  six  weeks  for  a  reply,  but 
none  came.  Meanwhile  the  negroes  continued  to  gather 
at  his  camp.  He  said,  in  regard  to  not  receiving  an 
answer,  "  I  was  left  to  the  inference  that  silence  gives  con- 
sent, and  proceeded  therefore  to  take  such  decided  meas- 
ures as  appeared  best  calculated,  to  me,  to  dispose  of  the 
difficulty."  Accordingly  he  made  the  following  requisition 
upon  head-quarters : 

"CAMP  PABAPET,  LA.,  July  30, 1862. 
"Captain  R.  S.  DAVIS,  A.  A.  A.  General,  New  Orleans,  La.: 

"SIR :— I  enclose  herewith  requisitions  for  arms,  accoutrements,  clothing,  camp  and 
garrison  equipage,  &c.,  for  three  regiments  of  Africans,  which  I  propose  to  raise 
lor  the  defense  of  this  point.    The  location  is  swampy  and  unhealthy,  and  our  men 
are  dying  at  the  rate  of  two  or  three  a  day. 

"  The  southern  loyalists  are  willing,  as  I  understand,  to  furnish  their  share  of  the 
tax  for  the  support  of  the  war;  but  they  should  also  furnish  their  quota  of  men,  which 
they  have  not  thus  far  done.  An  opportunity  now  offers  of  supplying  the  defficiency ; 
and  it  is  not  safe  to  neglect  opportunities  in  war.  I  think  that,  with  the  proper  facili- 
ties, I  could  raise  the  three  regiments  proposed  in  a  short  time.  Without  holding  out 
any  inducements,  or  offering  any  reward,  I  have  now  upward  of  three  hundred  Africans 
organized  into  five  companies,  who  are  nil  willing  and  ready  to  show  their  devotion  to 
our  cause  in  any  way  that  it  may  be  put  to  the  test.  They  are  willing  to  submit  to 
anything  rather  than  to  slavery. 

"Society  in  the  South  seems  to  be  on  the  point  of  dissolution ;  and  the  best  way  of 
preventing  the  African  from  becoming  instrumental  in  a  general  state  of  anarchy,  is  to 
enlist  him  in  the  cause  of  the  Republic.  If  we  reject  his  services,  any  petty  military 
chieftain,  by  offering  him  freedom,  can  have  them  for  the  purpose  of  robbery  and  plun- 
der. It  is  for  the  interests  of  the  South,  as  well  of  the  North,  that  the  African  should 
be  permitted  to  offer  his  block  for  the  temple  of  freedom.  Sentiments  unworthy  of  the 
man  of  the  present  day— worthy  only  of  another  Cain— could  alone  prevent  such  an 
offer  from  being  accepted. 

"I  would  recommend  that  the  cadet  graduates  of  the  present  year  should  be  sent 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


to  South  Carolina  and  this  point  to  organize  and  discipline  our  African  levies,  and 
that  the  more  promising  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  of  the  army  be  ap- 
pointed as  company  officers  to  command  them.  Prompt  and  energetic  efforts  in  this 
direction  would  probably  accomplish  more  toward  a  speedy  termination  of  the  war, 
and  an  early  restoration  of  peace  and  unity,  than  any  other  course  which  could  b« 
adopted. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  W.  PHELPS,  Brigadier-General." 


This  reply  was  received : 


NEW  ORLEANS,  July  31,  1862. 

"GENERAL: — The  general  commanding  wishes  you  to  employ  the  contrabands  in 
and  about  your  camp  in  cutting  down  all  the  trees,  &c.,  between  your  lines  and  the 
lake,  and  In  forming  abatis,  according  to  the  plan  agreed  upon  between  you  and  Lieu- 
tenant Weitzel  when  he  visited  you  some  time  since.  What  wood  is  not  needed  by  you 
is  much  needed  in  this  city.  For  this  purpose  1  have  ordered  the  quartermaster  to  fur- 
nish you  with  axes,  and  tents  for  the  contrabands  to  be  quartered  in. 
"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"By  order  of  Major-General  BUTLER. 
"R.  S.  DAVIS,  Capt.  and  A.  A.  A.  G. 
"To  Brigadier-General  J.  W.  PHELPS,  Camp  Parapet." 

General  Butler's  effort  to  turn  the  attention  of  Gen. 
Phelps  to  the  law  of  Congress  recently  passed  was  of  no 
avail,  that  officer  was  determined  in  his  policy  of  war- 
ring on  the  enemy ;  but  finding  General  Butler  as  firm  in 
his  policy  of  leniency,  and  knowing  of  his  strong  pro-slav- 
ery sentiments  prior  to  the  war, — notwithstanding  his 
"  contraband  "  order  at  Fortress  Monroe,— General  Phelps 
felt  as  though  he  would  be  humiliated  if  he  departed  from 
his  own  policy  arid  became  what  he  regarded  as  a  slave- 
driver,  therefore  he  determined  to  resign.  He  replied  to 
General  Butler  as  follows : 

"CAMP  PARAPET,  LA.,  July  31, 1862. 
"Captain  R.  S.  DAVIS,  A.  A.  A.  General,  New  Orleans,  La.: 

"Sm: — The  communication  from  your  office  of  this  date,  signed,  'By  order  of 
Major-General  Butler,'  directing  me  to  employ  the  'contrabands' in  and  about  my  camp 
in  cutting  down  all  the  trees  between  my  lines  and  the  lake,  etc.,  has  just  been  received. 

"In  reply,  1  must  state  that  while  I  am  Avilling  to  prepare  African  regiments  for  the 
defense  of  the  government  against  its  assailants,  I  am  not  willing  to  become  the  mere 
slave-driver  which  you  propose,  having  no  qualifications  in  that  way.  I  am,  therefore, 
under  the  necessity  of  tendering  the  resignation  of  my  commission  as  an  officer  of  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  and  respectfully  request  a  leave  of  absence  until  it  is  accepted, 
in  accordance  with  paragraph  29,  page  12,  of  the  general  regulations. 

"While  1  am  writing,  at  half-past  eight  o'clock  p.  M.,  a  colored  man  is  brought  in 
by  one  of  the  pickets  who  has  just  been  wounded  in  the  side  by  a  charge  of  shot, 
which  he  says  was  fired  at  him  by  one  of  a  party  of  three  slave-hunters  or  guerillas,  a 
mile  or  more  from  our  line  of  sentinels.  As  it  is  some  distance  from  the  camp  to  the 
lake,  the  party  of  wood-choppers  which  you  have  directed  will  probably  need  a  con- 
siderable force  to  guard  them  against  similar  attacks. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  W.  PHELPS,  Brigadier-General." 

Phelps  was  one  of  Butler's  most  trusted  commanders, 
and  the  latter  endeavored,  but  in  vain,  to  have  him  recon- 
sider his  resignation.  General  Butler  wrote  him : 

NEW  ORLEANS,  August,  2, 1862. 

"  GENERAL  : — I  was  somewhat  surprised  to  receive  your  resignation  for  the  reasons 
stated. 

"When  you  were  put  in  command  at  Camp  Parapet,  I  sent  Lieutenant  Weitzel,  my 
chief  engineer,  to  make  a  reconnoissance  of  the  lines  of  Carrollton,  and  I  understand  it 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  193 


was  agreed  between  you  and  the  engineer  that  a  removal  of  the  wood  between  Lake 
Pontchartrain  and  the  right  of  your  intrenehment  was  a  necessary  military  precau- 
tion. The  work  could  not  be  done  at  that  time  because  of  the  Htage  of  water  and  the 
want  of  men.  But  now  both  water  and  men  concur.  You  have  five  hundred  Africans 
organized  into  companies,  you  write  me.  This  work  they  are  fitted  to  do.  It  must 
either  be  done  by  them  or  my  soldiers,  now  drilled  and  disciplined.  You  have  said  the 
location  is  unhealthy  for  the  soldier ;  it  is  not  to  the  negro  ;  is  it  not  best  that  these  un- 
employed Africans  should  do  this  labor?  My  attention  is  specially  called  to  this  mat- 
ter at  the  present  time,  because  there  are  reports  of  demonstrations  to  be  made  on 
your  lines  by  the  rebels,  and  in  my  judgment  it  is  a  matter  of  necessary  precaution 
thus  to  clear  the  right  of  your  line,  so  that  you  can  receive  the  proper  aid  from  the 
gun-boats  on  the  lake,  besides  preventing  the  enemy  from  having  cover.  To  do  this  the 
negroes  ought  to  be  employed ;  and  in  so  employing  them  J  see  no  evidence  of  'slave- 
driving'  or  employing  you  as  a  'slave-driver.' 

"The  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  did  this  very  thing  last  summer  in  front 
of  Arlington  Heights;  are  the  negroes  any  better  than  they? 

"Because  of  an  order  to  do  this  necessary  thing  to  protect  your  front,  threatened 
by  the  enemy,  you  tender  your  resignation  and  ask  immediate  leave  of  absence.  I  as- 
sure you  I  did  not  expect  this,  either  from  your  courage,  your  patriotism,  or  your 
good  sense.  To  resign  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  has  not  been  the  highest  plaudit  to  a 
soldier,  especially  when  the  reason  assigned  is  that  he  is  ordered  to  do  that  which  a  re- 
cent act  of  congress  has  specially  authorized  a  military  commander  to  do,  ;'.  e.,  employ 
the  Africans  to  do  the  necessary  work  about  a  camp  or  upon  a  fortification. 

"General,  your  resignation  will  not  be  accepted  by  me, 'leave  of  absence  will  not  be 
granted,  and  you  will  see  to  it  that  my  orders,  thus  necessary  for  the  defense  of  the 
city,  are  faithfully  and  diligently  executed,  upon  the  responsibility  that  a  soldier  in  the 
field  owes  to  his  superior.  I  will  see  that  all  proper  requisitions  for  the  food,  shelter, 
and  clothing  of  these  negroes  so  at  work  are  at  once  filled  by  the  proper  departments. 
You  will  also  send  out  a  proper  guard  to  protect  the  laborers  against  the  guerilla 
force,  if  any,  that  may  be  in  the  neighborhood. 

"I  am  your  obedient  servant, 
"BENJ.  F.  BUTLER,  Major-General  Commanding. 

"Brigadier-General  J.  W.  PHELPS,  Commanding  at  Camp  Parapet." 

On  the  same  day,  General  Butler  wrote  again  to  Gen- 
eral Phelps : 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  August  2, 1862. 

"GENERAL: — By  the  act  of  congress,  as  I  understand  it,  the  president  of  the 
United  States  alone  has  the  authority  to  employ  Africans  in  arms  as  a  part  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  United  States. 

"Every  law  up  to  this  time  raising  volunteer  or  militia  forces  has  been  opposed  to 
their  efnployment.  The  president  has  not  as  yet  indicated  his  purpose  to  employ  the 
Africans  in  arms. 

"  The  arms,  clothing,  and  camp  equipage  which  I  have  here  for  the  Louisiana  vol- 
unteers, is,  by  the  letter  of  the  secretary  of  war,  expressly  limited  to  white  soldiers,  so 
that  I  have  no  authority  to  divert  them,  however  much  I  may  desire  so  to  do. 

"I  do  not  think  you  are  empowered  to  organize  into  companies  negroes,  and  drill 
them  as  a  military  organization,  as  I  am  not  surprised,  but  unexpectedly  informed  you 
have  done.  1  cannot  sanction  this  course  of  action  as  at  present  advised,  specially 
when  we  have  need  of  the  services  of  the  blacks,  who  are  being  sheltered  upon  the  out- 
skirts of  your  camp,  as  you  will  see  by  the  orders  for  their  employment  sent  you  by 
the  assistant  adjutant-general. 

"  I  will  send  your  application  to  the  president,  but  in  the  mean  time  you  must  de- 
sist from  the  formation  of  any  negro  military  organization. 

"I  am  your  obedient  servant, 
"BENJ.  F.  BUTLER,  Major-General  Commanding. 

"Brigadier-General  PHELPS,  commanding  forces  at  Camp  Parapet." 

General  Phelps'  resignation  was  accepted  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. He  received  notification  of  the  fact  on  the  8th 
of  September  and  immediately  prepared  to  return  to  his 
farm  in  Vermont.  In  parting  with  his  officers,  who  were, 
like  his  soldiers,  much  attached  to  him,  he  said:  "And 
now,  with  earnest  wishes  for  your  welfare,  and  aspirations 
for  the  success  of  the  great  cause  for  which  you  are  here,  I 
bid  you  good-bye."  Says  Parton : 


194  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"When  at  length,  the  government  had  arrived  at  a  negro  policy,  and  was  arming 
slaves,  the  president  offered  General  Phelps  a  major-general's  commission.  He  replied, 
it  is  said,  that  he  would  willingly  accept  the  commission  if  it  were  dated  back  to  the 
day  of  his  resignation,  so  as  to  carry  with  it  an  approval  of  his  course  at  Camp  Para- 
pet. This  was  declined,  and  General  Phelps  remains  in  retirement.  I  suppose  the  presi- 
dent felt  that  an  indorsement  of  General  Phelps'  conduct  would  imply  a  censure  of 
General  Butler,  whose  conduct  every  candid  person,  I  think,  must  admit,  was  just,  for- 
Ijearing,  magnanimous." 

General  Butler  was  carrying  out  the  policy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment at  that  time,  but  it  was  not  long  before  he  found 
it  necessary  to  inaugurate  a  policy  of  his  own  for  the 
safety  of  his  command.  On  the  5th  of  August  Brecken- 
ridge  assaulted  Baton  Kouge,  the  capital  of  the  State, 
which  firmly  convinced  General  Butler  of  the  necessity  of 
raising  troops  to  defend  New  Orleans.  He  had  somewhat 
realized  his  situation  in  July  and  appealed  to  the  "home 
authorities "  for  reinforcements,  but  none  could  be  sent. 
Still,  the  Secretary  of  War  said  to  him,  in  reply  to  his 
application :  "  New  Orleans  must  be  held  at  all  hazards." 

With  New  Orleans  threatened  and  no  hope  of  rein- 
forcement, General  Butler,  on  the  22d  day  of  August,  be- 
fore General  Phelps  had  retired  to  private  life,  was  obliged 
to  accept  the  policy  of  arming  negroes.  He  issued  the  fol- 
lowing order : 

"HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 

GENERAL  ORDERS  "NEW  ORLEANS,  August  22,  1862. 

NO.  63. 

"Whereas  on  the  23d  day  of  April,  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-one,  at  a 
public  meeting  of  the  free  colored  population  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans, 'a  military 
organization,  known  as  the  "Native  Guards  "(colored,)  had  its  existence,  which  mili- 
tary organization  was  duly  and  legally  enrolled  as  a  part  of  the  militia  of  the  State, 
its  officers  being  commissioned  by  Thomas  O.  Moore,  Governor  and  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  militia  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  in  the  form  following,  that  is  to  say : 

"'THE  STATE  OF  LOUISIANA. 

[Seal  of  the  State.] 

'"By  Thomas  Overtoil  Moore,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  militia  thereof. 

"'In  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Louisiana:    Know  ye  that 

,  having  been  duly  and  legally  elected  captain  of  the  "  Native  Guards  " 

(colored,)  1st  division  of  the  Militia  of  Louisiana,  to  serve  for  the  term  of  the  war, 

" '  I  do  hereby  appoint  and  commission  him  captain  as  aforesaid,  to  take  rank  as 
euch,  from  the  2d  day  of  May,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-one. 

" '  He  is,  therefore,  carefully  and  dilligently  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office  by 
doing  and  performing  all  manner  of  things  thereto  belonging.  And  I  do  strictly  charge 
and  require  all  officers,  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  under  his  command, 
to  be  obedient  to  his  orders  as  captain ;  and  he  is  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders 
and  directions,  from  time  to  time,  as  he  shall  receive  from  me,  or  the  future  Governor 
of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  or  other  superior  officers,  according  to  the  Rules  and  Arti- 
cles of  War,  and  in  conformity  to  law. 

"  'In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  these  letters  to  be  made  patent,  and  the  seal 
of  the  State  to  be  hereunto  annexed. 

" '  Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  city  of  Baton  Rouge,  on  the  second  day  of  May,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one. 

[L.S.]  [Signed,]  THOS.  O.  MOORE. 

" '  By  the  Governor : 

[Signed,]  " 'P.  D.  Hardy,  Secretary  of  State. 

[Endorsed.] 

"'I,  Maurice  Grivot,  Adjutant  and  Inspector  General  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  do 
hereby  certify  that ,  named  in  the  within  commission,  did,  on  the  sec- 
ond day  of  May,  in  the  year  1861,  deposit  in  my  office  his  written  acceptance  of  the 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  195 

office  to  which  he  is  commissioned,  and  his  oath  of  office  taken  according  to  law. 

[Signed,]  '"M.GRivoT, 

"  'Adjutant  and  Inspector  General,  La.' 

"  And  whereas,  said  military  organization  elicited  praise  and  respect,  and  was  com- 
plimented in  General  Orders  for  its  patriotism  and  loyalty,  and  was  ordered  to  con- 
tinue during  the  war,  in  the  words  following  : 

'"HEADQUARTERS   LOUISIANA  MlLITIA, 

"  '  Order  No.  426.]  "  'Adjutant  General's  Office,  March  24,  1862. 

'"I.— The  Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief,  relying  implicitly  upon  the  loyalty  of 
the  free  colored  population  of  the  city  and  State  for  the  protection  of  their  homes, 
their  property,  and  for  Southern  rights,  from  the  pollution  of  a  ruthless  invader,  and 
believing  that  the  military  organization  which  existed  prior  to  the  15th  of  February, 
1862,  and  elicited  praise  and  respect  for  the  patriotic  motives  which  prompted  it, 
should  exist,  for  and  during  the  war,  calls  upon  them  to  maintain  their  organization, 
and  to  hold  themselves  prepared  for  such  orders  as  may  be  transmitted  to  them. 

" '  II. — The  colonel  commanding  will  report  without  delay  to  Major  General  Lewis, 
commanding  State  militia. 

'"By  order  of  THOS.  O.  MOORE,  Governor. 

[Signed,]  "  <M.  GH  i  VOT,  Adjutant  General.' 

"  And  whereas,  said  military  organization,  by  the  same  order,  was  directed  to  re- 
port to  Major-General  Lewis  for  service,  but  did  not  leave  the  city  of  New  Orleans 
when  he  did : 

"Now,  therefore,  the  Commanding  General,  believing  that  a  large  portion  of  this 
militia  force  of  the  State  of  Louisiana  are  willing  to  take  service  in  the  volunteer 
forces  of  the  United  States,  and  be  enrolled  and  organized  to  '  defend  their  homes  from 
•ruthless  invaders;'  to  protect  their  wives  and  children  and  kindred  from  wrong  and 
outrage;  to  shield  their  property  from  being  seized  by  bad  men;  and  to  defend  the 
flag  of  their  native  country  as  their  fathers  did  under  Jackson  at  Chalmette  against 
Packenham  and  his  myrmidons,  carrying  the  black  flag  of  'beauty  and  booty:' 

"Appreciating  their  motives,  relying  upon  their  'well-known  loyalty  and  patriot- 
ism,'and  with 'praise  and  respect 'for  these  brave  men — it  is  ordered  that  all  the 
members  of  the  '  Native  Guards '  aforesaid,  and  all  other  free  colored  citizens  recog- 
nized by  the  first  and  late  governor  and  authorities  of  the  State  of  Louisiana  as  a  por- 
tion of  the  militia  of  the  State,  who  shall  enlist  in  the  volunteer  service  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  duly  organized  by  the  appointment  of  proper  officers,  and  accepted, 
paid,  equipped,  armed  and  rationed  as  are  other  volunteer  troops  of  the  United  States, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  All  such  persons  are 
required  at  once  to  report  themselves  at  the  Touro  Charity  Building,  Front  Levee  St., 
New  Orleans,  where  proper  officers  will  muster  them  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States. 

By  command  of  Major  General  Butler: 

K.  S.  DAVIS,  Capt.  and  A.  A.  A.  G." 

Notwithstanding  the  harsh  treatment  they  had  been 
receiving  from  Military-Governor  Shepley  and  the  Pro- 
vost Guard,  the  rendezvous  designated  was  the  scene  of  a 
busy  throng  the  next  day.  Thousands  of  men  were  enlis- 
ted during  the  first  week,  and  in  fourteen  days  a  regi- 
ment was  organized.  The  first  regiment's  line  officers  were 
colored,  and  the  field  officers  were  white.  Those  who 
made  up  this  regiment  were  not  all  free  negroes  by  more 
than  half.  Any  negro  who  would  swear  that  he  was  free, 
if  physically  good,  was  accepted,  and  of  the  many  thou- 
sand slave  fugitives  in  the  city  from  distant  plantations, 
hundreds  found  their  way  into  Touro  building  and  ulti- 
mately into  the  ranks  of  the  three  regiments  formed  at 
that  building.  The  second,  like  the  first,  had  all  colored 
line  officers;  the  third  was  officered  regardless  of  color. 
This  was  going  beyond  the  line  laid  down  by  General 
Phelps.  He  proposed  that  white  men  should  take  com- 

10 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

mand  of  these  troops  exclusively.  By  November  these 
three  regiments  were  in  the  field,  where  in  course  of  time 
they  often  met  their  former  masters  face  to  face  and  ex- 
changed shots  with  them.  The  pro-slavery  men  of  the 
North  and  their  newspapers  endeavored  to  make  the  sol- 
diers in  the  field  believe  that  the  negroes  would  not  fight ; 
while  not  only  the  papers  and  the  soldiers,  but  many  offi- 
cers, especially  those  from  the  West  Point  Academy,  de- 
nounced General  Butler  for  organizing  the  regiments.  Gen- 
eral Weitzel,  to  whose  command  these  regiments  were 
assigned  in  an  expedition  up  the  river,  objected  to  them, 
and  asked  Butler  to  relieve  him  of  the  command  of  the 
expedition.  Butler  wrote  him  in  reply : 

"You  say  that  in  these  organizations  you  have  no  confidence.  As  your  reading? 
must  have  made  you  aware,  General  Jackson  entertained  a  different  opinion  upon  that 
subject.  It  was  arranged  between  the  commanding  general  and  yourself,  that  the  col- 
ored regiments  should  be  employed  iu  guarding  the  railroad.  You  don't  complain,  in 
your  report,  that  they  either  tailed  in  this  duty,  or  that  they  have  acted  otherwise  than 
correctly  and  obediently  to  the  commands  of  their  officers,  or  that  they  have  commit- 
ted any  outrage  or  pillage  upon  the  inhabitants.  The  general  was  aware  of  your  opin- 
ion, that  colored  men  will  not  fight.  You  have  failed  to  show,  by  the  conduct  of  these 
free  men,  so  far,  anything  to  sustain  that  opinion.  And  the  general  cannot  see  whj 
you  should  decline  the  command,  especially  as  you  express  a  willingness  to  go  forward 
to  meet  the  only  organized  enemy  with  your  brigade  alone,  without  farther  support. 
The  commanding  general  cannot  see  how  the  fact  that  they  are  guarding  your  line  of 
communication  by  railroad,  can  weaken  your  defense.  He  must,  therefore,  look  to  the 
other  reasons  stated  by  you,  for  an  explanation  of  your  declining  the  command. 

"You  say  that  since  the  arrival  of  the  negro  regiment  you  have  seen  symptoms  of 
a  servile  insurrection.  But  as  the  only  regiment  that  arrived  there  got  there  as  soon 
as  your  own  command,  of  course  the  appearance  of  such  symptoms  is  since  their 
arrival. 

"Have  you  not  mistaken  the  cause?  Is  it  the  arrival  of  a  negro  regiment,  or  is  it 
the  arrival  of  United  States  troops,  carrying  by  the  act  of  congress  freedom  to  this 
servile  race?  Did  you  expect  to  march  into  that  country,  drained,  as  you  say  it  is,  by 
conscription  of  all  its  able-bodied  white  men,  without  leaving  the  negroes  free  to 
show  symptoms  of  servile  insurrection?  Does  not  this  state  of  things  arise  from  the 
very  fact  of  war  itself?  You  are  in  a  country  where  now  the  negroes  outnumber  the 
whites  ten  to  one,  and  these  whites  are  in  rebellion  against  the  government,  or  iu  ter- 
ror seeking  its  protection.  Upon  reflection,  can  you  doubt  that  the  same  state  of 
things  would  have  arisen  without  the  presence  of  a  colored  regiment?  Did  you  not  see 
symptoms  of  the  same  things  upon  the  plantations  here  upon  our  arrival,  although 
under  much  less  favorable  circumstances  for  revolt? 

"  You  say  that  the  prospect  of  such  an  insurrection  is  T  art-rending,  and  that  you 
cannot  be  responsible  for  it.  The  responsibility  rests  upon  those  who  have  begun  and 
carried  out  this  war,  and  who  have  stopped  at  no  barbarity,  at  no  act  of  outrage, 
upon  the  citizens  and  soldiers  of  the  United  States.  You  have  forwarded  me  the  rec- 
ords of  a  pretended  court-martial,  showing  that  seven  men  of  one  of  your  regiments, 
who  enlisted  here  in  the  Eighth  Vermont,  who  had  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of 
war,  were  m  cold  blood  murdered,  and,  as  certain  information  shows  me,  required  to 
dig  their  own  graves!  You  are  asked  if  this  is  not  an  occurrence  as  heart-rending  as  a 
prospective  servile  insurrection. 

The  question  is  now  to  be  met,  whether,  in  a  hostile,  rebellious  part  of  the  state, 
}  S4lVery  murder  has  been  committed  by  the  militia,  you  are  to  stop  in  the  opera- 

s i  ot  the  field  to  put  down  servile  insurrection,  because  the  men  and  women  are  ter- 

ricken?    "Whenever  was  it  heard  before  that  a  victorious  general,  in  an  unsurren- 

l  province,  stopped  in  his  course  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  rebellious  inhabi- 

J8  of  that  province  from  destroying  each  other,  or  refuse  to  take  command  of  a  con- 
quered province  lest  he  should  be  made  responsible  for  their  self-destruction  ? 

'  As  a  military  question,  perhaps,  the  more  terror-stricken  the  inhabitants  are  that 
are  left  in  your  rear,  the  more  safe  will  be  your  lines  of  communication.  You  say  there 
nave  appeared  before  your  eyes  the  very  facts,  in  terror-stricken  women  and  children 
and  men,  which  you  had  before  contemplated  in  theory.  Grant  it.  But  is  not  the 
remedy  to  be  found  in  the  surrender  of  the  neighbors,  fathers,  brothers,  a.nd  sons  of 
the  terror-stricken  women  and  children,  who  are  now  in  arms  against  the  government 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  199 

within  twenty  'miles  of  you?  And  when  that  is  done,  and  you  have  no  longer  to  fear 
from  these  organized  forces,  and  they  have  returned  peaceably  to  their  homes,  you 
will  be  able  to  use  the  full  power  of  your  troops  to  insure  your  safety  from  the  so 
much  feared  (by  them,  not  by  you)  servile  insurrection. 

"If  you  desire,  you  can  send  a  flag  of  truce  to  the  commander  of  these  forces,  em- 
bracing these  views,  and  placing  upon  him  the  responsibility  which  belongs  to  him. 
Even  that  course  will  not  remove  it  from  you,  for  upon  you  it  has  never  rested.  Say  to 
them,  that  if  all  armed  opposition  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States  shall  cease  in 
Louisiana,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  you  are  authorized  by  the  commanding  gen- 
eral to  say,  that  the  same  protection  against  negro  or  other  violence  will  be  afforded 
that  part  of  Louisiana  that  has  been  in  the  part  already  in  the  possession  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  If  that  is  refused,  whatever  may  ensue  is  upon  them,  and  not  upon  you  or 
upon  the  United  States.  You  will  have  done  all  that  is  required  of  a  brave,  humane 
man,  to  avert  from  these  deluded  people  the  horrible  consequences  of  their  insane  war 
upon  the  government.  *  *  *  * 

"Consider  this  case.  General  Bragg  is  at  liberty  to  ravage  the  houses  of  pur  breth- 
ren of  Kentucky  because  the  Union  army  of  Louisiana  are  protecting  his  wife  and  his 
home  against  his  negroes.  Without  that  protection  he  would  have  to  come  back  to 
take  care  of  his  wife,  his  home  and  his  negroes.  It  is  understood  that  Mrs.  Bragg  is 
one  of  the  terrified  momen  of  whom  you  speak  in  your  report. 

"This  subject  is  not  Ifor  the  first  time  under  the  consideration  of  the  commanding 
general.  When  in  command  of  the  Department  of  Annapolis,  in  May,  1861,  he  was 
asked  to  protect  a  community  against  the  consequences  of  a  servile  insurrection.  He 
replied,  that  when  that  community  laid  down  its  arms,  and  called  upon  him  for  pro- 
tection, he  would  give  it,  because  from  that  moment  between  them  and  him  war  would 
cease.  The  same  principle  initiated  there  will  govern  his  and  your  actions  now ;  and 
you  will  afford  such  protection  as  soon  as  the  community  through  its  organized 
rulers  shall  a,sk  it. 

"  *  *  »  #  jn  fjjg  mean  time,  these  colored  regiments  of  free  men,  raised  by  the 
authority  of  the  president,  a,nd  approved  by  him  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army,  must  be  commanded  by  the  officers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  like  any 
other  regiment." 

General  Butler  continued  General  Weitzel  in  command 
but  placed  the  negroes  under  another  officer.  However, 
General  Weitzel,  like  thousands  of  others,  changed  his 
mind  in  regard  to  the  colored  troops.  "If  he  was  not  con- 
vinced by  General  Butler's  reasoning/'  says  Parton,  "he 
must  have  been  convinced  by  what  he  saw  of  the  conduct 
of  those  very  colored  regiments  at  Port  Hudson,  where  he 
himself  gave  such  a  glorious  example  of  prudence  and 
gallantry." 

Notwithstanding  these  troops  did  good  service,  it  did 
not  soften  or  remove  very  much  of  the  prejudice  at  the 
North  against  the  negro  soldiers,  nor  in  the  ranks  of  the 
army.  Many  incidents  might  be  cited  to  show  the  feeling 
of  bitterness  against  them.*  However,  General  Butler's 
example  was  followed  very  soon  by  every  officer  in  com- 
mand, and  by  the  time  the  President's  Emancipation 
Proclamation  was  issued  there  were  not  less  than  10,000 
negroes  armed  and  equipped  along  the  Mississippi  river. 
Of  course  the  Government  knew  nothing  of  this.(?)  Not 


*  In  November,  while  the  2nd  Regiment  was  guardingthe  Opelousas  railway,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Algiers,  La.,  their  pickets  were  fired  upon,  and  quite  a  skirmish  and 
firing  was  kept  up  during  the  night.  Next  morning  the  cane  field  along  the  railroad 
was  searched  but  no  trace  of  the  firing  party  was  found.  A  company  of  the  8th  Ver- 
mont (white)  Regiment  was  encamped  below  that  of  the  2nd  Regiment,  but  they  broke 
camp  that  night  and  left.  The  supposition  was  that  it  was  this  company  who  fired 
upon  and  drove  in  the  pickets  of  the  Phalanx  regiment. 


200  HlSTOKY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

only  armed,  but  some  of  them  had  been  in  skirmishes  with 
the  enemy.  That  as  a  Phalanx  they  were  invaluable  in 
crushing  the  rebellion,  let  their  acts  of  heroism  tell.  In 
the  light  of  history  and  of  their  own  deeds,  it  can  be  said 
that  in  courage,  patriotism  and  dash,  they  were  second  to 
no  troops,  either  in  ancient  or  modern  armies.  They  were 
enlisted  after  rigid  scrutiny,  and  the  examination  of  every 
man  by  competent  surgeons.  Their  acquaintance  with 
the  country  in  \vhich  they  marched,  encamped  and  fought, 
made  them  in  many  instances  superior  to  the  white 
troops.  Then  to  strengthen  their  valor  and  tenacity,  each 
soldier  of  the  Phalanx  knew  when  he  heard  the  long  roll 
beat  to  arms,  and  the  bugle  sound  the  charge,  that  they 
were  not  to  go  forth  to  meet  those  who  regarded  them  as 
opponents  in  arms,  but  who  met  them  as  a  man  in  his  last 
n  desperate  effort  for  life  would  meet  demons;  they  knew, 
also,  that  there  was  no  reservje — no  reinforcements  behind 
to  support  them  when  they  went  to  battle ;  their  alterna- 
,  tive  was  life  or  death.  It  was  the  consciousness  of  this 
fact  that  made  the  black  phalanx  a  wall  of  adamant  to 
the  enemy. 

The  not  unnatural  willingness  of  the  white  soldiers  to 
allow  the  negro  troops  to  stop  the  bullets  that  they  would 
otherwise  have  to  receive  was  shown  in  General  Bank's 
Ked  Kiver  Campaign.  At  Pleasant  Grove,  Dickey's  black 
brigade  prevented  a  slaughter  of  the  Union  troops.  The 
black  Phalanx  were  represented  there  by  a  brigade  at- 
tached to  the  first  division  of  the  19th  Corps.  When  the 
confederates  routed  the  army  under  Banks  at  Sabine  Cross 
Koads,  below  Mansfield,  they  drove  it  for  several  hours 
toward  Pleasant  Grove,  despite  the  ardor  of  the  combined 
forces  of  Banks  and  Franklin.  It  became  apparent  that  un- 
less the  confederates  could  be  checked  at  this  point,  all  was 
lost.  General  Emory  prepared  for  the  emergency  on  the 
western  edge  of  a  wood,  with  an  open  field  sloping  toward 
Mansfield.  Here  General  Dwight  formed  a  brigade  of  the 
black  Phalanx  across  the  road.  Hardly  was  the  line 
formed  when  out  came  the  gallant  foe  driving  10,000  men 
before  them.  Flushed  with  two  days'  victory,  they  came 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  203 

charging  at  double  quick  time,  but  the  Phalanx  held  its 
fire  until  the  enemy  was  close  upon  them,  and  then  poured 
a  deadly  volley  into  the  ranks  of  the  exultant  foe,  stop- 
ping them  short  and  mowing  them  down  like  grass.  The 
confederates  recoiled,  and  now  began  a  fight  such  as  was 
always  fought  when  the  Southerners  became  aware  that 
black  soldiers  were  in  front  of  them,  and  for  an  hour  and  a 
half  they  fought  at  close  quarters,  ceasing  only  at  night. 
Every  charge  of  the  enemy  was  repulsed  by  the  steady  gal- 
lantry of  General  Emory's  brigade  and  the  black  Phalanx, 
who  saved  the  army  from  annihilation  against  a  foe  num- 
bering three  to  one.  During  this  memorable  campaign  the 
Phalanx  more  than  once  met  the  enemy  and  accepted  the 
face  of  their  black  flag  declarations.  The  confederates  ? 
knew  full  well  that  every  man  of  the  Phalanx  would  fight  j 
to  the  last ;  they  had  learned  that  long  before. 

As  early  as  June,  1863,  General  Grant  was  compelled, 
in  order  to  show  a  bold  front  to  Gens.  Pemberton  and 
Johnston  at  the  same  time,  while  besieging  Vicksburg,  to 
draw  nearly  all  the  troops  from  ^Millik  en's  Bend)  to  his 
support,  leaving  three  infantry  regiments  of  the  black 
Phalanx  and  a  small  force  of  white  cavalry  to  hold  this,  to 
him  an  all  important  post.  Milliken's  Bend  was  well  forti- 
fied, and  with  a  proper  garrison  was  in  condition  to  stand 
a  siege.  Brigadier-General  Dennis  was  in  command,  and 
the  troops  consisted  of  the  9th  and  llth  Louisiana  Kegi- 
ments,the  1st  Mississippi  and  a  small  detachment  of  white 
cavalry,  in  all  about  1,400  men,  raw  recruits.  General 
Dennis  looking  upon  the  place  more  as  a  station  for 
organizing  and  drilling  the  Phalanx,  had  made  no  partic- 
ular arrangements  in  anticipation  of  an  attack.  He  was 
surprised,  therefore,  when  a  force  of  3,000  men,  under 
General  Henry  McCulloch,  from  the  interior  of  Louisiana, 
attacked  and  drove  his  pickets  and  two  companies  of  the 
23d  Iowa  Cavalry,  (white)  up  to  the  breastworks  of  the 
Bend.  The  movement  was  successful,  however,  and  the 
confederates,  holding  the  groimd,  rested  for  the  night,  with 
the  expectation  of  marching  into  the  fortifications  in  the 
morning,  to  begin  a  massacre,  whether  a  resistance  should 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

be  shown  them  or  not.  The  knowledge  this  little  garri- 
son had  of  what  the  morrow  would  bring  it,  doubtless 
kept  the  soldiers  awake,  preparing  to  meet  the  enemy  and 
their  own  fate.  About  3  o'clock,  in  the  early  grey  of  the 
morning,  the  confederate  line  was  formed  just  outside  of  the 
intrenchments;  suddenly  with  fixed  bayonets  the  men  came 
rushing  over  the  works,  driving  everything  before  them 
and  shouting,  "No  quarter!  No  quarter  to  negroes  or 
their  officers!"  In  a  moment  the  blacks  formed  and 
met  them,  and  now  the  battle  began  in  earnest,  hand  to 
hand.  The  gunboats  "Choctaw"  and  "  Lexington  "  also 
came  up  as  the  confederates  were  receiving  the  bayonets 
and  the  bullets  of  the  Unionists,  and  lent  material  assist- 
ance. The  attacking  force  had  flanked  the  works  and 
was  pouring  in  a  deadly,  enfilading  musketry  fire.  The 
defenders  fell  back  out  of  the  way  of  the  gunboat's  shells, 
but  finally  went  forward  again  with  what  was  left  of  their 
150  white  allies,  and  drove  the  enemy  before  them  and 
out  of  the  captured  works.  One  division  of  the  enemy's 
troops  hesitated  to  leave  a  redoubt,  v.  hen  a  company  of 
brave  black  men  dashed  forward  at  double-quick  time  and 
engaged  them.  The  enemy  stood  his  ground,  and  soon 
the  rattling  bayonets  rang  out  amid  the  thunders  of  the 
gunboats  and  the  shouts  of  enraged  men ;  but  they  were 
finally  driven  out,  and  their  ranks  thinned  by  the  "Choc- 
taw"  as  they  went  over  the  works.  The  news  reached 
General  Grant  and  he  immediately  dispatched  General 
Mower's  brigade  with  orders  to  re-enforce  Dennis  and 
drive  the  confederates  beyond  the  Tensas  river. 

A  battle  can  be  best  described  by  one  who  observed  it. 
Captain  Miller,  who  not  only  was  an  eye-witness,  but  par- 
ticipated in  the  Milliken's  Bend  fight,  writes  as  follows : 

"We  were  attacked  here  on  June  7,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  by  a  brig- 
ade of  Texas  troops,  about  two  thotisand  five  hundred  in  number.  We  had  about  six 
hundred  men  to  withstand  them,  five  hundred  of  them  negroes.  I  commanded  Com- 
pany I,  Ninth  Louisiana.  We  went  into  the  fight  with  thirty-three  men.  I  had  sixteen 
killed,  eleven  badly  wounded,  and  four  slightly.  I  was  wounded  slightly  on  the  head, 
near  the  right  eye,  with  a  bayonet,  and  had  a  bayonet  run  through  my  right  hand, 
near  the  forefinger;  that  will  account  for  this  miserable  style  of  penmanship. 

"Our  regiments  had  about  three  hundred  men  in  the  fight.  We  had  one  colonel 
•wounded,  four  captains  wounded,  two  first  and  two  second  lieutenants  killed,  five  lieu- 
tenants wounded,  and  three  white  orderlies  killed,  and  one  wounded  in  the  hand,  and 
two  fingers  taken  off.  The  list  of  killed  and  wounded  officers  comprised  nearly  all  the 
officers  present  with  the  regiment,  a  majority  of  the  rest  being  absent  recruiting. 

''We  had  about  fifty  men  killed  in  the  regfrnent  and  eighty  wounded;  so  you  can 
judge  of  what  part  of  the  fight  my  company  sustained.  I  never  felt  more  grieved  and 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  207 


sick  at  heart,  than  when  I  saw  how  my  brave  soldiers  had  been  slaughtered, — one  with 
six  wounds,  all  the  rest  with  two  or  three,  none  less  than  two  wounds.  Two  of  ray  col- 
ored sergeants  were  killed ;  both  brave,  noble  men,  always  prompt,  vigilant,  and  ready 
for  the  fray.  I  never  more  wish  to  hear  the  expression,  '  The  niggers  wont  tight.' 
Come  with  me,  a  hundred  yards  from  where  I  sit,  and  I  can  show  you  the  wounds  that 
cover  the  bodies  of  sixteen  as  brave,  loyal,  and  patriotic  soldiers  as  ever  drew  bead  on 
a  rebel. 

"The  enemy  charged  us  so  close  that  we  fought  with  our  bayonets,  hand  to  hand. 
I  have  six  broken  bayonets  to  show  how  bravely  my  men  fought.  The  Twenty-third 
Iowa  joined  my  company  on  the  right;"  and  I  declare  truthfully  that  they  had  all  fled 
before  our  regiment  fell  back,  as  we  were  all  compelled  to  do. 

"Under  command  of  Col.  Page,  lied  the  Ninth  and  Eleventh  Ijouisiana  when  the 
rifle-pits  were  retaken  and  held  by  our  troops,  our  two  regiments  doing  the  work. 

"  I  narrowly  escaped  death  once.  A  rebel  took  deliberate  aim  at  me  with  both  bar 
rels  of  his  gun  ;  and  the  bullets  passed  so  close  to  me  that  the  powder  that  remained  OB 
them  burnt  my  cheek.  Three  of  my  men,  who  saw  him  aim  and  fire,  thought  that  b'* 
•wounded  me  each  fire;  One  of  them  was  killed  bv  my  side,  and  he  fell  on  me,  covering 
my  clothes  with  his  blood ;  and,  before  the  rebeM,-ould  fire  again,  I  blew  his  brains  out 
with  my  gun. 

"  It  was  a  horrible  fight,  the  worst  I  was  ever  engaged  in,— not  even  excepting  Shi- 
loh.  The  enemy  cried,  '  No  quarter ! '  but  some  of  them  were  very  glad  to  take  it  when 
made  prisoners. 

"Col.  Allen,  of  the  Sixteenth  Texas,  was  killed  in  front  of  our  regiment,  and  Brig.- 
Gen.  Walker  was  wounded.  We  killed  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  of  the  enemy. 
The  gunboat  "Choctaw"  did  good  service  shelling  them.  I  stood  on  the  breastworks 
after  we  took  them,  and  gave  the  elevations  and  direction  for  the  gunboat  by  pointing 
my  sword;  and  they  sent  a  shell  right  into  their  midst,  which  sent  them  in  all  directions. 
Three  shells  fell  there,  and  sixty -two  rebels  lay  there  when  the  fight  was  over. 

"This  battle  satisfied  the  slave-masters  of  the  South  that  their  charm  was  gone; 
and  that  the  negro  as  a  slave,  was  lost  forever.  Yet  there  was  one  fact  connected  with 
the  battle  of  Milliken's  Bend  which  will  descend  to  posterity,  as  testimony  against  the 
humanity  of  slave-holders;  and  that  is,  that  no  negro  was  ever  found  alive  that  was 
taken  a  prisoner  by  the  rebels  in  this  tight." 

The  Department  of  the  Gulf  contained  a  far  greater 
proportion  of  the  Phalanx  than  did  any  other  Depart- 
ment, and  there  were  very  few,  if  any,  important  engage- 
ments fought  in  this*  Department  in  which  the  Phalanx 
did  not  take  part. 

It  is  unpleasant  here,  in  view  of  the  valuable  services 
rendered  by  the  Phalanx,  to  be  obliged  to  record  that  the 
black  soldiers  were  subjected  to  many  indignities,  and  suf- 
fered much  at  the  hands  of  their  white  fellow  comrades  in 
arms.  Repeated  assaults  and  outrages  were  committed 
upon  black  men  wearing  the  United  States'  uniform,  not 
only  by  volunteers  but  conscripts  froni  the  various  States, 
and  frequently  by  confederate  prisoners  who  had  been  pa- 
roled by  the  United  States;  these  outrages  were  allowed  to 
take  place,  without  interference  by  the  commanding  offi- 
cers, who  apparently  did  not  observe  what  was  going  on. 

At  Ship  Island,  Miss.,  there  were  three  companies  of 
the  13th  Maine,  General  Neal  Dow's  old  regiment,  and 
seven  companies  of  the  2nd  Regiment  Phalanx,  comman- 
ded by  Colonel  Daniels,  which  constituted  the  garrison  at 
that  point.  Ship  Island  was  the  key  to  New  Orleans.  On 


208  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  opposite  shore  was  a  railroad  leading  to  Mobile  by 
which  re-enforcements  were  going  forward  to  Charleston. 
Colonel  Daniels  conceived  the  idea  of  destroying  the  road 
to  prevent  the  transportation  of  the  confederate  troops. 
Accordingly,  with  about  two  hundred  men  he  landed  at 
Pascagoula,  on  the  morning  of  tha  9th  of  April.  Pickets 
were  immediately  posted  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town, 
while  the  main  body  marched  up  to  the  hotel.  Before  long 
some  confederate  cavalry,  having  been  apprised  of  the 
movement,  advanced,  drove  in  the  pickets,  and  com- 
menced an  attack  on  the  force  occupying  the  town.  The 
cavalry  made  a  bold  dash  upon  the  left  of  the  negroes, 
which  was  the  work  of  but  a  moment ;  the  brave  blacks 
met  their  charge  manfully,  and  emptied  the  saddles  of  the 
front  rank,  which  caused  the  rear  ones  first  to  halt  and 
then  retire.  The  blacks  were  outnumbered,  however,  five 
to  one,  and  finally  were  forced  to  abandon  the  town; 
they  went,  taking  with  them  the  stars  and  stripes  which 
they  had  hoisted  upon  the  hotel  when  entering  it.  They 
fell  back  towards  the  river  to  give  the  gunboat  "Jackson'* 
a  chance  to  shell  their  pursuers,  but  the  movement  re- 
sulted in  an  apparently  revengeful  act  on  the  part  of  the 
crew  of  that  vessel,  they  having  previously  had  some  of 
their  number  killed  in  the  course  of  a  difficulty  with  a 
black  sentry  at  Ship  Island. 

The  commanding  officer  of  the  land  force,  doubtless 
from  prudential  reasons,  omitted  to  state  in  his  report 
that  the  men  fought  their  way  through  the  town  while 
being  fired  upon  from  house-tops  and  windows  by  boys 
and  women.  That  the  gunboat  opened  fire  directly  on 
them  when  they  were  engaged  in  a  hand  to  hand  conflict, 
which  so  completely  cut  off  a  number  of  the  men  from  the 
main  body  of  the  troops  that  their  capture  appeared  cer- 
tain. Major  Dumas,  however,  seeing  the  condition  of 
things,  put  spurs  to  his  horse  and  went  to  their  succor, 
reaching  them  just  as  a  company  of  the  enemy's  cavalry 
made  a  charge.  The  Major,  placing  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  hard-pressed  men,  not  only  repulsed  the  cavalry 
and  rescued  the  squad,  but  captured  the  enemy's  stand- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  211 

ard-bearer.  The  retreating  force  reached  their  transport 
with  the  loss  of  only  one  man ;  they  brought  with  them 
some  prisoners  and  captured  flags.  Colonel  Daniels,  in 
his  report,  speaks  as  follows  of  the  heroism  of  the  soldiers : 

****** 

"The  expedition  was  a  perfect  success,  accomplishing  all  that  was  intended ;  result- 
ing in  the  repulse  of  the  enemy  in  every  engagement  with  great  loss ;  whilst  our  casualty 
was  only  two  killed  and  eight  wounded.  Great  credit  is  due  to  the  troops  engaged,  for 
their  unflinching  bravery  and  steadiness  under  this  their  first  fire,  exchanging  volley 
after  volley  with  the  coolness  of  veterans ;  and  for  their  determined  tenacity  in  main- 
taining their  position,  and  taking  advantage  of  every  success  that  their  courage  and 
valor  gave  them ;  and  also  to  their  officers,  who  were  cool  and  determined  throughout 
the  action,  fighting  their  commands  against  five  times  their  numbers,  and  confident 
throughout  of  success,— all  demonstrating  to  its  fullest  extent  that  the  oppres- 
sion which  they  have  heretofore  undergone  from  the  hands  of  their  foes,  and  the  oblo- 
quy that  had  been  showered  upon  them  by  those  who  should  have  been  friends,  had 
not  extinguished  their  manhood,  or  suppressed  their  bravery,  and  that  they  had  still  a 
band  to  wield  the  sword,  and  a  heart  to  vitalize  its  blow. 

"I  would  particularly  call  the  attention  of  the  Department  to  Major  F.  E.  Dumas, 
Capt.  Villeverd,  and  Lieuts.  Jones  and  Martin,  who  were  constantly  in  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  and  by  their  unflinching  bravery,  and  admirable  handling  of  their  com- 
mands, contributed  to  the  success  of  the  attack,  and  reflected  great  honor  upon  the 
flag  under  and  Tor  which  they  so  nobly  struggled.  Repeated  instances  of  individual 
bravery  among  the  troops  Imight  be  mentioned ;  but  it  would  be  .invidious  where  all 
fought  so  manfully  and  so  well. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  most  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"N.  U.  DANIELS, 
"Co].  Second  Regiment  La.  N.  G.  Vols.,  Commanding  Post. 

The  2nd  Eegiment,  with  the  exception  of  the  Colonel, 
Lieut. -Colonel  and  Adjutant,  was  officered  by  negroes, 
many  of  whom  had  worn  the  galling  chains  of  slavery, 
while  others  were  men  of  affluence  and  culture  from  New 
Orleans  and  vicinity. 

The  2nd  Regiment  had  its  full  share  of  prejudice  to 
contend  with,  and  perhaps  suffered  more  from  that  cause 
than  any  other  regiment  of  the  Phalanx.  Once  while  load- 
ing transports  at  Algiers,  preparatory  to  embarking  for 
Ship  Island,  they  came  in  contact  with  a  section  of  the 
famous  Nina's  battery,  rated  as  one  of  the  finest  in  the  ser- 
vice. The  arms  of  the  2nd  Regiment  were  stacked  and 
the  men  were  busy  in  loading  the  vessel,  save  a  few  who 
were  doing  guard  duty  over  the  ammunition  stored  in  a 
shed  on  the  wharf.  One  of  the  battery-men  attempted  to 
enter  the  shed  with  a,  lighted  pipe  in  his  mouth,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  guard.  It  was  more  than  the  Celt  could 
stand  to  be  ordered  by  a  negro;  watching  for  a  chance 
when  the  guard  about-faced,  he  with  several  others  sprang 
upon  him.  The  guard  gave  the  Phalanx  signal,  and  in- 
stantly hundreds  of  black  men  secured  their  arms  arid 
rushed  to  the  relief  of  their  comrade.  The  battery-men 


212  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

jumped  to  their  guns,  formed  into  line  and  drew  their 
sabres.  Lieut. -Colonel  Hall,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
2nd  Regiment,  stepped  forward  and  demanded  to  know  of 
the  commander  of  the  battery  if  his  men  wanted  to  take 
the  men  the  guard  had  arrested.  "  Yes,"  was  the  officer's 
reply,  "I  want  you  to  give  them  up."  "Not  until  they 
are  dealt  with,"  said  Colonel  Hall.  And  then  a  shout  and 
yell,  such  as  the  Phalanx  only  were  able  to  give,  rent  the 
air,  and  the  abortive  menance  was  over.  The  gunners  re- 
turned their  sabres  and  resumed  their  work.  Col.  Hall, 
who  always  had  perfect  control  of  his  men,  ordered  the 
guns  stacked,  put  on  a  double  guard,  and  the  men  of  the 
2nd  Regiment  resumed  their  labor  of  loading  the  trans- 
port. Of  course  this  was  early  in  the  struggle,  and  before 
a  general  enlistment  of  the  blacks. 

The  first,  second  and  third  regiments  of  the  Phalanx 
were  the  nucleus  of  the  one  hundred  and  eighty  that 
eventually  did  so  much  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebell- 
ion and  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The  1st  and  3rd  Regi- 
ments went  up  the  Mississippi;  the  2nd  garrisoned  Ship 
Island  and  Fort  Pike,  on  Lake  Pontchartrain,  after  pro- 
tecting for  several  months  the  Opelousa  railroad,  so  much 
coveted  by  the  confederates. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  fight  of  the  2nd  Regiment  at 
Pascagoula,  General  Banks  laid  siege  to^Port  Hudson^ 
and  gathered  there  all  the  available  forces  in  his  depart^ 
ment.  Among  these  were  the  1st  and  3rd  Infantry  Regi- 
ments of  the  Phalanx.  On  the  23rd  of  May  the  federal 
forces,  having  completely  invested  the  enemy's  works  and 
made  due  preparation,  were  ordered  to  make  a  general 
assault  along  the  whole  line.  The  attack  was  intended  to 
be  simultaneous,  but  in  this  it  failed.  The  Union  batter- 
ies opened  early  in  the  morning,  and  after  a  vigorous 
bombardment  Generals  Weitzel,  Grover  and  Paine,  on  the 
right,  assaulted  with  vigor  at  10  A.  M.,  while  Gen.  Augur 
in  the  center,  and  General  W.  T.  Sherman  on  the  left,  did 
not  attack  till  2  P.  M. 

Never  was  fighting;  more  heroic  than  that  of  the  fed- 
eral army  and  especially  that  of  the  Phalanx  regiments 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF.  213 

If  valor  could  have  triumphed  over  such  odds,  the  as- 
saulting forces  would  have  carried  the  works,  but  only 
abject  cowardice  or  pitiable  imbecility  could  have  lost 
such  a  position  under  existing  circumstances.  The  negro 
regiments  on  the  north  side  of  the  works  vied  with  the 
bravest,  making  three  desperate  charges  on  the  confeder- 
ate batteries,  losing  heavily,  but  maintaining  their  posi- 
tion in  the  advance  all  the  while. 

The  column  in  moving  to  the  attack  went  through  the 
woods  in  their  immediate  front,  and  then  upon  a  plane,  on 
the  farther  side  of  which,  half  a  mile  distant,  were  the 
enemy's  batteries.  The  field  was  covered  with  recently 
felled  trees,  through  the  interlaced  branches  of  which  the 
column  moved,  and  for  two  or  more  hours  struggled 
through  the  obstacles,  stepping  over  their  comrades  who 
fell  among  the  entangled  brushwood  pierced  by  bullets  or 
torn  by  flying  missiles,  and  braved  the  hurricane  of  shot 
and  shell. 

What  did  it  avail  to  hurl  a  few  thousand  troops 
against  those  impregnable  works?  The  men  were  not 
iron,  and  were  they,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for 
them  to  have  kept  erect,  where  trees  three  feet  in  diameter 
were  crashed  down  upon  them  by  the  enemy's  shot ;  they 
would  have  been  but  as  so  many  ten-pins  set  up  before 
skillful  players  to  be  knocked  down. 

The  troops  entered  an  enfilading  fire  from  a  masked 
battery  which  opened  upon  them  as  they  neared  the  fort, 
causing  the  column  first  to  halt,  then  to  waver  and  stag- 
ger; but  it  recovered  and  again  pressed  forward,  closing 
up  the  ranks  as  fast  as  the  enemy's  shells  thinned  them. 
On  the  left  the  confederates  had  planted  a  six-gun  battery 
upon  an  eminence,  which  enabled  them  to  sweep  the  field 
over  which  the  advancing  column  moved.  In  front  was 
the  large  fort,  while  the  right  of  the  line  was  raked  by  a  re- 
doubt of  six  pieces  of  artillery.  One  after  another  of  the 
works  had  been  charged,  but  in  vain.  The  Michigan,  New 
York  and  Massachusetts  troops— braver  than  whom  none 
ever  fought  a  battle— had  been  hurled  back  from  the 
place,  leaving  the  field  strewn  with  their  dead  and  woun- 


214  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ded.  The  works  must  be  taken.  General  Nelson  was 
ordered  by  General  D wight  to  take  the  battery  on  the  left. 
The  1st  and  3rd  Regiments  went  forward  at  double  quick 
time,  and  they  were  soon  within  the  line  of  the  enemy's 
fire.  Louder  than  the  thunder  of  Heaven  was  the  artil- 
lery rending  the  air  shaking  the  earth  itself;  cannons, 
mortars  and  musketry  alike  opened  a  fiery  storm  upon 
the  advancing  regiments ;  an  iron  shower  of  grape  and 
round  shot,  shells  and  rockets,  with  a  perfect  tempest  of 
rifle  bullets  fell  upon  them.  On  they  went  and  down, 
scores  falling  on  right  and  left.  "The  flag,  the  flag!'r 
shouted  the  black  soldiers,  as  the  standard-bearer's  body 
was  scattered  by  a  shell.  Two  file-closers  struggled  for  its 
possession;  a  ball  decided  the  struggle.  They  fell  faster 
and  faster ;  shrieks,  prayers  and  curses  came  up  from  the 
fallen  and  ascended  to  Heaven.  The  ranks  closed  up  while 
the  column  turned  obliquely  toward  the  point  of  fire,  seem- 
ing to  forget  they  were  but  men.  Then  the  cross-fire  of 
grape  shot  swept  through  their  ranks,  causing  the  glitter- 
ing bayonets  to  go  down  rapidly.  "  Steady  men,  steady," 
cried  bold  Cailloux,  his  sword  uplifted,  his  face  the  color  of 
the  sulphureous  smoke  that  enveloped  him  and  his  follow- 
ers, as  they  felt  the  deadly  hail  which  came  apparently 
from  all  sides.  Captain  Cailloux*  was  killed  with  the  col- 


*  Captain  Andre  Callioux  fell,  gallently  leading  his  men  (Co.  E)  in  the  attack.  With 
many  others  of  the  charging  column,  his  body  lay  between  the  lines  of  the  Confederates 
and  Federals,  but  nearer  the  works  of  the  former,  whose  sharp-shooters  guarded  it 
night  and  day,  and  thus  prevented  his  late  comrades  from  removing  it.  Several  at- 
tempts were  made  to  obtain  the  body,  but  each  attempt  was  met  with  a  terrific  storm 
of  lead.  It  was  not  until  after  the  surrender  that  his  remains  were  recovered,  and  then 
taken  to  his  native  city,  New  Orleans.  The  writer  of  this  volume,  himself  wounded,  was 
in  the  city  at  the  time,  and  witnessed  the  funeral  pageant  of  the  dead  hero,  the  like  of 
which  was  never  before  seen  in  that,  nor,  perhaps,  in  any  other  American  city,  in  honor 
of  a  dead  negro.  The  negro  captains  of  the  2nd  Regiment  acted  as  pall-bearers,  while 
a  long  processiou  of  civic  societies  followed  in  the  rear  of  detatchments  of  the  Pha- 
lanx. A  correspondent  who  witnessed  the  scene  thus  describes  it : 

*    The  arrival  of  the  body  developed  to  the  white  population  here  that 

olored  people  had  powerful  organizations  in  the  form  of  civic  societies;  as  the 

:  the  Order,  of  which  Capt.  Callioux  was  a  prominent  member,  received  the 

a  had  the  coffin  containing  it,  draped  with  the  American  flag,  exposed  in  state 

commodious  hall.     Around  the  coffin,  flowers  were  strewn  in  the  greatest  profu- 

on,  and  candles  were  kept  continually  burning.     All  the  rites  of  the  Catholic  Church 

J  strictly  complied  with.    The  guard  paced  silently  to  and  fro,  and  altogether  it  pre- 

itecl  as  solemn  a  scene  as  was  ever  witnessed. 

"In  due  time,  the  band  of  the  Forty-second  Massachusetts  "Regiment  made  its 
appearance,  and  discoursed  the  customary  solemn  airs.  The  officiating  priest,  Father 
J^e  Maistre,  of  the  Church  ,of  St.  Rose  of  Lima,  who  has  paid  not  the  least  attention  to 
the  excommunication  and  denunciations  issued  against  him  by  the  archbishop  of  this 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF  217 

ors  in  his  hands;  the  column  seemed  to  melt  away  like 
snow  in  sunshine,  before  the  enemy's  murderous  fire;  the 
pride,  the  flower  of  the  Phalanx,  had  fallen.  Then,  with 
a  daring  that  veterans  only  can  exhibit,  the  blacks  rushed 
forward  and  up  to  the  brink  and  base  of  the  fortified  ele- 
vation, with  a  shout  that  rose  above  it.  The  defenders 
emptied  their  rifles,  cannon  and  mortars  upon  the  very 
heads  of  the  brave  assaulters,  making  of  them  a  human 
hecatomb.  Those  who  escaped  found  their  way  back  to 
shelter  as  best  they  could. 

The  battery  was  not  captured ;  the  battle  was  lost  to 
all  except  the  black  soldiers ;  they,  with  their  terrible  loss, 

this  diocese,  then  performed  the  Catholic  service  for  the  dead.  After  the  regular  ser- 
vices, he  ascended  to  the  president's  chair,  and  delivered  a  glowing  and  eloquent  eulogy 
on  the  virtues  of  the  deceased.  He  called  upon  all  present  to  offer  themselves,  as  Cal- 
lioux  had  done,  martyrs  to  the  cause  of  justice,  freedom,  and  good  government.  It  was 
a  death  the  proudest  might  envy. 

"Immense  crowds  of  colored  people  had  by  this  time  gathered  around  the  building, 
and  the  streets  leading  thereto  were  rendered  almost  impassable.  Two  companies  of 
the  Sixth  Louisiana  (colored)  Regiment,  from  their  camp  on  the  Company  Canal,  were 
there  to  act  as  an  escort;  and  Esplanade  Street,  for  more  than  a  mile,  was  lined  with 
colored  societies,  both  male  and  female,  in  open  order,  waiting  for  the  hearse  to  pass 
through. 

"After  a  short  pause,  a  sudden  silence  fell  upon  the  crowd,  the  band  commenced 
playing  a  dirge;  and  the  body  was  brought  from  the  hall  on  the  shoulders  of  eight  sol- 
diers, escorted  by  six  members  of  the  society,  and  six  colored  captains,  who  acted  as 
pall-bearers.  The  corpse  was  conveyed  to  the  hearse  through  a  crowd  composed  of 
both  white  and  black  people,  and  in  silence  profound  as  death  itself.  Not  a  sound  was 
heard  save  the  mournful  music  of  the  band,  and  not  a  head  in  all  that  vast  multitude 
but  was  uncovered. 

"  The  procession  then  moved  off  in  the  following  order:  The  hearse  containing  the 
body,  with  Capts.  J.  W.  Ringgold,  W.  B.  Barrett,  S.  J.  Wilkinson,  Eugene  Mailleur,  J. 
A  Glea,  and  A.  St.  Leger,  (all  of  whom,  we  believe,  belong  to  the  Second  Louisiana  Na- 
tive Guards),  and  six  members  of  The  Friends  of  the  Order,  as  pall-bearers;  about  a 
hundred  convalescent  sick  and  wounded  colored  soldiers ;  the  two  companies  of  the 
Sixth  Regiment;  a  large  number  of  colored  officers  of  all  native  guard  regiments;  the 
carriages  containing  Capt.  Callioux's  family,  and  a  number  of  army  officers;  followed 
by  a  large  number  of  private  individuals,  and  thirty-seven  civic  and  religious  societies. 

"  After  moving  through  the  principal  down-town  streets,  the  body  was  taken  to 
the  Beinville-street  cemetery,  and  there  interred  with  military  honors  due  his  rank."  ' 
The  following  lines  were  penned  at  the  time : 

ANDRE  CAILLOTTX. 

He  lay  lust  where  he  fell,  A  flag  of  truce  couldn't  save, 

Soddening  in  a  fervid  summer's  sun.  No,  nor  humanity  could  not  give 

Guarded  by  an  enemy's  hissing  shell,  This  sable  warrior  a  hallowed  grave. 

Rotting  beneath  the 'sound  of  rebels'  gun        Nor  army  of  the  Gulf  retrieve. 
Fortv  consecutive  da,ys,  Forty  consecutive  days, 

In  sieht  of  his  own  tent,  His  lifeless  body  pierced  and  rent, 

And  the  remnant  of  his  regiment.  Leading  in  assault  the  black  regiment. 

He  lay  just  where  he  fell.  But  there  came  days  at  length, 

Nearest  the  rebel's  redoubt  and  trench,  When  Hudson  felt  their  blast, 

Under  the  very  fire  of  hell,  hough  less  a  thousand  in  strength, 

A  volunteer  in  a  country's  defence,  or  "  our  leader  "  vowed  the  last ; 

Forty  consecutive  days,  orty  consecutive  days 

And  not  a  murmur  of  discontent,  They  stormed,  they  charged,  God  sent 

Went  from  the  loyal  black  regiment.  Victory  to  the  loyal  black  regiment. 

He  lay  just  where  he  fell, 

And  now  the  ground  was  their's, 

Around  his  mellowed  corpse,  heavens  tell, 

How  his  comrades  for  freedom  swears. 

Forty  consecutive  nights 

The  advance  pass-word  went, 

Captain  Cailloux  of  the  black  regiment. 


218  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

had  won  and  conquered  a  much  greater  and  stronger  bat- 
tery than  that  upon  the  bluff.  Nature  seems  to  have  se- 
lected the  place  and  appointed  the  time  for  the  negro  to 
prove  his  manhood  and  to  disarm  the  prejudice  that  at 
one  time  prompted  the  white  troops  to  insult  and  assault 
the  negro  soldiers  in  New  Orleans.  It  was  all  forgotten 
and  they  mingled  together  that  day  on  terms  of  perfect 
equality.  The  whites  were  only  too  glad  to  take  a  drink 
from  a  negro  soldier's  canteen,  for  in  that  trying  hour 
they  found  a  brave  and  determined  ally,  ready  to  sacri- 
fice all  for  liberty  and  country.  If  greater  heroism  could 
be  shown  than  that  of  the  regiments  of  the  Phalanx  al- 
ready named,  surely  the  1st  Regiment  of  Engineers  dis- 
played it  during  the  siege  at  Port  Hudson.  This  regiment, 
provided  with  picks  and  spades  for  the  purpose  of  "min- 
ing" the  enemy's  works,  often  went  forward  to  their  labor 
without  any  armed  support  except  the  cover  of  heavy 
guns,  or  as  other  troops  happened  to  advance,  to  throw 
up  breastworks  for  their  own  protection.  It  takes  men  o{ 
more  than  ordinary  courage  to  engage  in  such  work,  with- 
out even  a  revolver  or  a  bayonet  to  defend  themselves 
against  the  sallies  of  an  enemy's  troops.  Nevertheless  this 
Engineer  Eegiment  of  the  black  Phalanx  performed  the 
duty  under  such  trying  and  perilous  circumstances.  Many 
times  they  went  forward  at  a  double-quick  to  do  duty  in 
the  most  dangerous  place  during  an  engagement,  perhaps 
to  build  a  redoubt  or  breastworks  behind  a  brigade,  or  to 
blow  up  a  bastion  of  the  enemy's.  "They  but  reminded 
the  lookers  on,"  said  a  correspondent  of  a  Western  news- 
paper, "  of  just  so  many  cattle  going  to  a  slaughter- 
house." 

A  writer,  speaking  of  the  other  regiments  of  the  Pha- 
lanx, says : 

"  They  were  also  on  trial  that  day,  and  justified  the  most  sanguine 
expectations  by  their  good  conduct.  Not  that  they  fought  better  than 
our  white  veterans;  they  did  not  and  could  not." 

But  there  had  been  so  much  incredulity  avowed  re- 
garding the  courage  of  the  negroes ;  so  much  wit  lavished 
on  the  idea  of  negroes  fighting  to  any  purpose,  that  Gen- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF. 


219 


eral  Banks  was  justified  in  according  a  special  commenda- 
tion to  the  1st,  2nd  and  3rd  Kegiments,  and  to  the  1st 
Engineer  Regiment,  of  the  Phalanx,  saying,  "No  troops 
could  be  more  determined  or  daring."  The  1st  lo£t  its 
Cailloux,  the  2nd  its  Paine,  but  the  Phalanx  won  honor 
for  the  race  it  represented.  No  higher  encomium  could  be 
paid  a  regiment  than  that  awarded  the  gallant  2nd  by 
the  poet  Boker : 

"THE  BLACK   REGIMENT,   OR  THE  SECOND  LOUISIANA  AT  THE  STORMING 
OF  PORT  HUDSON. 


Dark  as  the  clouds  of  even, 
Banked  in  the  western  heaven, 
"Waiting  the  breath  that  lifts 
All  the  dread  mass,  and  drifts 
Tempest  and  falling  brand, 
Over  a  ruined  land — 
So  still  and  orderly 
Arm  to  arm,  and  knee  to  knee 
Waiting  the  great  event, 
Stands  the  Black  Regiment. 

Down  the  long  dusky  line 
Teeth  gleam  and  eyeballs  shine; 
And  the  bright  bayonet, 
Bristling  and  firmly  set, 
Flashed  with  a  purpose  grand, 
Long  ere  the  sharp  command 
Of  the  fierce  rolling  drum 
Told  them  their  time  had  come — 
Told  them  what  work  was  sent 
For  the  Black  Regiment. 

'Now,'  the  flag  sergeant  cried, 
•Though  death  and  hell  betide, 
Let  the  whole  nation  see 
If  we  are  fit  to  be, 
Free  in  this  land  ;  or  bound 
Down  like  the  whining  hound — 
Bound  with  red  stripes  of  pain 
In  our  old  chains  again ! ' 
Oh  !  what  a  shout  there  went 
From  the  Black  Regiment. 

•  Charge ! '  trump  and  drum  awoke ; 
Onward  the  bondmen  broke 
Bayonet  and  sabre  stroke 
Vainly  opposed  their  rush 
Through  the  wild  battle's  crush, 
With  but  one  thought  aflush, 
Driving  their  lords  like  chaff, 


In  the  gun's  mouth  they  laugh; 
Or  at  the  slippery  brands 
Leaping  with  open  hands,  • 
Down  they  tear,  man  and  horse, 
Down  in  their  awful  course ; 
Trampling  with  bloody  heel 
Over  the  crashing  steel, 
All  their  eyes  forward  bent, 
Rushed  the  Black  Regiment.^ 

'  Freedom ! '  their  gallant  cry, 
'  Freedom !  or  live  or  die !  ' 
Ah !  and  they  meant  the  word, 
Not  as  with  us  its  heard, 
Nor  a  mere  party  shout, 
They  gave  their  spirits  out ; 
Trusted  the  end  to  God, 
And  on  the  gory  sod 
Rolled  in  triumphant  blood, 
Glad  to  strike  one  free  blow, 
Whether  for  weal  or  woe; 
Glad  to  breathe  one  free  breath. 
Though  on  the  lips  of  death 
Praying— alas !  in  vain ! 
That  they  might  fall  again, 
So  they  could  once  more  see 
That  burst  of  liberty ! 
This  was  what  'Freedom*  lent 
To  the  Black  Regiment. 

Hundreds  on  hundreds  fell;j 
But  they  are  resting  well ; 
Scourges  and  shackles  strong 
Never  shall  do  them  wrong. 
Oh !  to  the  living  few, 
Soldiers,  be  just  and  true ! 
Hail  them  as  comrades  tried; ' 
Fight  with  them  side  by  side;  ] 
Never  in  field  or  tent  , 

Scorn  the  Black  Regiment." 


'[See  Appendix  for  further  matter  relating  to  the  Department  of  the  Gtilf.J 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER. 

At  the  Far  West  the  fires  of  liberty  and  union  burned 
no  less  brightly  upon  the  altar  of  the  negro's  devotion 
than  at  the  North,  East  and  South.  The  blacks  of  Iowa 
responded  with  alacrity  to  the  call  of  the  governor  to 
strengthen  the  Army  of  the  Ohio.  Though  the  negro  pop- 
ulation was  sparce — numbering  in  1860,  only  1069 — and 
thinly  scattered  over  the  territory,  and  were  enjoying  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  American  citizenship,  never- 
theless they  gave  up  the  luxuries  of  happy  homes,  threw 
down  their  implements  of  peaceful  industry,  broke  from 
the  loving  embrace  of  wives  and  children,  and  with  the 
generous  patriotism  which  has  always  characterized  the 
conduct  of  the  race,  they  rushed  to  the  aid  of  their  yet 
oppressed  countrymen,  and  the  defense  of  the  Union. 

The  Gibralters  of  the  Mississippi,  Vicksburg  and  Port 
Hudson,  had  fallen  by  the  might  of  the  Union  armies ;  the 
Mississippi  was  open  to  the  Gulf.  The  shattered  ranks 
of  the  victorious  troops,  and  the  depleted  ranks  of  the 
Phalanx,  rent  and  torn  by  the  enemy  during  the  long 
siege  of  Port  Hudson,  lent  an  inspiring  zeal  to  the  ne- 
groes of  the  country,  which  manifested  itself  in  the  rapidi- 
ty of  the  enlistment  of  volunteers  to  fill  up  the  gaps. 

In  August,  1863,  the  authorities  of  the  State  of  Iowa 
began  the  enlistment  of  negroes  as  a  part  of  her  quota. 
Keokuk  was  selected  as  the  place  of  rendezvous.  On  the 
llth  of  the  following  October  nine  full  companies  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  John  G.  Hudson,  took  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  became  a  part  of 


A  PHALANX  REGIMENT  RECEIVING  A  GIFT  OF  COLORS. 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.  223 

the  active  military  force  of  the  National  Government. 
The  regiment  was  designated  the  1st  A.  D.  (African  De- 
scent) Regiment  Iowa  Volunteers,  and  was  mustered  for 
three  years,  or  during  the  war.  Leaving  Keokuk  Bar- 
racks, the  regiment  proceeded  to  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and  was 
quartered  in  Benton  Barracks,  as  a  part  of  the  forces  un- 
der command  of  Major-General  J.  M.  Schofield.  Here 
company  G.  joined  the  regiment,  making  ten  full  compa- 
nies. A  memorable  and  patriotic  incident  occurred  here : 
Mrs.  I.  N.  Triplet,  in  behalf  of  the  ladies  of  the  State  of 
Iowa,  and  of  the  city  of  Muscatine,  presented  the  regiment 
with  a  beautiful  silk  national  flag,  which  was  carried 
through  the  storms  of  battle,  and  returned  at  the  close 
of  the  war  to  the  State. 

On  the  first  day  of  January,  1864,  the  regiment  was 
ordered  to  report  to  General  Beaufort  at  Helena,  Ark.,  be- 
coming a  part  of  the  garrison  of  that  place  until  the  fol- 
lowing March. 

One  Sergeant  Phillips,  with  some  others,  agitated  the 
propriety  of  refusing  to  accept  the  seven  dollars  per 
month  offered  them  by  the  Government,  and  of  refusing 
to  do  duty  on  account  of  it.  Sergeant  Barton,  however, 
held  it  was  better  to  serve  without  pay  than  to  refuse  duty, 
as  the  enforcement  of  the  President's  Emancipation  Proc- 
lamation was  essential  to  the  freedom  of  the  negro  race. 
To  this  latter  the  regiment  agreed,  and  passed  concur- 
rent resolutions,  which  quelled  a  discussion  which  other- 
wise might  have  led  to  mutiny. 

While  the  regiment  was  at  Helena  it  took  part  in  sev- 
eral skirmishes  and  captured  a  number  of  prisoners.  In 
July,  Colonel  W.S.  Brooks,  in  command  of  the  56th,  60th, 
and  a  detachment  of  the  3rd  Artillery  Phalanx  Regiment, 
with  two  field  guns,  sallied  out  of  Helena  and  proceeded 
down  the  Mississppi  River,  to  the  mouth  of  White  River, 
on  a  transport.  Here  the  troops  disembarked.  The  next 
morning,  after  marching  all  night,  Brooks  halted  his  com- 
mand for  breakfast;  arms  were  stacked  and  the  men  be- 
came scattered  over  the  fields.  Suddenly,  General  Dob- 
bins, at  the  head  of  a  superior  confederate  force,  made  an 
11 


224  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

attack  upon  them;  the  confederates  at  first  formed  no  reg- 
ular line  of  battle,  but  rushed  pell-mell  on  the  scattered 
federals,  intending,  doubtless,  to  annihilate  them  at  once. 
The  Union  men  soon  recovered  their  arms,  but  before  they 
got  into  line,  their  commander,  Colonel  Brooks,  had  been 
killed,  and  Captain  Ransey  of  Co.  C,  60th  Regiment,  as- 
sumed command.  The  men  of  the  Phalanx,  though  they 
had  had  but  a  short  time  to  rest  from  a  long  march,  rallied 
with  the  ardor  of  veterans,  and  fought  with  that  despera- 
ation  that  men  display  when  they  realize  that  the  strug- 
gle is  either  victory  or  death.  It  was  not  a  question  of 
numbers  with  them ;  it  was  one  of  existence,  and  the  Pha- 
lanx resolved  itself  into  a  seeming  column  of  iron  to  meet 
the  foe  as  it  rushed  over  the  bodies  of  their  dead  and 
wounded  with  the  rage  of  madmen. 

The  two  field  guns,  skillfully  handled  by  black  ar- 
tillery-men, did  good  work,  plowing  huge  furrows  through 
the  assailants  and  throwing  them  into  confusion  at  every 
charge.  Still  the  confederates,  having  finally  organized 
into  line  of  battle,  continued  to  charge  after  each  repulse, 
pouring  a  terrific  fire  upon  the  United  States  force  at  each 
advance.  It  seemed  as  if  the  Phalanx  must  surrender;  they 
were  outnumbered  two  to  one,  and  every  line  officer  was 
dead  or  wounded.  Sergeant  Triplet  was  directing  the  tire 
of  Company  C ;  the  artillery  sergeant  was  in  command  of 
the  field  guns,  and  worked  them  well  for  two  long  hours. 
The  enemy's  sharp-shooters  stationed  in  the  trees  no 
longer  selected  their  victims,  for  one  man  of  the  Phalanx 
was  as  conspicuous  as  another. 

Yet  another  assault  was  made;  firm  stood  the  little 
band  of  iron  men,  not  flinching,  not  moving,  though  the 
dead  lay  thick  before  them.  The  cannon  belched  out  their 
grape  shot,  the  musketry  rattled,  and  once  more  the 
enemy  fled  back  to  the  woods  with  ranks  disordered. 
Thus  from  six  o'clock  till  noonday  did  the  weary  soldiers 
hold  their  foes  back.  The  situation  became  critical  with 
the  Phalanx.  Their  ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted ;  a 
few  more  rounds  and  their  bayonets  would  be  their  only 
protection  against  a  massacre ;  this  fact  however,  did  not 
cool  their  determination. 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.  225 

In  front  and  on  their  flanks  the  enemy  began  massing 
for  a  final  onset.  For  five  hours  the  Phalanx  had  fought 
like  tigers,  against  a  ruthless  foe,  and  though  no  black 
flag  warned  them,  they  were  not  unmindful  of  the  fate  of 
their  comrades  at  Fort  Pillow.  General  Dobbins  was 
evidently  preparing  to  sweep  the  field.  Several  times  al- 
ready had  he  sent  his  men  to  annihilate  the  blacks,  and  as 
many  times  had  they  been  repulsed.  There  was  no  time 
for  the  Phalanx  soldiers  to  manoeuvre;  they  were  in  the 
closing  jaws  of  death,  and  though  they  felt  the  day  was 
lost,  their  courage  did  not  forsake  them ;  it  was  indeed  a 
dreadful  moment.  The  enemy  was  about  to  move  upon 
them,  when  suddenly  a  shout, — not  the  yell  of  a  foe,  was 
heard  in  the  enemy's  rear,  and  the  next  moment  a  detach- 
ment of  the  15th  Illinois  Cavalry,  under  command  of 
Major  Carminchsel,  broke  through  the  confederate  ranks 
and  rushed  to  the  support  of  the  Phalanx,  aligning  them- 
selves with  the  black  soldiers,  amid  the  cheers  of  the  latter. 
Gathering  up  their  dead  and  wounded,  the  federal  force 
now  began  a  retreat,  stubbornly  yielding,  inch  by  inch, 
each  foot  of  ground,  until  night  threw  her  mantle  of  dark- 
ness over  the  scene  and  the  confederates  ceased  their  fir- 
ing. The  Phalanx  loss  was  50,  while  that  of  the  enemy 
was  150.  At  the  beginning  couriers  were  dispatched  to 
Helena  for  re-enforcements,  and  Colonel  Hudson,  with  the 
remainder  of  the  Phalanx  troops,  reached  them  at  night 
too  late  to  be  of  any  assistance,  as  the  confederates  did 
not  follow  the  retreating  column. 

Two  days  later,  Colonel  Hudson,,  with  all  the  available 
men  of  the  two  Phalanx  regiments, — 60th,  56th  and  a  de- 
tachment of  the  3rd  Phalanx  artillery,  with  two  cannons, 
— went  down  the  Mississippi  and  up  the  White  river,  dis- 
embarked and  made  a  three  days  march  across  the  coun- 
try, where  the  enemy  was  found  entrenched.  The  Phalanx, 
after  a  spirited  contest,  drove  them  out  of  their  works, 
burned  their  store,  captured  a  few  Texas  rangers  and 
returned  to  Helena.  In  March,  1865,  the  60th  Kegiment 
was  ordered  to  join  Brig.-Gen.  Keyn olds'  command  at 
Little  Rock,  where  the  regiment  was  brigaded  with  the 


226  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

57th,  59th  and  83rd  Phalanx  regiments.  The  brigade 
was  ordered  to  Texas  overland,  but  the  surrender  of  Gen- 
eral Lee  to  Grant  obviated  this  march.  The  gallant  60th 
was  mustered  out  at  Davenport,  Iowa,  on  the  2nd  of  Nov- 
ember, 1865,  "where,"  says  Sergeant  Burton,  the  regi- 
mental historian,  "they  were  greeted  by  the  authorities 
and  the  loyal  thousands  of  Iowa." 

Kansas  has  undoubtedly  the  honor  of  being  the  first 
State  in  the  Union  to  begin  the  organization  of  negroes  as 
as  soldiers  for  the  Federal  army.  The  State  was  admitted 
into  the  Union  January  29,  1861,  after  a  long  reign  of 
hostilities  within  her  borders,  carried  on  by  the  same 
-character*  of  men  and  strictly  for  the  same  purpose  which 
brought  on  the  war  of  the  Great  Kebellion.  In  fact,  it 
was  but  a  transfer  of  hostilities  from  Missouri  and  Kan- 
sas to  South  Carolina  and  Virginia.  Missouri  and  the 
South  had  been  whipped  out  of  Kansas  and  the  territory 
admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  free  State.  This  single  fact 
was  accepted  by  the  South  as  a  precursor  of  the  policy  of 
the  incoming  Republican  administration,  and  three  South- 
ern senators  resigned  or  left  the  United  States  Senate  be- 
fore the  vote  was  taken  for  the  admission  of  Kansas.  The 
act  of  admitting  Kansas  as  a  free  State,  was  the  torch 
that  inflamed  the  South,  and  led  to  the  firing  upon  Fort 
Sumter  the  following  April.  The  men  of  Kansas  had  long 
been  inured  to  field  service,  and  used  to  practice  with 
Sharps'  rifles.  The  men  of  Kansas,  more  than  in  any 
other  State  of  the  Union,  had  a  right  to  rush  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  Federal  government,  and  they  themselves  felt  so. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  eleven  days  after  the  admis- 
sion of  the  State  into  the  Union,  Governor  Robinson  took 
the  oath  of  office,  and  on  the  15th  of  April  President 
Lincoln  called  for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers.  The 
first  regiment  responded  to  the  call  by  the  close  of  May ; 
others  speedily  followed,  until  Kansas  had  in  the  field 
20,000  soldiers.  Of  the  regiments  and  companies  which 
represented  this  State  in  the  Federal  army,  several  were 
composed  of  negroes,  with  a  slight  mixture  of  Indians. . 

It  has  been  no  easy  task  to  learn  about  these  regi- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.  227 

ments,  but,  after  a  long  search,  the  writer  has  been  en- 
abled, through  the  patriotic  efforts  of  Governor  Crawford, 
of  Kansas,  who  is  also  ex-Colonel  of  the  2nd  Kansas  Reg- 
iment, to  find  Mr.  J.  B.  McAfee,  late  chaplain  of  the  same 
regiment  and  Adjutant-General  of  Kansas,  now  engaged 
in  business  in  Topeka.  With  the  finding  of  Mr.  McAfee 
came  another  difficulty ;  the  report  of  the  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, containing  an  account  of  the  regiments  in  the  war, 
had  been  accidental^  burned  before  leaving  the  printing 
office.  This  difficulty  was  overcome,  however,  by  the  con- 
sideration ever  shown  the  negro  by  Mr.  McAfee,  who  kindly 
loaned  his  only  volume  of  the  "  Military  History  of  Kan- 
sas." 

The  service  rendered  by  the  Phalanx  soldiery  of  Kan- 
sas stands  second  to  none  upon  the  records  of  that  State. 
Their  patriotism  was  nothing  less  than  a  fitting  return 
for  the  love  of  liberty  shown  by  the  Free  State  men  in  res- 
cuing Kansas  from  the  clutches  of  the  slave  power.  The 
discussions  at  the  national  capitol  pointed  Kansas  out  to 
the  negro  as  a  place  where  he  might  enjoy  freedom  in  com- 
mon with  all  other  American  citizens.  He  regarded  it  then 
as  he  does  now,*  the  acme  of  Republican  States.  Those 
negroes  who  enjoyed  and  appreciated  the  sentiment  that 
made  her  so,  were  determined  as  far  as  they  were  able,  to 
stand  by  the  men  who  had  thus  enlarged  the  area  of  free- 
dom. 

Without  comment  upon  the  bravery  of  these  troops, 
the  report  is  submitted  of  their  conduct  in  camp,  field, 
on  the  march  and  in  battle,  as  made  by  those  who  com- 
manded them  on  various  occasions. 

"On  the  4th  day  of  August,  1862,  Captain  James  M.  Williams,  Co. 
F,  5th  Kansas  Cavalry,  was  appointed  by  Hon.  James  H.  Lane,  Recruit- 
ing  Commissioner  for  that  portion  of  Kansas  lying  north  of  the  Kansas 
River,  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting  and  organizing  a  regiment  of  infan- 
try for  the  United  States  service,  to  be  composed  of  men  of  African 
descent.  He  immediately  commenced  the  work  of  recruiting  by  securing 
the  muster-in  of  recruiting  officers  with  the  rank  of  2nd  Lieutenant,  and 
by  procuring  supplies  from  the  Ordauce  Quartermaster  and  Commissary 


*  Not  less  than  70,000  negroes — 5,000  at  least  of  which  fouprht  for  the  Union, — have 
been  driven  by  persecution  into  Kansas  from  the  Southern  States,  and  the  exodus  still 
continues. 


228  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

departments,  and  by  establishing  in  the  vicinity  of  Leavenworth  a  camp 
of  rendezvous  and  instruction. 

"Capt.  H.  C.  Seaman  was  about  the  same  time  commissioned  with 
like  authority  for  that  portion  of  Kansas  lying  south  of  the  Kansas 
river.  The  work  of  recruiting  went  forward  with  rapidity,  the  intelligent 
portion  of  the  colored  people  entering  into  the  work  heartily,  and  evinc- 
ing by  their  actions  a  willing  readiness  to  link  their  future  and  share  the 
perils  with  their  white  brethren  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  which  then 
waged  with  such  violence  as  to  seriously  threaten  the  nationality  and 
life  of  the  Republic. 

"Within  sixty  days  five  hundred  men  were  recruited  and  placed  in 
camp,  and  a  request  made  that  a  battallion  be  mustered  into  the  United 
States  service.  This  request  was  not  complied  with,  and  the  reasons 
assigned  were  wholly  unsatisfactory,  yet  accompanied  with  assurances 
of  such  a  nature  as  to  warrant  the  belief  that  but  a  short  time  would 
elapse  ere  the  request  would  be  complied  with. 

"In  the  meantime  complications  with  the  civil  authorities  in  the 
Northern  District  had  arisen,  which  at  one  time  threatened  serious  re- 
sults. These  complications  originated  from  the  following  causes,  each 
affecting  different  classes : 

"  1st.— An  active  sympathy  with  the  rebellion. 

"2nd. — An  intolerant  prejudice  against  the  colored  race,  which  would 
deny  them  the  honorable  position  in  society  which  every  soldier  is  enti- 
tled to,  even  though  he  gained  that  position  at  I  he  risk  of  his  life  in  the 
cause  of  the  nation,  which  could  ill  afford  to  refuse  genuine  sympathy 
and  support  from  any  quarter. 

"3rd.— On  the  part  of  a  few  genuine  loyalists  who  believed  that  this 
attempt  to  enlist  colored  men  would  not  be  approved  by  the  War  De- 
partment, and  that  the  true  interests  of  the  colored  man  demanded 
that  their  time  should  not  be  vainly  spent  in  the  effort. 

"4th.— A  large  class  who  believed  that  the  negro  did  not  possess  the 
necessary  qualifications  to  make  efficient  soldiers,  and  that  consequently 
the  experiment  would  result  in  defeat,  disaster  and  disgrace. 

"  Col.  Williams,  acting  under  the  orders  of  his  military  superiors  felt 
that  it  was  no  part  of  his  duty  to  take  council  of  any  or  all  of  these 
classes.  He  saw  no  course  for  him  to  pursue  but  to  follow  his  instructions 
to  the  letter.  Consequently,  when  the  civil  authorities  placed  themselves 
in  direct  opposition  to  those  of  the  military,  by  arresting  and  confining 
the  men  of  the  command  on  the  most  frivolous  charges,  and  indicting 
their  commanders  for  crime,  such  as  unlawfully  restraining  persons  of 
their  liberty,  &c.,  by  enforcing  proper  military  discipline,  he  ignored  the 
right  of  the  civil  authorities  to  interfere  with  his  military  actions  in  a 
military  capacity  and  under  proper  authority. 

"  On  the  28th  of  October,  1862,  a  command  consisting  of  detach- 
ments from  Captain  Seaman's  and  Captain  William's  recruits,  were 
moved  and  camped  near  Butler.  This  command— about  two  hundred 
and  twenty-five  men,  under  Captain  Seaman, — was  attacked  by  a  con- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.       231 

federate  force  of  about  five  hundred,  commanded  by  Colonel  Cockrell, 
but  after  a  severe  engagement  the  enemy  was  defeated  with  considerable 
loss.  The  negro  loss  was  ten  killed  and  twelve  wounded,  including  Cap- 
tain A.  J.  Crew,  a  gallant  young  officer,  being  among  the  first  mentioned. 
The  next  morning  the  command  was  re-enforced  by  a  few  recruits  under 
command  of  Captain  J.  M.  Williams,  when  the  enemy  was  pursued  a  con- 
siderable distance  but  without  further  fighting.  This  is  supposed  to 
have  been  the  first  engagement  in  the  war  in  which  colored  troops  were 
actually  engaged.  The  work  of  recruiting,  drilling  and  disciplining  the 
regiment  was  continued  under  the  adverse  circumstances  until  the  13th 
of  January,  1863,  when  a  battallion  of  six  companies,  formed  by  the 
consolidation  of  Colonel  Williams'  recruits  with  those  of  Captain  Sea- 
man, was  mustered  into  the  U.  S.  service  by  Lieutenant  Sabin,  of  the 
regular  army.  Between  January  13th  and  May  2nd,  1863.  the  other 
four  companies  were  organized,  when  the  regimental  organization  was 
completed,  appears  by  the  roster  of  the  regiment. 

"Immediately  after  its  organization,  the  regiment  was  ordered  to 
Baxter  Springs,  where  it  arrived  in  May,  1863,  and  the  work  of  drilling 
the  regiment  was  vigorously  prosecuted. 

"  Parts  of  two  companies  of  the  regiment,  and  a  detachment  of  cav- 
alry, and  one  piece  of  artillery,  made  a  diversion  on  Shawnee,  Mo.  at- 
tacked and  dispersed  a  small  opposing  force  and  captured  five  prisoners. 

"While  encamped  here,  on  the  18th  of  May,  a  foraging  party,  con- 
sisting of  twenty-five  men  from  the  Phalanx  regiment  and  twenty  men 
of  the  2nd  Kansas  Battery,  Major  R.  G.  Ward  commanding,  was  sent 
into  Jasper  County,  Mo.  This  party  was  surprised  and  attacked  by  a 
force  of  three  hundred  confederates  commanded  by  Major  Livingston, 
and  defeated,  with  a  loss  of  sixteen  killed  and  five  prisoners,  three  of 
which  belonged  to  the  2nd  Kansas  Battery  and  two  of  the  black  regi- 
ment. The  men  of  the  2nd  Kansas  Battery  were  afterwards  exchanged 
under  a  flag  of  truce  for  a  like  number  of  prisoners  captured  by  the  negro 
regiment.  Livingston  refused  to  exchange  the  black  prisoners  in  his 
possession,  and  gave  as  his  excuse  that  he  should  hold  them  subject  to 
the  orders  of  the  confederate  War  Department.  Shortly  after  this  Col. 
Williams  received  information  that  one  of  the  prisoners  held  by  Living- 
ston had  been  murdered  by  the  enemy.  He  immediately  sent  a  flag  oi 
truce  to  Livingston  demanding  the  body  of  the  person  who  committed 
the  barbarous  act.  Receiving  an  evasive  and  unsatisfactory  reply,  Col. 
Williams  determined  to  convince  the  Major  that  was  a  game  at  which 
two  could  play,  and  directed  that  one  of  the  prisoners  in  his  possession 
be  shot,  and  within  thirty  minutes  the  order  was  executed.  'He  immedi- 
ately informed  Major  Livingston  of  his  action,  sending  the  information 
by  the  same  party  that  brought  the  despatch  to  him.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  this  ended  the  barbarous  practice  of  murdering  prisoners  of  war,  so 
far  as  Livingston's  command  was  concerned.  % 

Colonel  Williams  says : 


232  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX 

•  I  visited  the  scene  of  this  engagement  the  morning  after  its  occurrence,  and  for 
the  first  time  beheld  the  horrible  evidences  of  the  demoniac  spirit  of  these  rebel  fiends 
in  their  treatment  of  our  dead  and  wounded.  Men  were  found  with  their  brains  beaten 
out  with  clubs,  and  the  bloody  weapons  left  by  their  sides  and  their  bodies  most  horri- 
bly mutilated.' 

"  It  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  the  force  who  attacked  this  for- 
aging party  consisted  partially  of  citizens  of  the  neighborhood,  who, 
while  enjoying  the  protection  of  our  armies,  had  collected  together  to 
assist  the  rebel  forces  in  this  attack.  Colonel  Williams  directed  that  the 
region  of  country  within  a  radius  of  five  miles  from  the  scene  of  conflict 
should  be  devastated,  and  is  of  opinion  that  this  effectually  prevented  a 
like  occurrence  in  the  same  neighborhood. 

"Subsequently,  while  on  this  expedition, the  command  captured  a  pris- 
oner in  arms  who  had  upon  his  person  the  evidence  of  having  been  pa- 
roled by  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Scott,  Kansas,  he  was  shot 
on  the  spot. 

"  The  regiment  remained  in  camp  at  Baxter  Springs  until  the  27th  of 
J  une,  1863,  when  it  struck  tents  and  marched  for  Fort  Gibson  in  connec- 
tion with  a  large  supply  train  from  Fort  Scott  en  route  to  the  former 
place. 

Colonel  Williams  had  received  information  that  satisfied  him  that 
the  train  would  be  attacked  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cabin  Creek,  Chero- 
kee Nation.  He  communicated  this  information  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dodd,  of  the  2nd  Colorado  Infantry,  who  was  in  command  of  the  escort, 
and  volunteered  to  move  his  regiment  in  such  manner  as  would  be  ser- 
viceable in  case  the  expected  attack  should  be  made.  The  escort  proper 
to  the  train  consisted  of  six  companies  of  the  2nd  Colorado  Infantry,  a 
detachment  of  three  companies  of  cavalry  from  the  6th  and  9th  Kansas, 
and  one  section  of  the  2nd  Kansas  Battery.  This  force  was  joined,  on 
the  28th  of  June,  by  three  hundred  men  from  the  Indian  Brigade,  com- 
manded by  Major  Foreman,  making  altogether  a  force  of  about  eight 
hundred  effective  men. 

"On  arriving  at  Cabin  Creek,  July  1st,  1863,  the  rebels  were  met  in 
force — under  command  of  Gen.  Cooper.  Some  skirmishing  occurred  on 
that  day,  when  it  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy  occupied  a  strong  po- 
sition on  the  south  bank  of  the  creek,  and  upon  trial  it  was  found  that 
the  stream  was  not  fordable  for  infantry,  on  account  of  a  recent  shower . 
but  it  was  supposed  that  the  swollen  current  would  have  sufficiently  sub- 
sided by  the  next  morning  to  allow  the  infantry  to  cross.  The  regiment 
then  took  a  strong  position  on  the  north  side  of  the  stream  and  camped 
for  the  night.  After  a  consultation  of  officers,  it  was  agreed  that  the 
train  should  be  parked  in  the  open  prairie  and  guarded  by  three  com- 
panies of  the  2nd  Colorado  and  a  detachment  of  one  hundred  men  of  the 
1st  Colorado,  and  that  the  balance  of  the  troops,  Col.  Williams  com- 
manding, should  engage  the  enemy  and  drive  him  from  his  position. 

"Accordingly,  the  next  morning,  July  2nd,  1863,  the  command 
moved,  which  consisted  of  the  1st  Kansas  Volunteer  Colored  Infantry, 
three  companies  of  the  2nd  Colorado  Infantry,  commanded  by  the  gal- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER        233 

lant  Major  Smith,  of  that  regiment,  the  detachments  of  cavalry  and 
Indian  troops  before  mentioned  and  four  pieces  of  artillery,  making  alto- 
gether a  force  of  about  twelve  hundred  men.  With  this  force,  after  an 
engagement  of  two  hours  duration,  the  enemy  was  dislodged  and  driven 
from  his  position  in  great  disorder,  with  a  loss  of  one  hundred  killed  and 
wounded  and  eight  prisoners.  The  loss  on  our  side  was  eight  killed 
and  twenty-five  wounded,  including  Major  Foreman,  who  was  shot  from 
his  horse  while  attempting  to  lead  his  men  across  the  creek  under  the  fire 
of  the  enemy,  and  Captain  Ethan  Earl,  of  the  1st  Colored,  who  was 
wounded  at  the  head  of  his  company.  This  was  the  first  battle  in  which 
the  whole  regiment  had  been  engaged,  and  here  they  evinced  a  coolness 
and  true  soldiery  spirit  which  inspired  the  officers  in  command  with  that 
confidence  which  subsequent  battle  scenes  satisfactorily  proved  was  not 
unfounded. 

"The  road  being  now  open,  the  entire  command  proceeded  to  Fort 
Gibson,  where  it  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  July,  1863.  On 
the  16th  of  July  the  entire  force  at  Fort  Gibson,  under  command  of 
Gen.  Blunt,  moved  upon  the  enemy,  about  six  thousand  strong,  com- 
manded by  Gen.  Cooper,  and  encamped  at  Honey  Springs,  twenty  miles 
south  of  Fort  Gibson.  Our  forces  came  upon  the  enemy  on  the  morning 
of  the  17th  of  July,  aud  after  a  sharp  and  bloody  engagement  of  two 
hours'  duration,  the  enemy  was  totally  defeated,  with  a  loss  of  four  hun- 
dred killed  and  wounded,  and  one  hundred  prisoners.  At  the  height  of 
the  engagement,  Gen.  Blunt  ordered  Colonel  Williams  to  move  his  regi- 
ment against  that  portion  of  the  enemy's  line  held  by  the  29th  and  30th 
Texas  regiments  and  a  rebel  battery,  with  directions  to  charge  them  if 
he  thought  he  could  carry  and  hold  the  position.  The  regiment  was 
moved  at  a  shoulder  arms,  pieces  loaded  and  bayonets  fixed,  under  a 
eharp  fire,  to  within  forty  paces  of  the  rebel  lines,  without  firing  a  shot. 
The  regiment- then  halted  and  poured  into  their  ranks  a  well  directed  vol- 
ley of  '  buck  and  ball '  from  the  entire  line,  such  as  to  throw  them  into 
perfect  confusion,  from  which  they  could  not  immediately  recover.  Col. 
Williams'  intention  was,  after  the  delivery  of  this  volley,  to  charge  their 
line  and  capture  their  battery,  which  the  effect  of  this  volley  had  doubt- 
less rendered  it  possible  for  him  to  accomplish.  But  he  was  at  tha.t  in- 
stant rendered  insensible  from  gunshot  wounds,  and  the  next  officer  in 
rank,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bowles,  not  being  aware  of  his  intentions,  the 
project  was  not  fully  carried  out.  Had  the  movement  been  made  as  con- 
templated, the  entire  rebel  line  must  have  been  captured.  As  it  was, 
most-  of  the  enemy  escaped,  receiving  a  lesson,  however,  which  taught 
them  not  to  despise  on  the  battle  field  the  race  they  had  long  tyrannized 
over  as  having  'no  rights  which  a  white  man  was  bound  to  respect.' 

'  Colonel  Williams  says : 

•I  had  Ion*?  been  of  the  opinion  that  this  race  had  a  ripjht  to  kill  rebels,  and  thi* 
day  proved  their  capacity  for  the  work.  Forty  prisoners  and  one  battle  flag  fell  into 
the  hands  of  my  regiment  on  this  field.' 

"The  loss  to  the  regiment  in  this  eugagement  was  five  killed  and 


234  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

thirty-two  wounded.  After  this,  tho  regiment  returned  to  Fort  Gibson 
and  went  into  camp,  where  it  remained  until  the  month  of  September, 
when  it  again  moved  with  the  Division  against  the  confederate  force  un- 
der General  Cooper,  who  fled  at  our  approach. 

"After  a  pursuit  of  one  hundred  miles,  and  across  the  Canadian  river 
to  Perryville,  in  the  Choctaw  Nation,  all  hopes  of  bringing  them  to  an 
engagement  was  abandoned,  and  the  command  returned  to  camp  on  the 
site  of  the  confederate  Fort  Davis,  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Arkansas  river,  near  its  junction  with  Grand  river. 

"  The  'regiment  remained  in  this  camp,  doing  but  little  duty,  until 
October,  when  orders  were  received  to  proceed  to  Fort  Smith,  where  it 
arrived  during  the  same  month.  At  this  point  it  remained  until  Decem- 
ber 1st,  making  a  march  to  Waldron  and  returning  via  Roseville,  Arkan- 
sas, and  in  the  same  month  went  into  winter  quarters  at  the  latter  place, 
situated  fifty  miles  east  of  Fort  Smith,  on  the  Arkansas  river.  The 
regiment  remained  at  Roseville  until  March,  1864,  when  the  command 
moved  to  join  the  forces  of  Gen.  Steele,then  about  starting  on  what  was 
known  as  the  Camden  Expedition.  Joining  Gen.  Steele's  command  at 
the  Little  Missouri  river,  distant  twenty -two  miles  northeast  of  Wash- 
ington, Arkansas,  the  entire  command  moved  upon  the  enemy,  posted 
on  the  west  side  of  Prairie  de  Anne,  and  within  fifteen  miles  of  Washing- 
ton. The  enemy  fled,  and  our  forces  occupied  their  works  without  an 
engagement. 

"  The  pursuit  of  the  enemy  in  this  direction  was  abandoned.  The 
command  arrived  at  Camden  on  the  16th  of  April,  1864,  and  occupied 
the  place  with  its  strong  fortifications  without  opposition.  On  the  day 
following,  Colonel  Williams  started  with  five  hundred  men  of  the  1st  Col- 
orado, two  hundred  Cavalry,  detailed  from  the  2nd,  6th  and  14th,  Kan- 
sas regiments,  and  one  section  of  the  2nd  Indian  Battery,  with  a  train 
to  load  forage  and  provisions  at  a  point  twenty  miles  west  of  Camden, 
on  the  Washington  road.  On  the  17th  he  reached  the  place  and  suc- 
ceeded in  loading  about  two-thirds  of  the  train,  which  consisted  of  two 
hundred  wagons.  At  dawn  the  command  moved  towards  Camden,  and 
loaded  the  balance  of  the  wagons  from  plantations  by  the  wayside.  At 
a  point  fourteen  miles  west  of  Camden  the  advance  encountered  a  small 
force  of  the  enemy,  who,  after  a  slight  skirmishing,  retreated  down  the 
road  in  such  a  manner  as  to  lead  Col.  Williams  to  suspect  that  this 
movement  was  a  feint  intended  to  cover  other  movements  or  to  draw  the 
command  into  an  ambuscade. 

"Just  previous  to  this  he  had  been  re-enforced  by  a  detachment  of 
three  hundred  men  of  the  18th  Iowa  Infantry,  and  one  hundred  addi- 
tional cavalry,  commanded  by  Capt.  Duncan,  of  the  18th  Iowa. 

"  In  order  to  prevent  any  surprise,  all  detached  foraging  parties  were 
called  in,  and  the  original  command  placed  in  the  advance,  leaving  the 
rear  in  charge  of  Captain  Duncan's  command,  with  orders  to  keep  flank- 
ers well  out  and  to  guard  cautiously  against  a  surprise.  Colonel  Will- 
iams at  the  front,  with  skirmishers  and  flankers  well  out,  advanced  cau- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.       235 

tiously  to  a  point  about  one  and  a  half  miles  distant,  sometimes  called 
Cross  Roads,  but  more  generally  known  as  Poison  Springs,  where  he 
came  upon  a  skirmish  line  of  the  enemy,  which  tended  to  confirm  his  pre- 
vious suspicion  of  the  character  and  purpose  of  the  enemy.  He  there- 
fore closed  up  the  train  as  well  as  possible  in  this  thickly  timbered  region, 
and  made  the  necessary  preparations  for  fighting.  He  directed  the  cav- 
alry, under  Lieutenant  Henderson,  of  the  6th,  and  Mitchell,  of  the  2nd, 
to  charge  and  penetrate  the  the  rebel  line  of  skirmishers,  in  order  to 
develop  their  'strength  and  intentions.  The  movement  succeeded  most 
admirably  in  its  purposes,  and  the  development  was  such  that  it  con- 
vinced Colonel  Williams  that  he  had  before  him  a  struggle  of  no  ordinary 
magnitude. 

"The  cavalry,  after  penetrating  the  skirmish  line,  came  upon  a 
strong  force  of  the  enemy,  who  repulsed  and  forced  them  back  to  their 
original  line,  not,  however,  without  hard  fighting  and  severe  loss  on  our 
part  in  killed  and  wounded,  including  in  the  latter  the  gallant  Lieuten- 
ant Henderson,  who  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

"  The  enemy  now  opened  on  our  lines  with  ten  pieces  of  artillery— six 
in  front  and  four  on  the  right  flank.  From  a  prisoner  Colonel  Williams 
learned  that  the  force  of  the  enemy  was  from  eight  to  ten  thousand,  com- 
manded by  Generals  Price  and  Maxey.  These  developments  and  this  in- 
formation convinced  him  that  he  could  not  hfcpe  to  defeat  the  enemy ; 
but  as  there  was  no  way  to  escape  with  the  train  except  through  their 
lines,  and  as  the  train  and  its  contents  were  indispensable  to  the  very 
existence  of  our  forces  at  Camden,  who  were  then  out  of  provisions,  he 
deemed  it  to  be  his  duty  to  defend  the  train  to  the  last  extremity,  hoping 
that  our  forces  at  Camden,  on  learning  of  the  engagement,  would  attack 
the  enemy  in  his  rear,  thus  relieving  his  command  and  saving  the  train. 

With  this  determination,  he  fought  the  enemy's  entire  force  from  10 
A.  M.  until  2  p.  M.,  repulsing  three  successive  assaults  and  inflicting  upon 
the  enemy  severe  loss. 

"  In  his  report  Colonel  Williams  says  : 

'  The  conflict  during  these  four  hours  was  the  most  terrific  and  deadly  in  its  charac- 
ter of  any  that  has  ever  fallen  under  my  observation.' 

"At  2  P.  M.  nearly  one-half  of  our  force  engaged  had  been  placed 
hors  de  combat,  and  the  remainder  were  out  of  ammunition.  No  sup- 
plies arriving,  the  Colonel  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  abandon  the 
train  to  the  enemy  and  save  as  much  of  the  command  as  possible  by 
taking  to  the  swamps  and  canebrakes  and  making  for  Camden  by  a 
circuitous  route,  thereby  preventing  pursuit  by  cavalry.  In  this  manner 
most  of  the  command  that  was  not  disabled  in  the  field  reached  Camden 
during  the  night  of  the  18th.  For  a  more  specific  and  statistical  report 
of  this  action,  in  which  the  loss  to  the  1st  Colored  alone  was  187  men 
and  officers,  the  official  report  of  Colonel  J.  M.  Williams  is  herewith 

submitted : 

•CAMDEN,  ARKANSAS,  April  24,  1867. 

•CAPTAIN: — I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  a  foraging  expedi- 
tion under  my  command  : 

•In  obedience  to  verbal  orders  received  from  Brigadier-General  Thayer,  I  left  Cam- 


236  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

den,  Arkansas  on  the  llth  instant  with  695  men  and  two  guns,  with  a  forage  train  of 
198  wagons. 

'  I  proceeded  westerly  on  the  Washington  road  a  distance  of  eighteen  miles,  where  I 
halted  the  train  and  dispatched  part  of  it  in  different  directions  to  load;  one  hundred 
wagons  with  a  large  part  of  the  command,  under  Major  Ward,  being  sent  six  miles 
beyond  the  camp.  These  wagons  returned  to  camp  at  midnight,  nearly  all  loaded  with 
corn. 

'At  sunrise  on  the  18th,  the  command  started  on  the  return,  loading  the  balance  of 
the  train  as  it  proceeded,  there  being  but  a  few  wagon  loads  of  corn  to  be  found  at  any 
one  place.  I  was  obliged  to  detail  portions  ol  the  command  in  different  directions  to 
load  the  wagons,  until  nearly  all  of  my  available  force  was  so  employed. 

•At  a  point  known  as  Cross* Roads,  four  miles  west  of  my  camping  ground,  I  was 
met  by  a  re-enforcement  of  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  men  of  the  18th  Iowa  Infan- 
try, commanded  by  Capt.  Duncan,  twenty-five  men  of  the  6th  Kansas,  Lieut.  Phillips 
commanding,  forty-five  men  of  the  2nd  Kansas  Cavalry,  Lieut.  Ross  commanding, 
twenty  men  of  the  14th  Kansas  Cavalry,  Lieut.  Smith  commanding,  and  two  mountain 
howitzers  from  the  6th  Kansas  Cavalry,  Lieut.  Walker  commanding, — in  all,  465  men, 
and  two  mountain  howitzers.  These,  added  to  my  former  command,  made  my  entire 
force  consist  of  eight  hundred  and  seventy-five,  two  hundred  and  eighty-five  cavalry, 
and  four  guns.  But  the  excessive  fatigue  of  the  proceeding  day,  coming  as  it  did  at  the 
close  of  a  toilsome  march  of  twenty-four  hours  without  halting,  had  so  affected  the  in- 
fantry that  fully  one  hundred  of  the  1st  Kansas  Colored  were  rendered  unfit  for  duty. 
Many  of  the  cavalry  had,  in  violation  of  orders,  straggled  from  their  command,  so 
that  at  this  time  my  effective  force  did  not  exceed  one  thousand  men. 

'  At  a  point  one  mile  east  of  this,  my  advance  came  upon  a  picket  of  the  enemy, 
which  was  driven  back  one  mile,  when  a  line  of  the  enemy's  skirmishers  presented  itself. 
Here  I  halted  the  train,  formed  a  line  of  the  small  force  I  then  had  in  advance,  and 
ordered  that  portion  of  the  1st  Kansas  Colored  which  had  previously  been  guarding 
the  rear  of  the  train  to  the  front,  and  gave  orders  for  the  train  to  be  packed  as  closely 
as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would  permit.  I  also  opened  a  fire  upon  the  enemy's  line- 
from  the  section  of  the  2nd  Indiana  Battery,  for  the  double  purpose  of  ascertaining  if 
possible  if  the  enemy  had  artillery  in  position  in  front,  and  also  to  draw  in  some  forag- 
ing parties  which  had  previously  been  dispatched  upon  either  flank  of  the  train.  No 
response  was  elicited  save  a  brisk  fire  from  the  enemy's  skirmishers. 

'Meanwhile,  the  remainder  of  the  first  Kansas  ColoTed  had  come  to  the  front,  as 
also  three  detachments,  which  formed  part  of  the  original  escort,  which  I  formed  in 
line  facing  to  the  front,  with  a  detachment  of  the  14th  Kansas  Cavalry,  on  my  right, 
and  detachments  of  the  2nd  and  6th  Kansas  Cavalry  on  the  left  flank.  I  also  sent 
orders  to  Capt.  Duncan,  commanding  the  18th  Iowa  Infantry,  to  so  dispose  of  his  regi- 
ment and  the  cavalry  and  howitzers  which  came  out  with  him  as  to  protect  the  rear  of 
the  train,  and  to  keep  a  sharp  lookout  for  a  movement  upon  his  rear  and  right  flank. 

'Meanwhile  a  movement  of  the  enemy's  infantry  toward  my  right  flank  had  been 
observed  through  the  thick  brush  which  covered  the  face  of  the  country  in  that  direc- 
tion. Seeing  this,  I  ordered  forward  the  '.cavalry  on  my  right,  under  Lieuts.  Mitchell 
and  Henderson,  with  orders  to  press  the  enemy's  line,  force  it  if  possible,  and  at  all 
events  to  ascertain  his  position  and  strength,  fearing  as  I  did  that  the  silence  of  the 
enemy  in  front  was  but  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  me  on  to  the  open  ground  which  lay 
in  my  front.  At  this  juncture,  a  rebel  rode  into  my  lines  and  inquired  for  Col.  DeMorse. 
From  him  I  learned  that  General  Price  was  in  command  of  the  rebel  force,  and  that 
Col.  DeMorse  was  in  command  of  the  force  on  my  right. 

'The  cavalry  had  advanced  but  four  hundred  yards,  when  a  brisk  fire  of  musketry 
was  opened  upon  them  from  the  brush,  which  they  returned  with  true  gallantry,  but 
were  forced  to  fall  back.  In  this  skirmish  many  of  the  cavalry  were  unhorsed,  and 
Lieut.  Henderson,  of  the  6th  Kansas  Cavalry,  fell,  wounded  in  the  abdomen,  while 
bravely  and  gallantly  urging  his  command  forward. 

'In  the  meantime  I  formed  five  companies  of  the  1st  Kansas  Colored,  with  one 
piece  of  artillery,  on  my  right  flank,  and  ordered  up  to  their  assistance  four  companies 
of  the  18th  Iowa  Infantry.  Soon  my  orderly  returned  from  the  rear  with  a  message 
from  Captain  Duncan,  stating  that  he  was  so  closely  pressed  in  the  rear  by  the  enemy's 
infantry  and  artillery  that  the  men  could  not  be  spared. 

'At  this  moment  the  enemy  opened  on  me  with  two  batteries, — one  of  six  pieces,  in 
front,  and  one,  of  three  pieces,  on  my  right  flank, — pouring  in  an  incessant  and  well 
directed  cross-flre  of  shot  and  shell.  At  the  same  time  he  advanced  his  infantry  both 
in  front  and  on  my  right  flank. 

'From  the  force  of  the  enemy— now  the  first  time  made  visible— I  saw  that  I  could 
not  hope  to  defeat  him,  but  still  resolved  to  defend  the  train  to  the  last,  hoping  that  re- 
enforcements  would  come  up  from  Camden. 

'  I  suffered  them  to  approach  within  one  hundred  yards  of  my  line,  when  I  opened1 
upon  them  with  musketry  charged  with  buck  and  ball,  and  after  a  contest  of  fifteen 
minutes  duration  compelled  them  them  to  fall  back.  Two  fresh  regiments  coming  up, 
they  again  rallied  and  advanced  upon  my  line,  this  time  with  colors  flying  and  continu- 
ous cheering,  so  loud  as  to  drown  even  the  roar  of  the  musketry.  Again  I  suffered 
them  to  approach  even  nearer  than  before,  and  opened  upon  them  with  buck  and  ball, 
their  artillery  still  pouring  in  a  crossfire  of  shot  and  shell  over  the  heads  of  their  in- 
fantry, and  mine  replying  with  vigor  and  effect.  And  thus,  for  another  quarter  of  an 
hour,  the  battle  was  waged  with  desperate  fury.  The  noise  and  din  of  this  almost 
hand  to  hand  conflict  was  the  loudest  and  most  terrific  it  has  ever  been  my  lot  to  listen 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.  239 

to.    Again  were  they  forced  to  fall  back,  and  twice  during  this  conflict  were  their  colors 
brought  to  the  ground,  but  as  often  raised. 

'  During  these  engagements  fully  one-half  of  my  infantry  engaged  were  either  killed 
or  wounded.  Three  companies  were  left  without  any  officers,  and  seeing  the  enemy 
again  re-enforced  with  fresh  troops,  it  became  evident  that  I  could  hold  my  line  but 
little  longer.  I  now  directed  Maj.  Ward  to  hold  the  line  until  I  could  ride  back  and 
form  the  18th  Iowa  in  proper  shape  to  support  the  retreat  of  the  advanced  line. 

'  Meanwhile,  so  many  of  the  gunners  had  been  shot  from  around  their  pieces  that 
there  were  not  enough  to  serve  the  guns,  so  I  ordered  them  to  retire  to  the  rear  of  the  train, 
and  report  to  the  cavalry  officer  there.  Just  as  I  was  starting  for  the  line  of  the  18th 
Iowa,  my  horse  was  shot,  which  delayed  me  until  another  could  be  procured,  when  I 
rode  to  the  rear  and  formed  a  line  of  battle  facing  in  the  direction  the  enemy  was  ad- 
vancing. 

'Again  did  the  enemy  hurl  his  columns  against  the  remnant  of  men  that  formed  my 
front  and  right  flank,  and  again  were  they  met  as  gallantly  as  before.  But  my  deci- 
mated ranks  were  unable  to  resist  the  overpowering  force  hurled  against  them,  and 
after  their  advance  had  been  checked,  seeing  that  our  lines  were  completely  flanked  on 
both  sides,  Major  Ward  gave  the  order  to  retire,  which  was  done  in  good  order,  form- 
ing and  charging  the  enemy  twice  before  reaching  the  rear  of  the  train. 

'With  the  assistance  of  Major  Ward  and  other  officers,  I  succeeded  in  forming  a 
portion  of  the  1st  Kansas  Colored  in  the  rear  of  the  18th  Iowa,  and  when  the  enemy 
approached  this  line,  they  gallantly  advanced  to  the  line  of  the  18th,  and  with  them, 
poured  in  their  fire.  The  18th  maintained  their  line  manfully,  and  stoutly  contested  the 
ground  until  nearly  surrounded,  when  they  retired,  and  forming  again,  checked  the  ad- 
vancing foe.  and  still  held  their  ground  until  again  nearly  surrounded,  when  they 
again  retired  across  a  ravine  which  was  impassable  for  artillery,  and  I  gave  orders  for 
the  piece  to  be  spiked  and  abandoned. 

'After  crossing  the  ravine  I  succeeded  in  forming  a  portion  of  the  cavalry,  which  I 
kept  in  order  to  give  the  infantry  time  to  cross  the  swamp  which  lay  in  our  front, 
which  they  succeeded  in  doing.  By  this  means  nearly  all,  except  the  badly  wounded, 
were  enabled  to  reach  the  camp.  Many  wounded  men  belonging  to  the  1st  Kansas  Col- 
ored fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  I  have  the  most  positive  assurance  from  eye- 
witnesses that  they  were  murdered  on  the  spot.  I  was  forced  to  abandon  everything  to 
the  enemy,  and  they  thereby  became  possessed  of  the  large  train. 

4  With  two  six  pounder  guns  and  two  twelve  pounder  mountain  howitzers,  together 
•with  what  force  could  be  collected,  I  made  my  way  to  this  post,  where  I  arrived  at  11 
p.  M.  of  the  same  day. 

'  At  no  time  during  the  engagement,  such  was  the  nature  of  the  ground  and  size  of 
the  train,  was  I  obliged  to  employ  more  than  five  hundred  men  and  two  guns  to  repel 
the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  whose  force,  from  the  statement  of  prisoners,  I  estimate  at 
ten  thousand  men  and  twelve  guns.  The  columns  of  assault  which  were  again  thrown 
against  my  front  and  right  flank  consisted  of  five  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cav- 
alry, supported  by  a  strong  force  which  operated  against  my  left  flank  and  rear.  My 
loss,  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  during  this  engagement  was  as  follows :  Killed — 
ninety-two,  wounded — ninety -seven,  missing — one  hundred  and  six. 

'Many  of  those  reported  missing  are  supposed  to  have  been  killed,  others  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  wounded  and  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  not  known, 
but  in  my  opinion  it  will  exceed  our  own.  The  conduct  of  all  the  troops  under  my  com- 
mand, officers  and  men,  were  characterized  by  true  soldiery  bearing,  and  in  no  case  was 
a  line  broken,  except  when  assaulted  by  an  overwhelming  force,  and  then  falling  back 
only  when  so  ordered.  The  officers  and  men  all  evinced  the  most  heroic  spirit,  and 
those  that  fell  died  the  |death  of  the  true  soldier.  The  action  commenced  at  10  A.  M., 
and  terminated  at  2  p.  M.  I  have  named  this  engagement  the  action  of  Poison  Springs, 
from  a  spring  of  that  name  in  the  vicinity. 

'  Very  respectfully  yours, 

'J.  M.  WILLIAMS, 

'  Colonel  1st  Kansas  Colored  Vol.  Infantry,  Commanding  Expedition. 
•Capt.  WM.  S.  WHITTEN,  Assistant  Adjutant  General.' 

"  On  the  26th  day  of  April  following,  Gen.  Steele's  command  evacu- 
ated Camden  and  marched  for  Little  Rock.  At  Saline  Crossing,  on  the 
30th  of  April,  the  rear  of  Gen.  Steele's  command  was  attacked  by  the  en- 
tire force  of  the  enemy,  commanded  by  Gen.  Kirby  Smith.  The  engage- 
ment which  followed  resulted  in  the  complete  defeat  of  the  enemy,  with 
great  loss  on  his  part.  In  this  engagement  the  1st  Kansas  Colored  was 
not  an  active  participant,  being  at  the  moment  of  the  attack  in  the 
advance,  distant  five  miles  from  the  rear  and  scene  of  the  engagement. 
The  regiment  was  ordered  back  to  participate  in  the  battle,  but  did  not 
arrive  on  the  line  until  after  the  repulse  of  the  enemy  and  his  retirement 
from  the  field. 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  On  the  day  following,  May  1st,  1864,  Colonel  Williams  was  ordered 
to  take  command  of  the  2nd  Brigade,  composed  of  the  following  Pha- 
lanx regiments:  1st  Regiment,  commanded  by  Major  Ward;  2nd 
Regiment,  commanded  by  Colonel  S.  J.  Crawford ;  llth  Regiment,  com- 
manded by  Lieut.-Col.  James  M.  Steele ;  54th  Regiment,  Lieut.-Col.  Chas. 
Fair;of  the  Frontier  Division  7th  Army  Corps. 

"Colonel  Williams  never  afterwards  resumed  direct  command  of  his 
regiment.  It  constituted  for  most  of  the  time,  however,  a  part  of  the 
Brigade,  which  he  commanded  until  he  was  mustered  out  of  service  with 
the  regiment. 

"  The  regiment  remained  with  the  Division  at  Little  Rock  until  some 
time  during  the  month  of  May,  when  it  Marched  for  Fort  Smith,— then 
threatened  by  the  enemy, — at  which  point  it  arrived  during  the  same 
month.  This  campaign  was  one  of  great  fatigue  and  privation,  and 
accomplished  only  with  great  loss  of  life  and  material,  with  no  adequate 
recompense  or  advantage  gained. 

"  The  regiment  remained  on  duty  at  Fort  Smith  until  January  16th, 
1865,  doing  heavy  escort  and  fatigue  duty.  On  the  16th  of  September, 
1864,  a  detachment  of  forty-two  men  of  Co.  K,  commanded  by  Lieut. 
D.  M.  Sutherland,  while  guarding  a  hay-making  party  near  Fort  Gibson, 
were  surprised  and  attacked  by  a  large  force  of  rebels  under  Gen.  Gano, 
and  defeated  after  a  gallant  resistence,  with  a  loss  of  twenty -two  killed 
and  ten  prisoners — among  the  latter  the  Lieutenant  commanding.  On 
the  16th  of  January,  1865,  the  regiment  moved  to  Little  Rock,  where  it 
arrived  on  the  31st  of  the  same  month,  here  it  remained  on  duty  until 
July  1865,  when  it  was  ordered  to  Pine  Bluffs,  Ark.  Here  it  remained, 
doing  garrison  and  escort  duty,  until  October  1st,  1865,  when  it  was 
mustered  out  of  service  and  ordered  to  Fort  Leavenworth  for  final  pay- 
ment and  discharge.  The  regiment  received  its  final  payment  and  was 
discharged  at  Fort  Leavenworth  on  the  30th  day  of  October,  1865." 

The  heroism  of  the  negro  people  of  Kansas  was  not  all 
centered  in  this  one  regiment.  Elated  with  the  success  of 
their  brethren  already  in  the  field,  there  was  a  general 
desire  to  emulate  their  heroic  deeds.  In  June,  1863,  the 
second  regiment  was  organized  at  Fort  Scott.  The  regi- 
mental organization  was  completed  at  Fort  Smith,  Ark., 
by  the  mustering  in  of  the  field  and  staff  officers. 

The  regiment  \vent  into  camp  on  the  Poteau  Kiver, 
about  two  miles  south  of  Fort  Smith.  Here  the  work  of 
drill  and  discipline  was  the  daily  routine  of  duty  until  the 
regiment  maintained  a  degree  of  proficiency  second  to 
none  in  the  Army  of  the  Frontier. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1864,  the  regiment  left  Fort 
Smith  and  started  on  what  was  known  as  the  Camden  Ex- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.       241 

pedition,  forming  a  part  of  Colonel  Williams'  Brigade  of 
General  Thayer's  Division.  Major-General  Steele's  forces 
left  Little  Rock  about  the  same  time  that  General 
Thayer's  Division  left  Fort  Smith,  the  latter  uniting  with 
the  former  on  the  Little  Missouri  river,  all  destined  for 
active  operations  in  the  direction  of  Red  River. 

Colonel  Crawford,  in  reply  to  the  writer's  circular  letter 
asking  for  information  respecting  the  2nd  Regiment's  ser- 
vice on  the  frontier,  thus  pungently  details  the  operations 
of  the  army  of  wrhich  his  regiment  was  a  part : 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Dec.  31st.,  1885. 
••JOSEPH  T.  WILSON,  Esq.,  Kichmond,  Va. 
"Mv  DEAR  SIR  : 

****** 

"The  Second  Kansas,  afterwards  designated  as  the  83rd  United  States  Colored 
Troops,  was  organized  at  Fort  Scott,  Kansasr  on  the  3rd  day  of  October,  1863.  Most 
of  the  companies  were  organized  and  mustered  into  service  during  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer proceeding.  The  regiment,  when  organized,  was  full  to  the  maximum,  or  nearly  so, 
and  composed  of  active,  able-bodied  young  men.  Immediately  upon  assuming  com- 
mand of  the  regiment,  I  moved  to  the  front  through  Missouri,  to  Fort  Smith,  in  Ar- 
kansas, where  the  regiment  was  stationed  during  the  winter  1863-4,  and  when  not  on 
other  duty  or  in  the  field,  spent  the  time  in  company  and  regimental  drill. 

"  On  the  24th  day  of  March,  1864,  with  the  Kansas  Division  of  the  Frontier  Army 
tinder  the  command  of  General  Thayer,  I  moved  south  and  joined  the  7th  Army  Corps 
under  the  command  of  Major-General  Fred.  Steele,  in  an  expedition  against  the  rebel 
armies  under-Generals  Price,  Kirby  Smith  and  Dick  Taylor,  then  encamped  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Shreveport,  La. 

"  While  Steele  was  advancing  from  the  North,  General  Banks  was  at  the  same  time 
moving  up  the  lied  river  from  the  East.  Price,  Smith  and  Taylor,  seeing  the  two 
armies  of  Steele  and  Banks,  closing  in  upon  them,  concentrated  their  forces,  first  upon 
Banks,  and  after  defeating  and  routing  his  forces,  turned  upon  Steele,  who  was  then 
near  Red  river,  in  south-western  Arkansas. 

Steele  hearing  of  the  Banks  disaster,  changed  his  course  and  moved  eastward,  to 
Camden,  a  strongly  fortified  town  on  the  Washita  river.  From  the  point  at  which  he 
turned  eastward,  to  Camden,  a  distance  of  about  sixty  miles,  the  march  was  almost 
continuous,  except  when  it  became  necessary  to  skirmish  with  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
which  hovered  unpleasantly  close  during  the  greater  part  of  the  distance. 

"In  each  of  the  light  engagements  which  took  place  on  this  march  from  Red  river 
to  Camden,  the  2nd  Regiment  participated,  and  behaved  in  a  manner  creditable  to  it- 
self and  the  army. 

"After  remaining  at  Camden  about  three  days  (so  as  to  give  the  victorious  rebel 
armies  full  time  to  concentrate  upon  him)  General  Steele  crossed  the  Washita  to  the 
North  and  commenced  a  disgraceful  retreat  or  run  back  toward  Little  Rock. 

"The  enemy,  under  Price  and  Kirby  Smith,  followed  in  close  pursuit,  and  within  a 
few  hours  were  again  upon  our  flank  and  rear.  The  march  or  retreat  was  continuous, 
night  and  day,  until  the  village  of  Princeton  was  reached,  where  Steele's  army  en- 
camped one  night,  and  received  a  full  ration  of  fresh  beef  and  New  Orleans  sugar,  the 
latter  of  which  had  been  captured,  or  rather  found  in  Camden.  Early  on  the  following 
morning  the  army  resumed  its  onward  march,  towards  the  North  Pole  as  the  apparent 
objective  point. 

"Now  mind  you  this  was  an  army  (the  7th  Army  Corps)  about  thirty  thousand 
strong;  mostly  Western  troops,  and  splendidly  armed  and  equipped.  Better  soldiers 
never  wore  spurs  or  carried  muskets.  Yet  under  the  command  of  a  tenor  singing  dog 
fancier,  that  magnificent  army  was  thus  retreating  before  an  army  in  every  way  its  in- 
ferior save,  and  except,  the  Commanding  General. 

"  Thus  things  went,  disgracefully,  until  the  afternoon  of  the  day  on  which  we  left 
Princeton,  April  29,  1864.  Then,  for  the  first  time  after  turning  our  backs  to  the  enemy, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Red  river,  there  seemed  to  be  a  bare  possibility  of  escape,— not  from 
the  enemy,  but  from  absolute  disgrace  and  humiliation. 

"At  no  time  during  that  disgraceful  retreat,  was  there  a  moment  when  the  whole 
army  corps,  except  the  Commanding  General,  would  not  have  welcomed  a  battle,  with 
one  universal  shout. 

"  About  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  day  mentioned,  the  rebel  Cavalry  ap- 
peared in  force  and  commenced  skirmishing  with  our  forces  in  the  rear,  which  continued, 
more  or  less,  until  darkness  set  in.  Meantime  our  distinguished  leader,  the  Major-Gen- 
eral Commanding,  had  arrived  at  the  crossing  of  the  Saline  river,  thrown  a  pontoon 
bridge  over  .that  swollen  stream,  and  made  good  his  escape  to  the  north  side,  taking 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

•with  him  the  whole  army,  except  one  section  of  artillery  and  two  brigades  of  Infantry, 
of  which  the  2nd  Kansas  colored  formed  a  part. 

"These  two  brigades — six  regiments  in  all — stood  in  line  of  battle  all  night  long, 
while  the  rain  poured  in  torrents  most  of  the  time. 

"During  the  night  the  enemy's  infantry  moved  up  and  formed  in  our  immediate 
front ;  in  fact  made  every  necessary  preparation  for  battle,  while  the  dog  fancier,  who 
was  unfortunately  at  the  head  of  our  army  across  the  river,  was  either  sleeping  or  de- 
vising the  ways  and  means  by  which  he  could  most  easily  elude  the  enemy. 

"But  when  daylight  came  the  six  regiments  were  there  in  line,  every  man  ready,  will- 
ing and  determined  to  return,  volley  for  volley,  and  if  necessary  force  the  fighting,  so 
as  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement. 

"  There  were  but  six  regiments  of  us  south  of  the  river,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery. 
But  we  were  there  to  stay  until  a  battle  was  fought. 

"  General  Rice  of  Iowa,  formed  his  brigade  in  the  center;  the  12th  Kansas  Infantry, 
commanded  by  Col.  Hayes  was  on  his  left,  and  the  2nd  Kansas  Colored  Infantry,  com- 
manded by  myself,  was  on  the  right. 

"As  soon  as  it  was  fairly  light,  the  battle  began;  both  lines  moving  slightly  forward 
until  within  close  range.  From  the  beginning,  the  crash  of  musketry  was  terrific.  Our 
men  stood  firm  against  the  advanced  Division  of  the  enemy's  infantry,  and  used  their 
Springfield  and  Enfield  rifles  with  deadly  effect. 

"The  enemy  seeing  our  weakness  in  numbers,  pressed  heavily  in  the  center  and  upon 
both  flanks,  with  the  evident  design  of  breaking  our  line  before  re-enforcements  could 
reach  us. 

"But  in  this  they  were  disappointed.  We  held  our  position  until  re-enforcements 
arrived. 

"At  one  time  my  regiment  was  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  front  and  also  from  the 
flank,  but  not  a  man  wavered.  In  fact  it  seemed  to  inspire  them  with  additional  cour- 
age. The  re-enforcements  as  they  arrived,  passed  to  the  rear  and  formed  on  the  left, 
leaving  me  to  hold  the  right.  After  about  three  hours  hard  fighting,  the  enemy  having 
failed  to  dislodge  my  regiment  from  its  position,  which  was  regarded  as  the  key  to  the 
situation,  brought  into  position  a  battery  of  artillery,  planted  it  immediately  in  front 
of  my  regiment  and  opened  with  canister. 

"As  soon  as  this  was  done  I  gave  the  order  to  cease  firing  and  fix  bayonets,  and 
followed  that  immediately  with  the  order  to  charge  the  battery. 

"These  orders  were  executed  with  a  courage  and  daring  seldom  equaled  by  even 
older  troops,  and  never  excelled  by  a  volunteer  regiment. 

"In  less  than  two  minutes  from  the  time  the  charge  was  ordered,  the  rebel  battery- 
was  in  our  possession,  and  out  of  thirty -six  horses  used  in  the  battery,  but  two  were 
left  standing  when  we  passed  the  guns. 

"Most  of  the  artillery-men  lay  dead  and  wounded  around  the  battery  while  the  line 
of  infantry  support  in  the  rear  of  battery,  fell  back  in  disorder  before  our  bayonets ; 
not,  however,  until  many  of  them  had  for  the  first  time  felt  the  effects  of  cold  steel. 

"  The  charge,  though  bloody  on  both  sides,  was  pre-eminently  successful,  and  mj 
regiment, "  the  2nd  Iron  Clads,"  as  it  was  called,  brought  away  the  battery  so  captured. 

"  In  the  charge,  the  regiment  lost  in  killed  and  wounded,  some  forty  odd  men  and 
officers.  All  of  our  jhorses,  field  and  staff,  were  shot  and  most  of  them  killed.  The 
color  bearer  Harrison  Young,  a  hero  among  men,  was  wounded  and  fell,  raised  to  his 
feet  and  was  again  twice  wounded.  A  comrade  then  took  the  flag  and  was  wounded* 
and  a  third  man  brought  it  off  the  field. 

"A  wounded  lieutenant  of  the  battery  was  brought  to  me,  as  a  prisoner;*  but  in 
view  of  the  massacre  of  colored  troops  by  the  rebels  at  Fort  Pillow  and  other  places,  I 
sent  the  Lieutenant  immediately  back  through  the  lines,  pointing  him  to  the  regiment 
that  had  made  the  charge,  and  telling  him  that  since  the  rebel  authorities  had  conclu- 
ded to  take  no  prisoners,  belonging  to  colored  regiments,  it  would  hardly  be  proper  for 
me  to  hold  him  as  a  prisoner;  that  they  had  established  the  precedent,  and  that  in  so 
far  as  I  was  concerned^they  could  'lay  on  MacDuff.'  The  Lieutenant  rejoined  his  com- 
mand a  sadder  if  not  a  wiser  man. 

"After  the  charge  I  moved  with  my  regiment  to  the  centre,  where  the  battle  was 
then  raging  hottest.  Here  it  remained  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight  until  an  advance  was 


"Colonel  Crawford  ordered  the  prisoners  to  be  taken  to  the  rear  without  insult  or 
injury,  which  conduct  on  his  part  is  in  striking  contrast  to  the  treatment  bestowed 
•upon  our  colored  troops  at  Poison  Springs.  He  also  told  a  rebel  lieutenant  and 
other  prisoners  to  inform  their  commanding  General  that  colored  troops  had  captured 
them,  and  that  he  must  from  necessity  leave  some  of  his  wounded  men  in  hospitals  by 
the  way,  and  that  he  should  expect  the  same  kind  treatment  shown  to  them  that  he 
showed  to  those  falling  into  his  hands ;  but  that  just  such  treatment  as  his  wounded 
men  received  at  their  hands,  whether  kindness  or  death,  should  from  this  time  forward, 
be  meted  out  to  all  rebel  falling  Into  his  hands.  That  if  they  wished  to  treat  as 
prisoners  of  war  our  colored  soldiers,  to  be  exchanged  for  theirs,  the  decision  was  their 
own ;  but  if  they  could  afford  to  murder  our  colored  prisoners  to  gratify  their  fiendish 
dispositions  and  passions,  the  responsibity  of  commensurate  retaliation,  to  bring  them 
to  a  sense  of  justice,  was  also  their  own.  But,  notwithstanding  the  kindness  shown  to 
their  prisoners,  so  soon  as  our  command  left,  a  Texas  soldier,  in  the  presence  of  one 
of  their  officers,  killed,  in  the  hospital,  nine  of  the  wounded  men  belonging  to  the  2nd 
Kansas  Colored  Infantry."— Me  A  fee's  Military  History  of  Kansas. 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  FRONTIER.  245 


ordered  all  along  the  line,  which  was  made,  the  enemy  falling  back  slowly  before  our 
troops,  and  finally  retired  from  the  field,  leaving  us  in  full  possession,  with  a  complete 

"  Only  infantry  was  engaged  on  either  fide  except  the  rebel  battery,  which  my  regi- 
ment captured. 

"Our  cavalry,  some  five  thousand  strong,  and  artillery,  about  forty  pieces,  as  already 
Btated,  were  on  the  North  side  of  the  river,  and  could  not  be  brought  into  action,  to 
advantage,  on  account  of  the  dense  forest  and  swampy  nature  of  the  ground.  We  had 
about  fifteen  thousand  men  engaged,  while  the  enemy  had  the  armies  of  Price  and 
Kirby  Smith,  from  which  our  gallant  commander,  Steele,  had  for  many  days  been  flee- 
ing, as  from  the  wrath  to  come.  During  the  entire  battle  Steele  remained  on  the  north 
eide  of  the  river,  beyond  the  reach  of  the  enemy's  guns,  and  at  a  point  from  which  he 
could  continue  his  flight  with  safety  in  case  of  defeat.  But  the  victory  was  ours,  so 
the  march  from  Saline  river  to  Little  Eock  was  made  in  peace. 

"  During  this  battle  my  regiment  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  about  eighty  men,  but 
we  were  richly  rewarded  by  the  achievements  of  the  day.  We,  perhaps,  had  as  much  to 
do  with  bringing  on  the  battle  as  any  other  one  regiment.  I  went  into  action  in  the 
morning  without  orders.  In  fact  I  disobeyed  an  order  to  cross  the  river  at  daylight, 
and  instead,  I  formed  my  regiment  and  faced  the  enemy.  The  regiment  charged  the 
battery  by  my  orders,  and  against  an  order  from  a  superior  officer,  to  hold  back  and 
wait  for  orders. 

"  My  regiment,  though  among  the  first  in  action,  and  having  suffered  a  greater  loss 
than  that  of  any  other,  was  the  last  to  leave  the  field. 

"  From  this  time  forward  until  the  close  of  the  war,  in  so  far  as  the  Western  army 
was  concerned,  we  heard  no  more  of  the  question,  'Will  they  fight?' 

"  The  reputation  of  at  least  one  colored  regiment  was  established,  and  it  stands  to- 
day, in  the  estimation  of  men  who  served  in  the  Western  army,  as  the  equal  of  any 
other  volunteer  regiment. 

"After  the  Saline  river  battle  the  regiment  moved  back  to  Little  Rock  and  thence 
to  Fort  Smith,  in  western  Arkansas. 

"In  July  1864,  with  the  2nd  and  other  troops,  1  conducted  an  expedition  through 
the  Choctaw  Nation  in  the  Indian  Territory,  against,  or  rather  in  pursuit  of  a  brigade 
of  rebel  forces,  driving  them  out  of  that  country.  During  this  campaign  several  light 
engagements  were  fought,  in  each  of  which  the  2nd  took  a  prominent  part,  and  in  each 
of  which  the  2nd  was  invariably  successful. 

*  "In  the  fall  of  1864,  I  resigned  my  position  as  Colonel  to  assume  other  duties. 

"What  took  place  from  then  until  the  regiment  was  mustered  out  of  service,  I  only 
know  from  heresay,  but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  regiment  maintained  its  reputation  aa 
one  of  the  best  infantry  regiments  in  the  7th  Army  Corps. 

"A  short  time  before  I  left  the  regiment,  General  Marcy,  then  Inspector  General  of 
the  U.  S.  Army,  inspected  the  Kansas  Division,  to  which  my  regiment  belonged,  and  his 
report,  which  is  now  on  file  in  the  War  Department,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  shows  that 
the  2nd  Colored  in  point  of  drill,  discipline  and  military  appearance,  stood  first  of  all 
the  regiments  in  that  Division. 

****** 

Yours  truly, 

SAMUEL  J.  CRAWFORD. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Gilpatrick,  promoted  from  Major, 
took  command  of  the  regiment  succeeding  Colonel  Craw- 
ford, and  in  December  made  a  forced  march  to  Hudson's 
crossing  on  the  Neosho  river,  by  way  of  Fort  Gibson,  a 
distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  on  quarter  ra- 
tions, and  returned  as  escort  to  a  large  supply  train.  It 
was  then,  with  all  the  Phalanx  regiments  at  Fort  Smith, 
ordered  to  Little  liock,  where  it  arrived  with  a  very  large 
train  of  refugees  under  charge,  on  the  4th  of  February, 
after  a  march  of  seventeen  days. 

Colonel  Gilpatrick  says : 

"The  men  suffered  severely  on  the  march  by  exposure  to  wet  and 


*  About  the  middle  of  October,  Colonel  Crawford  received  information  of  his  nomi- 
nation for  the  office  of  Governor,  and  came  from  Fort  Smith  to  Kansas,  arriving  about 
the  20th  instant,  just  in  time  to  be  an  active  participant  in  the  expulsion  of  General 
Price  and  his  army  from  the  border  of  the  State. 

12 


246  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

cold  and  for  the  want  of  proper  and  sufficient  food,  clothing  and  shelter. 
Many  of  them  were  barefooted,  almost  naked,  and  without  blankets." 

The  regiment  remained  at  Little  Rock  until  the  spring 
of  1865,  when  it  formed  part  of  an  expedition  which  pro- 
ceeded some  distance  south  of  Little  Rock,  and  operated 
against  &  band  of  guerillas  on  the  Saline  river,  which 
they  succeeded  in  driving  out  and  partly  capturing.  On 
the  25th  of  July  the  regtaent  broke  camp  and  proceeded 
to  Camden,  Arkansas,  and  was  mustered  out  of  the  United 
States  service,  and  proceeding  by  way  of  Pine  Bluff,  Ark., 
Memphis,  Tenn.,  and  St.  Louis,  Mo., reached  Leavenworth, 
Kansas,  where  the  men  were  finally  paid  and  discharged 
on  the  27th  of  November,  1865.  These  brave  men  imme- 
diately returned  to  their  homes  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a 
free  government. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.  249 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

The  appearance  of  the  negro  in  the  Union  army  altered 
the  state  of  affairs  very  much.  The  policy  of  the  general 
Government  was  changed,  and  the  one  question  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  tried  to  avoid  became  the  question  of  the 
war.  General  Butler,  first  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  then 
at  New  Orleans,  had  defined  the  status  of  the  slave,  "con- 
traband "  and  then  "  soldiers,"  in  advance  of  the  Emanci- 
pation Proclamation.  General  Hunter,  in  command  at 
the  South,  as  stated  in  a  previous  chapter,  had  taken  an 
early  opportunity  to  strike  the  rebellion  in  its  most  vital 
part,  by  arming  negroes  in  his  Department,  after  declar- 
ing them  free. 

Notwithstanding  the  President  revoked  Hunter's  or- 
der, a  considerable  force  was  organized  and  equipped  as 
early  as  December,  1862 ;  in  fact  a  regiment  of  blacks  was 
under  arms  when  the  President  issued  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation.  This  regiment,  the  1st  South  Carolina, 
was  in  commond  of  Colonel  T.  W.'Higginson,  who  with  a 
portion  of  his  command  ascended  the  St.  Mary's  river  on 
transports,  visited  Florida  and  Georgia,  and  had  several 
engagements  with  the  enemy.  After  an  absence  of  ten  or 
more  days,  the  expedition  returned  to  South  Carolina 
without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

Had  there  been  but  one  army  in  the  field,  and  the 
fighting  confined  to  one  locality,  the  Phalanx  would  have 
been  mobilized,  but  as  there  were  several  armies  it  was 
distributed  among  the  several  forces,  and  its  conduct  in 


250  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

battle,  camp,  march  and  bivouac,  was  spoken  of  by  the 
commanders  of  the  various  armies  in  terms  which  any 
class  of  soldiers,  of  any  race,  might  well  be  proud  of. 

General  Grant,  on  the  24th  of  July,  following  the  cap- 
ture of  Vicksburg,  wrote  to  the  Adjutant-General : 

"  The  negro  troops  are  easier  to  preserve  discipline  among  than  ar« 
our  white  troops,  and  I  doubt  not  will  prove  equally  good  for  garrison 
duty.  All  that  have  been  tried  have  fought  bravely." 

This  was  six  days  after  the  unsurpassed  bravery  of  the 
54th  Regiment  Massachusetts  Yolunteers — representing 
the  North  in  the  black  Phalanx — had  planted  its  blood- 
stained banner  on  the  ramparts  of  Fort  Wagner.  It  was 
the  Southern  negroes,  who,  up  to  this  time,  had  reddened 
the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  It  was  the  freedman's  blood 
that  had  moistened  the  soil,  and  if  ignorance  could  be  so 
intrepid  still  greater  daring  might  be  expected  on  the  part 
of  the  more  intelligent  men  of  the  race. 

The  assault  on  Fort  Wtigner,  July  18,  1863,  was  one 
of  the  most  heroic  of  the  whole  four  years'  war.  A  very 
graphic  account  of  the  entire  movement  is  given  in  the 
following  article : 

"  At  daylight,  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  July  a  strong  column  of 
our  troops  advanced  swiftly  to  the  attack  of  Fort  Wagner.  The  rebels 
wcvj  Vfell  prepared,  and  swept  with  their  guns  every  foot  of  the  approach 
to  the  fort,  but  our  soldiers  pressed  on,  and  gained  a  foothold  on  the 
parapet;  but,  not  being  supported  by  other  troops,  nor  aided  by  the 
guns  of  the  fleet,  which  quietly  looked  on,  they  were  forced  to  retreat, 
leaving  many  of  their  comrades  in  the  hands  of  the"  enemy. 

"  It  is  the  opinion  of  many  that  if  the  fleet  had  moved  up  at  the 
same  time,  and  raked  the  fort  with  their  guns,  our  troops  would  have 
succeeded  in  taking  it ;  but  the  naval  captains  said  in  their  defence  that 
they  knew  nothing  of  the  movement,  and  would  have  gladly  assisted  in 
the  attack  had  they  been  notified 

"  This,  unfortunately,  was  not  the  only  instance  of  a  want  of  har- 
mony or  co-operation  between  the  land  and  naval  forces  operating 
against  Charleston.  Had  they  been  under  the  control  of  one  mind,  the 
sacrifice  of  life  in  the  siege  of  Forts  Wagner  and  Sumter  would  have  been 
far  less.  We  will  not  assume  to  say  which  side  was  at  fault,  but  by  far 
the  greater  majority  lay  the  blame  upon  the  naval  officers.  Warfare 
kindles  up  the  latent  germs  of  jealousy  in  the  human  breast,  and  the  late 
rebellion  furnished  many  cruel  examples  of  its  effects,  both  among  the 
rebels  and  among  the  patriots.  We  have  had  the  misfortune  to  witness 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        251 

them  in  more  than  one  campaign,  and  upon  more  than  one  bloody  and 
disastrous  field. 

"By  the  failure  of  this  attack,  it  was  evident  that  the  guns  of  Wagner 
must  be  silenced  before  a  successful  assault  with  infantry  could  be  made; 
and,  in  order  to  accomplish  this,  a  siege  of  greater  or  less  duration  was 
required.  Therefore  earthworks  were  immediately  thrown  up  at  the  dis- 
tance of  about  a  thousand  yards  from  the  fort,  and  the  guns  and  mor- 
tars from  Folly  Island  brought  over  to  be  placed  in  position. 

"This  Morris  Island  is  nothing  but  a  narrow  bed  of  sand,  about 
three  miles  in  length,  with  a  breadth  variable  from  a  few  hundred  yards 
to  a  few  feet.  Along  the  central  portion  of  the  lower  end  a  ridge  of  white 
sand  hills  appear,  washed  on  one  side  by  the  tidal  waves,  and  sloping  on 
the  other  into  broad  marshes,  more  than  two  miles  in  width,  and  inter- 
sected by  numerous  deep  creeks.  Upon  the  extreme  northern  end,  Bat- 
tery Gregg,  which  the  rebels  used  in  reducing  Fort  Sumter  in  1861,  had 
been  strengthened,  and  mounted  with  five  heavy  guns,  which  threw  their 
shot  more  than  half  way  down  the  island.  A  few  hundred  yards  farther 
down  the  island,  and  at  its  narrowest  portion,  a  strong  fort  had  been 
erected,  and  armed  with  seventeen  guns  and  mortars.  This  was  the 
famous  Fort  Wagner ;  and,  as  its  cannon  prevented  any  farther  progress 
up  the  island,  it  was  necessary  to  reduce  it  before  our  forces  could  ap- 
proach nearer  to  Fort  Sumter. 

"It  was  thought  by  our  engineers  that  a  continuous  bombardment 
of  a  few  days  by  our  siege  batteries  and  the  fleet  might  dismount  the 
rebel  cannon,  and  demoralize  the  garrison,  so  that  our  brave  boys,  by  a 
sudden  rush,  might  gain  possession  of  the  works.  Accordingly  our  seige 
train  was  brought  over  from  Folly  Island,  and  a  parallel  commenced 
about  a  thousand  yards  from  Wagner.  Our  men  worked  with  such 
energy  that  nearly  thirty  cannon  and  mortars  were  in  position  on  the 
17th  of  July.  On  the  18th  of  July  the  bombardment  commenced.  The 
land  batteries  poured  a  tempest  of  shot  into  the  south  side  of  Wagner, 
while  the  fleet  moved  up  to  within  short  range,  and  battered  the  east 
Bide  with  their  great  guns.  In  the  mean  time  the  rebels  were  not  silent, 
but  gallantly  stood  to  their  guns,  returning  shot  for  shot  with  great 
precision.  But,  after  a  few  hours,  their  fire  slackened ;  gun  after  gun  be- 
came silent,  as  the  men  were  disabled,  and,  when  the  clock  struck  four  in 
the  afternoon,  Wagner  no  longer  responded  to  the  furious  cannonade  • ' 
the  Federal  forces.  Even  the  men  had  taken  shelter  beneath  the  bomb- 
proofs,  and  no  sign  of  life  was  visible  about  the  grim  and  battered 
fortress. 

"  Many  of  our  officers  were  now  so  elated  with  the  apparent  result  of 
demolition,  that  they  urged  General  Gillmore  to  allov/  them  to  assault 
the  fort  as  soon  as  it  became  dark.  General  Gillmore  yielded  to  the  soli- 
ictations  of  the  officers,  but  very  reluctantly,  for  he  was  not  convinced 
that  tho  proper  time  had  arrived;  but  the  order  was  finally  ^ven  for  the 
attack  to  take  place  just  after  dark.  Fatal  error  as  to  time,  for  our 
troops  in  the  daytime  would  have  been  successful,  since  they  would  not 


252  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

have  collided  with  each  other ;  they  could  have  seen  their  foes,  and  the 
arena  of  combat,  and  the  fleet  could  have  assisted  them  with  their  guns, 
and  prevented  the  landing  of  the  re-enforcements  from  Charleston. 

"  It  was  a  beautiful  and  calm  evening  when  the  troops  who  were  to 
form  the  assaulting  column  moved  out  on  to  the  broad  and  smooth 
beach  left  by  the  receding  tide. 

"The  last  rays  of  the  setting  sun  illumined  the  grim  walls  and  shat- 
tered mounds  of  Wagner  with  a  flood  of  crimson  light,  too  soon,  alas! 
to  be  deeper  dyed  with  the  red  blood  of  struggling  men. 

"Our  men  halted,  and  formed  their  ranks  upon  the  beach,  a  mile  and 
more  away  from  the  deadly  breach.  Quietly  they  stood  leaning  upon 
their  guns,  and  awaiting  the  signal  of  attack.  There  stood,  side  by  side, 
the  hunter  of  the  far  West,  the  farmer  of  the  North,  the  stout  lumber- 
man from  the  forests  of  Maine,  and  the  black  Phalanx  Massachusetts 
had  armed  and  sent  to  the  field. 

"In  this  hour  of  peril  there  was  no  jealousy,  no  contention.  The 
black  Phalanx  were  to  lead  the  forlorn  hope.  And  they  were  proud  of 
their  position,  and  conscious  of  its  danger.  Although  we  had  seen  many 
of  the  famous  regiments  of  the  English,  French,  and  Austrian  armies, 
we  were  never  more  impressed  with  the  fury  and  majesty  of  war  than 
when  we  looked  upon  the  solid  mass  of  the  thousand  black  men,  as  they 
etood,  like  giant  statues  of  marble,  upon  the  snow-white  sands  of  the 
beach,  waiting  the  order  to  advance.  And  little  did  we  think,  as  we 
gazed  with  admiration  upon  that  splendid  column  of  four  thousand 
brave  men,  that  ere  an  hour  had  passed,  half  of  them  would  be  swept 
away,  maimed  or  crushed  in  the  gathering  whirlwind  of  death!  Time 
passed  quickly,  and  twilight  was  fast  deepening  into  the  darkness  of 
night,  when  the  signal  was  given.  Onward  moved  the  chosen  and  ill- 
fated  band,  making  the  earth  tremble  under  the  heavy  and  monotonous 
tread  of  the  dense  mass  of  thousands  of  men.  Wagner  lay  black  and 
grim  in  the  distance,  and  silent.  Not  a  glimmer  of  light  was  seen.  Not  a 
gun  replied  to  the  bombs  which  our  mortars  still  constantly  hurled  into 
the  fort.  Not  a  shot  was  returned  to  the  terrific  volleys  of  the  giant 
frigate  Ironsides,  whose  shells,  ever  and  anon,  plunged  into  the  earth- 
works, illuminating  their  recesses  for  an  instant  in  the  glare  of  their  ex- 
plosion, but  revealing  no  signs  of  life. 

"Were  the  rebels  all  dead?  Had  they  fled  from  the  pitiless  storm 
which  our  batteries  had  poured  down  upon  them  for  so  many  hours? 
Where  were  they? 

"  Down  deep  beneath  the  sand  heaps  were  excavated  great  caverns, 
whose  floors  were  level  with  the  tide,  and  whose  roofs  were  formed  of 
huge  trunks  of  trees  laid  in  double  rows.  Still  above  these  massive 
beams  sand  was  heaped  so  deeply  that  even  our  enormous  shells  could 
not  penetrate  the  roofs,  though  they  fell  from  the  skies  above.  In  these 
dark  subterranean  retreats  two  thousand  men  lay  hid,  like  panthers  in  a 
fiwamp,  waiting  to  leap  forth  in  fury  upon  their  prey. 

"The  signal  given,  our  forces  advanced  rapidly  towards  the  fort, 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.       255 

while  our  mortars  in  the  rear  tossed  their  bombs  over  their  heads.  The 
Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts  [Phalanx  Regiment]  led  the  attack,  sup- 
ported by  the  6th  Conn.,  48th  N.  Y.,  3rd  N.  H.,  76th  Penn.  and  the  9th 
Maine  Regiments.  Onward  swept  the  immense  mass  of  men,  swiftly  and 
silently,  in  the  dark  shadows  of  night.  Not  a  flash  of  light  was  seen  in 
the  distance!  No  sentinel  hoarsely  challenged  the  approaching  foe!  All 
was  still  save  the  footsteps  of  the  soldiers,  which  sounded  like  the  roar 
of  the  distant  surf,  as  it  beats  upon  the  rock-bound  coast. 

"Ah,  what  is  this!  The  silent  and  shattered  walls  of  Wagner  all  at 
once  burst  forth  into  a  blinding  sheet  of  vivid  light,  as  though  they  had 
suddenly  been  transformed  by  some  magic  power  into  the  living,  seeth- 
ing crater  of  a  volcano !  Down  came  the  whirlwind  of  destruction  along 
the  beach  with  the  swiftness  of  lightning!  How  fearfully  the  hissing 
shot,  the  shrieking  bombs,  the  whistling  bars  of  iron,  and  the  whispering 
bullet  struck  and  crushed  through  the  dense  masses  of  our  brave  men !  I 
never  shall  forget  the  terrible  sound  of  that  awful  blast  of  death,  which 
swept  down,  shattered  or  dead,  a  thousand  of  our  men.  Not  a  shot  had 
missed  its  aim.  Every  bolt  of  steel,  every  globe  of  iron  and  lead,  tasted 
of  human  blood. 

" '  Forward ! '  shouted  the  undaunted  Putnam,  as  the  column  wa- 
rered  and  staggered  like  a  giant  stricken  with  death. 

" '  Steady,  my  boys ! '  murmured  the  brave  leader,  General  Strong,  as 
a  cannon-shot  dashed  him,  maimed  and  bleeding,  into  the  sand. 

"In  a  moment  the  column  recovered  itself,  like  a  gallant  ship  at  sea 
when  buried  for  an  instant  under  an  immense  wave. 

"  The  ditch  is  reached ;  a  thousand  men  leap  into  it,  clamber  up  the 
shattered  ramparts,  and  grapple  with  the  foe,  which  yields  and  falls  back 
to  the  rear  of  the  fort.  Our  men  swarm  over  the  walls,  bayoneting  the 
desperate  rebel  cannoneers.  Hurrah  !  the  fort  is  ours ! 

"  But  now  came  another  blinding  blast  from  concealed  guns  in  the 
rear  of  the  fort,  and  our  men  went  down  by  scores.  Now  the  rebels  rally,  . 
and,  re-enforced  by  thousands  of  the  chivalry,  who  have  landed  on  the 
beach  under  cover  of  darkness,  unmolested  by  the  guns  of  the  fleet. 
They  hurl  themselves  with  fury  upon  the  remnant  of  our  brave  band. 
The  struggle  is  terrific.  Our  supports  hurry  up  to  the  aid  of  their  com- 
rades, but  as  they  reach  the  ramparts  they  fire  a  volley  which  strikes 
down  many  of  our  men.  Fatal  mistake !  Our  men  rally  once  more ; 
but,  in  spite  of  an  heroic  resistance,  they  are  forced  back  again  to  the 
edge  of  the  ditch.  Here  the  brave  Shaw,  with  scores  of  his  black  war- 
riers,  went  down,  fighting  desperately.  Here  Putnam  met  his  death 
wound,  while  cheering  and  urging  on  the  overpowered  Phalanx  men. 

"What  fighting,  and  what  fearful  carnage!  Hand  to  hand,  breast 
to  breast!  Here,  on  this  little  strip  of  land,  scarce  bigger  than  the  hu- 
man hand,  dense  masses  of  men  struggled  with  fury  in  the  darkness;  and 
80  fierce  was  the  contest  that  the  sands  were  reddened  and  soaked  with 
human  gore. 

"  But  resistance  was  vain.    The  assailants  were  forced  back  again  to 


256 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


the  beach,  and  the  rebels  trained  their  recovered  cannon  anew  upon  the 
retreating  survivors. 

"What  a  fearful  night  was  that,  as  we  gathered  up  our  wounded 
heroes,  and  bore  them  to  a  place  of  shelter !  And  what  a  mournful 
morning,  as  the  sun  rose  with  his  clear  beams,  and  revealed  our  terrible 
losses !  What  a  rich  harvest  Death  had  gathered  to  himself  during  the 
short  struggle !  Nearly  two  thousand  of  our  men  had  fallen.  More  than 
six  hundred  of  our  brave  boys  lay  dead  on  the  ramparts  of  the  fatal 
fort,  in  its  broad  ditch,  and  along  the  beach  at  its  base.  A  flag  of  truce 
party  went  out  to  bury  our  dead,  but  General  Beauregard  they  found  had 
already  buried  them,  where  they  fell,  in  broad,  deep  trenches." 

Colonel  Shaw,  the  young  and  gallant  commander  of 
the  54th  Regiment,  was  formerly  a  member  of  the  famous 
7th  N.  Y.  Regiment.  He  was  of  high,  social  and  influen- 
tial standing,  and  in  his  death  won  destinction.  The  con- 
federates added  to  his  fame  and  glory,  though  uninten- 
tionally, by  burying  him  with  his  soldiers,  or  as  a  confed- 
erate Major  expressed  the  information,  when  a  request  for 
the  Colonel's  body  was  made,  "we  have  buried  him  with 
his  niggers!" 

A  poet  has  immortalized  the  occurrence  and  the  gal- 
lant ShaAV  thus : 


•  They  buried  him  with  his  niggers ! ' 
Together  they  fought  and  died. 
There  was  room  for  them  all  where  they 

laid  him, 

(The  grave  was  deep  and  wide), 
For  his  beauty  and  youth  and  valor, 
Their  patience  and  love  and  pain ; 
And  at  the  last  together 
They  shall  be  found  again. 

•  They  buried  him  with  his  niggers ! ' 
Earth  holds  no  prouder  grave ; 
There  is  not  a  mausoleum 

In  the  world  beyond  the  wave, 
That  a  nobler  tale  has  hallowed, 
Or  a  purer  glory  crowned, 
Than  the  nameless  trench  where  they 

buried 
The  brave  BO  faithful  found. 


'  They  buried  him  with  his  niggers ! ' 

A  wide  grave  should  it  be ; 

They  buried  more  in  that  shallow  trench 

Than  human  eye  could  see. 

Aye,  all  the  shames  and  sorrows 

Of  more  than  a  hundred  years 

Lie  under  the  weight  of  that  Southern 

soil 
Despite  those  cruel  sneers. 

'They  buried  him  with  his  niggers!' 

But  the  glorious  souls  set  free 

Are  leading  the  van  of  the  army 

That  fights  for  liberty. 

Brothers  in  death,  in  glory 

The  same  palm  branches  bear; 

And  the  crown  is  as  bright  o'er  the  sable 

brows 
As  over  the  golden  hair. 


Buried  with  a  band  of  brothers 
Who  for  him  would  fain  have  died ; 
Buried  with  the  gallant  fellows 
Who  fell  fighting  by  his  side ; 

Buried  with  the  men  God  gave  him, 
Those  whom  he  was  sent  to  save; 
Buried  with  the  martyr  heroes, 
He  has  found  an  honored  grave. 

Buried  where  his  dust  so  precious 
Makes  the  soil  a  hallowed  spot; 
Buried  where  by  Christian  patriot, 
He  shall  never  be  forgot. 


Buried  in  the  ground  accursed, 
Which  man's  fettered  feet  have  trod; 
Buried  where  his  voice  still  speaketh, 
Appealing  for  the  slave  to  God ; 

Fare  thee  well,  thou  noble  warrior, 
Who  in  youthful  beauty  went 
On  a  high  and  holy  mission, 
By  the  God  of  battles  sent. 

Chosen  of  him.  'elect  and  precious,' 
Well  didst  thou  fulfil  thy  part; 
When  thy  country  '  counts  her  jewels. 
She  shall  wear  thee  on  her  heart." 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.  257 

The  heroic  courage  displayed  by  the  gallant  Phalanx 
at  the  assault  upon  Fort  Wagner  was  not  surpassed  by 
the  Old  Guard  at  Moscow.  Major-General  Taliaferro 
gives  this  confederate  account  of  the  fight,  which  is  espe- 
cially interesting  as  it  shows  the  condition  of  affairs  in- 
side the  fort : 

"  On  the  night  of  the  14th  the  monster  iron-plated  frigate  New  Iron- 
sides, crossed  the  bar  and  added  her  formidable  and  ponderous  battery 
to  those  destined  for  the  great  effort  of  reducing  the  sullen  earthwork 
which  barred  the  Federal  advance.  There  were  now  five  monitors,  the 
Ironsides  and  a  fleet  of  gunboats  and  monster  hulks  grouped  together 
and  only  waiting  the  signal  to  unite  with  the  land  batteries  when  the  en- 
gineers should  pronounce  them  ready  to  form  a  cordon  of  flame  around 
the  devoted  work.  The  Confederates  were  prepared  for  the  ordeal.  For 
for  fear  that  communications  with  the  city  and  the  mainland,  which  was 
had  by  steamboat  at  night  to  Cummings'  Point  should  be  interrupted, 
rations  and  ordnance  stores  had  been  accumulated,  but  there  was  trou- 
ble about  water.  Some  was  sent  from  Charleston  and  wells  had  been 
dug  in  the  sand  inside  and  outside  the  fort,  but  it  was  not  good.  Sand 
bags  had  been  provided  and  trenching  tools  supplied  sufficient  for  any 
supposed  requirement. 

';The  excitement  of  the  enemy  in  front  after  the  10th  was  manifest 
to  the  Confederates  and  announced  an  'impending  crisis.'  It  became 
evident  that  some  extraordinary  movement  was  at  hand.  The  Federal 
forces  on  James  Island  had  been  attacked  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  by 
General  Hagood  and  caused  to  retire,  Hagood  occupying  the  aban- 
doned positions,  and  on  the  17th  the  enemy's  troops  were  transferred  to 
Little  Folly  and  Morris  Islands.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  key  to  the 
signals  employed  by  the  Federals  was  in  possession  of  General  Taliaferro 
at  this  time,  and  he  was  thus  made  acquainted  with  the  intended  move- 
ment and  put  upon  his  guard.  That  is  a  mistake.  He  had  no  such  di- 
rect information,  although  it  is  true  that  afterwards  the  key  was  discov- 
ered and  the  signals  interpreted  with  as  much  ease  as  by  the  Federals 
themselves.  The  18th  of  July  was  the  day  determined  upon  by  the  Fed- 
eral commanders  for  the  grand  attempt  which,  if  successful,  would  level 
the  arrogant  fortress  and  confuse  it  by  the  mighty  power  of  their  giant 
artillery  with  the  general  mass  of  surrounding  sand  hills,  annihilate  its 
garrison  or  drive  them  into  the  relentless  ocean,  or  else  consign  them  to 
the  misery  of  hostile  prisons. 

"The  day  broke  beautifully,  a  gentle  breeze  slightly  agitated  the 
balmy  atmosphere,  and  with  rippling  dimples  beautified  the  bosom  of 
the  placid  sea.  All  nature  was  serene  and  the  profoundest  peace  held 
dominion  over  all  the  elements.  The  sun,  rising  with  the  early  splendors 
of  his  midsummer  glory,  burnished  with  golden  tints  the  awakening 
ocean,  and  flashed  his  reflected  light  back  from  the  spires  of  the  beleag- 


258  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

uered  city  into  the  eyes  of  those  who  stood  pausing  to  gather  strength 
to  spring  upon  her,  and  of  those  who  stood  at  bay  to  battle  for  her 
safety.  Yet  the  profound  repose  was  undisturbed;  the  early  hours  of  that 
fair  morning  hoisted  a  flag  of  truce  between  the  combatants  which  was 
respected  by  both.  But  the  tempest  of  fire  which  was  destined  to  break 
the  charm  of  nature,  with  human  thunders  then  unsurpassed  in  war, 
was  gathering  in  the  south.  At  about  half-past  7  o'clock  the  ships  of 
war  moved  from  their  moorings,  the  iron  leviathan  the  Ironsides,  an  Aga- 
memnon among  ships,  leading  and  directing  their  movements,  then 
monitor  after  monitor,  and  then  wooden  flagships.  Steadily  and  majes- 
tically they  marched ;  marched  as  columns  of  men  would  march,  obedient 
to  commands,  independent  of  waves  and  winds,  mobilized  by  steam  and 
science  to  turn  on  a  pivot  and  manoeuvre  as  the  directing  mind  required 
them ;  they  halted  in  front  of  the  fort ;  they  did  not  anchor  as  Sir  Peter 
Parker's  ships  had  done  near  a  hundred  years  before  in  front  of  Moultrie, 
which  was  hard  by  and  frowning  still  at  her  ancient  enemies  of  the  ocean. 
They  halted  and  waited  for  word  of  command  to  belch  their  consuming 
lightnings  out  upon  the  foe.  On  the  land,  engineering  skill  was  satisfied 
and  the  deadly  exposure  for  details  for  labor  was  ended;  the  time  for 
retaliation  had  arrived  when  the  defiant  shots  of  the  rebel  batteries 
would  be  answered ;  the  batteries  were  unmasked ;  the  cordon  of  fire  was 
complete  by  land  and  by  sea;  the  doomed  fort  was  encircled  by  guns. 

"The  Confederates  watched  from  the  ramparts  the  approach  of  the 
fleet  and  the  unmasking  of  the  guns,  and  they  knew  that  the  moment 
had  arrived  in  which  the  problem  of  the  capacity  of  the  resistant  power 
of  earth  and  sand  to  the  forces  to  which  science  so  far  developed  in  war 
could  subject  them  was  to  be  solved  and  that  Battery  Wagner  was  to  be 
that  day  the  subject  of  the  crucial  test.  The  small  armament  of  the  fort 
was  really  inappreciable  in  the  contest  about  to  be  inaugurated.  There 
was  but  one  gun  which  could  be  expected  to  be  of  much  avail  against 
the  formidable  naval  power  which  would  assail  it  and  on  the  land  side 
few  which  could  reach  the  enemy's  batteries.  When  these  guns  were 
Tmocked  to  pieces  and  silenced  there  was  nothing  left  but  passive  resis- 
tance, but  the  Confederates,  from  the  preliminary  tests  which  had  been 
applied,  had  considerable  faith  in  the  capacity  of  sand  and  earth  for  pas- 
sive resistance. 

"The  fort  was  in  good  condition,  having  been  materially  strength- 
ened since  the  former  assault  by  the  indefatigable  exertions  of  Colonel 
David  Harris,  chief  engineer,  and  his  valuable  assistant,  Captain  Barn- 
well.  Colonel  Harris  was  a  Virginian,  ex-officer  of  the  army  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  who  had  some  years  before 
retired  from  the  service  to  prosecute  the  profession  of  civil  engineering. 
Under  a  tempest  of  shells  he  landed  during  the  fiercest  period  of  the  bom- 
bardment at  Cummings'  Point,  and  made  his  way  through  the  field  of 
fire  to  the  beleaguered  fort  to  inspect  its  condition  and  to  inspire  the  gar- 
rison by  his  heroic  courage  and  his  confidence  in  its  strength.  Escaping 
all  the  dangers  of  war,  he  fell  a  victim  to  yellow  fever  in  Charleston,  be- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        259 

loved  and  honored  by  all  who  had  ever  known  him.  The  heavy  work 
imposed  upon  the  garrison  in  repairs  and  construction,  as  well  as  the 
strain  upon  the  system  by  constant  exposure  to  the  enemy's  fire,  had  in- 
duced General  Beauregard  to  adopt  the  plan  of  relieving  the  garrison 
every  few  days  by  fresh  troops.  The  objection  to  this  was  that  the  new 
men  had  to  be  instructed  and  familiarized  with  their  duties ;  but  still  it 
was  wise  and  necessary,  for  the  same  set  of  officers  and  men,  if  retained 
any  length  of  time,  would  have  been  broken  down  by  the  arduous  ser- 
vice required  of  them.  The  relief  was  sent  by  regiments  and  detach- 
ments, so  there  was  never  an  entirely  new  body  of  men  in  the  works. 

"  The  garrison  was  estimated  at  one  thousand  seven  hundred  aggre- 
gate. The  staff  of  General  Taliaferro  consisted  of  Captain  Twiggs, 
Quartermaster  General;  Captain  "W.  T.  Taliaferro,  Adjutant  General; 
Lieutenants  H.  C.  Cunningham  and  Magyck,  Ordnance  Officers;  Lieuten- 
ants Meade  and  Stoney,  Aides-de-Camp;  Major  Holcombe;  Captain  Burke, 
Quartermaster,  and  Habersham,  Surgeon-in-Chief ;  Private  Stockman,  of 
McEnery's  Louisiana  Battalion,  who  had  been  detailed  as  clerk  because 
of  his  incapacity  for  other  duty  from  most  honorable  wounds,  acted  also 
in  capacity  of  aid. 

"  The  Charleston  Battalion  was  assigned  to  that  part  of  the  work 
which  extended  from  the  Sally  port  or  Lighthouse  Inlet  creek  around  to 
the  left  until  it  occupied  part  of  the  face  to  the  south,  including  the  wes- 
tern bastion;  the  Fifty-first  North  Carolina  connected  with  these  troops 
on  the  left  and  extended  to  the  southeast  bastion ;  the  rest  of  the  work 
was  to  be  occupied  by  the  Thirty-first  North  Carolina  Regiment,  and  a 
small  force  from  that  regiment  was  detailed  as  a  reserve,  and  two  cam- 
parlies  of  the  Charleston  Battalion  were  to  occupy  outside  of  the  fort 
the  covered  way  spoken  of  and  some  sand-hills  by  the  seashore;  the  ar- 
tillery was  distributed  among  the  several  gun-chambers  and  the  light 
pieces  posted  on  a  traverse  outside  so  as  to  sweep  to  sea  face  and  the 
right  approach.  The  positions  to  be  occupied  were  well  known  to  every 
officer  and  man  and  had  been  verified  repeatedly  by  day  and  night,  so 
there  was  no  fear  of  confusion,  mistake  or  delay  in  the  event  of  an  as- 
sault. The  troops  of  course  were  not  ordered  to  these  positions  when  at 
6  o'clock  it  was  evident  a  furious  bombardment  was  impending,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  to  the  shelter  of  the  bomb-proofs,  sand-hills  and  parapet;  a 
few  sentinels  or  videttes  were  detailed  and  the  gun  detachments  only 
ordered  to  their  pieces. 

"  The  Charleston  Battalion  preferred  the  freer  air  of  the  open  work 
to  the  stifling  atmosphere  of  the  bomb-proofs  and  were  permitted  to 
shelter  themselves  under  the  parapet  and  traverses.  Not  one  of  that 
heroic  band  entered  the  opening  of  a  bomb-proof  during  that  frightful 
day.  The  immense  superority  of  the  enemy's  artillery  was  well  under- 
stood and  appreciated  by  the  Confederate  commander,  and  it  was  clear 
to  him  that  his  policy  was  to  husband  his  resources  and  preserve  them 
&&  best  he  could  for  the  assault,  which  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  would 
occur  during  the  day.  He  recognized  the  fact  that  his  guns  were  only 


260  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

defensive  and  he  had  little  or  no  offensive  power  with  which  to  contend 
with  his  adversaries.  Acting  on  this  conviction  he  had  the  light  guns 
dismounted  and  covered  with  sand  bags,  and  the  same  precaution  was 
adopted  to  preserve  some  of  the  shell  guns  or  fixed  carriages.  The  pro- 
priety of  this  determination  was  abundantly  demonstrated  in  the  end. 

"About  a  quarter  past  8  o'clock  the  storm  broke,  ship  after  ship 
and  battery  after  battery,  and  then  apparently  all  together,  vomited 
forth  their  horrid  flames  and  the  atmosphere  was  filled  with  deadly  mis- 
siles. It  is  impossible  for  any  pen  to  describe  or  for  anyone  who  was  not 
an  eye-witness  to  conceive  the  frightful  grandeur  of  the  spectacle.  The 
writer  has  never  had  the  fortune  to  read  any  official  Federal  report  or 
any  other  account  of  the  operations  of  this  day  except  an  extract  from 
the  graphic  and  eloquent  address  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dennison,  a  chaplain  of 
one  of  the  Northern  regiments,  delivered  on  its  nineteenth  anniversary 
at  Providence,  R.  I.  He  says :  '  Words  cannot  depict  the  thunder,  the 
smoke,  the  lifted  sand  and  the  general  havoc  which  characterized  that 
hot  summer  day.  What  a  storm  of  iron  fell  on  that  island;  the  roar  of 
the  guns  was  incessant;  how  the  shots  ploughed  the  sand  banks  and  the 
marshes ;  how  the  splinters  flew  from  the  Beacon  House ;  how  the  whole 
island  smoked  like  a  furnace  and  trembled  as  from  an  earthquake.' 

"If  that  was  true  outside  of  Wagner  it  is  easy  to  conceive  how  in- 
tensified the  situation  was  within  its  narrow  limits  towards  which  every 
hostile  gun  was  pointed.  The  sand  came  down  in  avalanches;  huge  ver- 
tical shells  and  those  rolled  over  by  the  ricochet  shots  from  the  ships, 
buried  themselves  and  then  exploded,  rending  the  earth  and  forming 
great  craters,  out  of  which  the  sand  and  iron  fragments  flew  high  in  the 
air.  It  was  a  fierce  sirocco  freighted  with  iron  as  well  as  sand.  The  sand 
flew  over  from  the  seashore,  from  the  glacis,  from  the  exterior  slope, 
from  the  parapet,  as  it  was  ploughed  up  and  lifted  and  driven  by  resist- 
less force  now  in  spray  and  now  almost  in  waves  over  into  the  work,  the 
men  sometimes  half  buried  by  the  moving  mass.  The  chief  anxiety  was 
about  the  magazines.  The  profile  of  the  fort  might  be  destroyed,  the 
ditch  filled  up,  the  traverses  and  bomb-proof  barracks  knocked  out  of 
shape,  but  the  protecting  banks  of  sand  would  still  afford  their  shelter ; 
but  if  the  coverings  of  the  magazines  were  blown  away  and  they  became 
exposed,  the  explosion  that  would  ensue  would  lift  fort  and  garrison  into 
the  air  and  annihilate  all  in  general  chaos.  They  were  carefully  watched 
and  reports  of  their  condition  required  to  be  made  at  short  intervals 
during  the  day. 

"  Wagner  replied  to  the  enemy,  her  10-inch  columbiad  alone  to  the 
ships,  deliberately  at  intervals  of  fifteen  minutes,  the  otherguns  to  the 
land  batteries  whenever  in  range,  as  long  as  they  were  serviceable.  The 
32-pounder  rifled  gun  was  soon  rendered  useless  by  bursting  and  within 
two  hours  many  other  guns  had  been  dismounted  and  their  carriages 
destroyed.  (Sumter,  Colonel  Alfred  Rhett  in  command, jand  Gregg,  under 
charge  of  Captain  Sesesne,  with  the  Sullivan  and  James  Island  batteries 
at  long  range,  threw  all  the  power  of  their  available  metal  at  the  assail- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        261 

ants  and  added  their  thunders  to  the  universal  din;  the  harbor  of 
Charleston  was  a  volcano.  The  want  of  water  was  felt,  but  now  again 
unconsciously  the  enemy  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  garrison,  for  water 
was  actually  scooped  from  the  craters  made  in  the  sand  by  the  exploded 
shells.  The  city  of  Charleston  was  alive  and  aflame  with  excitement ;  the 
bay,  the  wharves,  the  steeples  and  streets  filled  with  anxious  spectators 
looking  across  the  water  at  their  defenders,  whom  they  could  not  succor. 
"At  2  o'clock  the  flag  halliards  were  cut  by  a  shot  and  the  Confeder- 
ate garrison  flag  was  blown  over  into  the  fort ;  there  was  an  instant  race 
for  its  recovery  through  the  storm  of  missiles,  over  the  broken  earth  and 
shells  and  splinters  which  lined  the  parade.  Major  Ramsey,  Sergeant 
Shelton  and  private  Flinn,  of  the  Charleston  Battalion,  and  Lieutenant 
Riddick,  of  the  Sixty-third  Georgia,  first  reached  it  and  bore  it  back  in 
triumph  to  the  flagstaff,  and  at  the  same  moment  Captain  Barnwell,  of 
the  engineers,  seized  a  battle-flag,  and  leaping  on  the  ramparts,  drove 
the  staff  into  the  sand.  This  flag  was  again  shot  away,  but  was  again 
replaced  by  Private  Gaillard,  of  the  Charleston  Battalion.  These  intre- 
pid actions,  emulating  in  a  higher  degree  the  conduct  of  Sergeant  Jasper 
at  Moultrie  during  the  Revolution,  were  cheered  by  the  command  and  in- 
spired them  with  renewed  courage. 

"The  day  wore  on;  thousands  upon  thousands  of  shells  and  round 
ehot,  shells  loaded  with  balls,  shells  of  guns  and  shells  of  mortars,  per- 
cussion shells,  exploding  upon  impact,  shells  with  graded  fuses— every 
kind  apparently  known  to  the  arsenals  of  war  leaped  into  and  around 
the  doomed  fort,  yet  there  was  no  cessation ;  the  sun  seemed  to  stand 
still  and  the  long  midsummer  day  to  know  no  night.  Some  men  were 
dead  and  no  scratch  appeared  on  their  bodies ;  the  concussion  -had  forced 
the  breath  from  their  lungs  and  collapsed  them  into  corpses.  Captain 
Twiggs,  of  the  staff,  in  executing  some  orders  was  found  apparently 
dead.  He  was  untoucted,  but  lifeless,  and  only  strong  restoratives 
brought  him  back  to  animation,  and  the  commanding  officer  was  buried 
knee-deep  in  sand  and  had  to  be  rescued  by  spades  from  his  imprison- 
ment. The  day  wore  on,  hours  followed  hours  of  anxiety  and  grim  en- 
durance, but  no  respite  ensued.  At  last  night  came;  not  however,  to 
herald  a  cessation  of  the  strife,  but  to  usher  in  a  conflict  still  more  terri- 
ble. More  than  eleven  hours  had  passed.  The  fort  was  torn  and  muti- 
lated ;  to  the  outside  observer  it  was  apparently  powerless,  knocked  to 
pieces  and  pounded  out  of  shape,  the  outline  changed,  the  exterior  slope 
full  of  gaping  wounds,  the  ditch  half  filled  up,  but  the  interior  still  pre- 
served its  form  and  its  integrity ;  scarred  and  defaced  it  was  yet  a  citadel 
which,  although  not  offensive,  was  defiant. 

It  was  nearly  eight  o'clock  at  night,  but  still  twilight,  when  a  calm 
came  and  the  blazing  circle  ceased  to  glow  with  flame.  The  ominous 
pause  was  understood ;  it  required  no  signals  to  be  read  by  those  to 
whom  they  were  not  directed  to  inform  them  that  the  supreme  moment 
to  test  the  value  of  the  day's  achievements  was  now  at  hand.  It  meant 
nothing  but  assault.  Dr,  Denuison  says  the  assault  was  intended  to  be 


262  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

a  surprise.  He  over-estimates  the  equanimity  of  the  Confederate  comman- 
der if  he  supposes  that  that  bombardment,  which  would  have  waked  the 
dead,  had  lulled  him  into  security  and  repose.  The  buried  cannon  were 
at  once  exhumed,  the  guns  remounted  and  the  garrison  ordered  to  their 
appointed  posts.  The  Charleston  Battalion  were  already  formed  and  in 
position;  they  had  nestled  under  the  parapet  and  stood  ready  in  their 
places.  The  other  troops  with  the  exception  of  part  of  one  regiment,  re- 
sponded to  the  summons  with  extraordinary  celerity,  and  the  echoes  of 
the  Federal  guns  had  hardly  died  away  before  more  than  three-fourths  of 
the  ramparts  were  lined  with  troops ;  one  gap  remained  unfilled ;  the  de- 
moralized men  who  should  have  filled  it  clung  to  the  bomb-proofs  and 
stayed  there.  The  gallant  Colonel  Simpkiiis  called  his  men  to  the  gun- 
chambers  wherever  guns  existed.  De  Pass,  with  his  light  artillery  on  tho 
traverse  to  the  left,  his  guns  remounted  and  untouched,  stood  ready, 
and  Colonel  Harris  moved  a  howitzer  outside  the  fort  to  the  right  to  de- 
liver an  enfilade  fire  upon  the  assailants. 

"  The  dark  masses  of  the  enemies  columns,  brigade  after  brigade, 
were  seen  in  the  fading  twilight  to  approach ;  line  after  line  was  formed 
and  then  came  the  rush.  A  small  creek  made  in  on  the  right  of  the  fort 
and  intercepted  the  enemy's  left  attack ;  they  did  not  know  it,  or  did  not 
estimate  it.  Orders  were  given  to  Gaillard  to  hold  his  fire  and  deliver  no 
direct  shot.  It  was  believed  the  obstacle  presented  by  the  creek  would 
confuse  the  assailants,  cause  them  to  incline  to  the  right  and  mingle 
their  masses  at  the  head  of  the  obstacle  and  thus  their  movements 
would  be  obstructed.  It  seemed  to  have  the  anticipated  effect  and  the 
assaulting  columns  apparently  jumbled  together  at  this  point  were  met 
by  the  withering  volleys  of  McKethan's  direct  and  Gaillard's  cross-fire 
and  by  the  direct  discharge  of  the  shell  guns,  supplemented  by  the  fright- 
ful enfilading  discharges  of  the  lighter  guns  upon  the  right  and  left.  It 
was  terrible,  but  with  an  unsurpassed  gallantry  the  Federal  soldiers 
breasted  the  storm  and  rushed  onward  to  the  glacis. 

"  The  Confederates,  not  fourteen  hundred  strong,  with  the  tenacity 
of  bull  dogs  and  a  fierce  courage  which  was  roused  to  madness  by  the 
frightful  inaction  to  which  they  had  been  subjected,  poured  from  the 
ramparts  and  embrasures  sheets  of  flame  and  a  tempest  of  lead  and  iron, 
yet  their  intrepid  assailants  rushed  on  like  the  waves  of  the  sea  by  whose 
shore  they  fought.  They  fell  by  hundreds,  but  they  pushed  on,  reeling 
under  the  frightful  blasts  that  almost  blew  them  to  pieces,  some  up  to 
the  Confederate  bayonets.  The  southeast  bastion  was  weakly  defended, 
and  into  it  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy  made  their  way  but  they 
were  caught  in  a  trap,  for  they  could  not  leave  it.  The  fight  continued ; 
but  it  was  impossible  to  stem  the  torrent  of  deadly  missiles  which  poured 
out  from  the  fort,  the  reflux  of  that  terrible  tide  which  had  poured  in  all 
day,  and  the  Federals  retreated,  leaving  near  a  thousand  dead  around 
the  fort. 

"  There  was  no  cessation  of  the  Confederate  fire.  Sumter  and  Gregg 
threw  their  shells  along  with  those  of  Wagner  upon  the  retiring  foe;  nor 


DEPAKTMENT^OF  THE  SOUTH.  263 

was  the  conflict  over  in  the  fort  itself.  The  party  which  had  gained 
access  by  the  salient  next  the  sea  could  not  escape.  It  was  certain  death 
to  attempt  to  pass  the  line  of  concentrated  fire  which  swept  the  faces  of 
the  work,  and  they  did  not  attempt  it ;  but  they  would  not  surrender, 
and  in  desperation  kept  up  a  constant  fire  upon  the  main  body  of  the 
fort.  The  Confederates  called  for  volunteers  to  dislodge  them— a  sum- 
mons which  was  promptly  responded  to  by  Major  McDonald,  of  the 
Fifty-first  North  Carolina,  and  by  Captain  Rioii,  of  the  Charleston  Bat- 
talion, with  the  requisite  number  of  men.  Rion's  company  was  selected, 
and  the  gallant  Irishman,  at  the  head  of  his  company,  dashed  at  the 
reckless  and  insane  men,  who  seemed  to  insist  upon  immolation.  The 
tables  were  now  singularly  turned;  the  assailants  had  become  the  assailed 
and  they  held  a  fort  within  the  fort,  and  were  protected  by  the  traverses 
and  gun  chambers,  behind  which  they  fought.  Rion  rushed  at  them,  but 
he  fell,  shot  outright,  with  several  of  his  men,  and  the  rest  recoiled.  At 
this  time  General  Hagood  reported  tOtGeneral  Taliaferro  with  Colonel 
Harrison's  splendid  regiment,  the  Thirty-second  Georgia,  sent  over  by 
Beauregard  to  his  assistance  as  soon  as  a  landing  could  be  effected  at 
Cummiugs'  Point.  These  troops  were  ordered  to  move  along  on  the 
traverses  and  bomb-proofs,  and  to  plunge  their  concentrated  fire  over 
the  stronghold.  Still,  for  a  time,  the  enemy  held  out,  but  at  last  they 
cried  out  and  surrendered. 

"The  carnage  was  frightful.  It  is  believed  the  Federals  lost  more 
men  on  that  eventful  night  than  twice  the  entire  strength  of  the  Confed- 
erate garrison.  The  Confederates  lost  eight  killed  and  twenty  wounded 
by  the  bombardment  and  about  fifty  killed  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
wounded  altogether  from  the  bombardment  and  assault.  Among  the 
killed  were  those  gallant  officers,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Simkins  and  Major 
Ramsey  and  among  the  wounded  Captains  DePass  and  Twiggs,  of  the 
staff,  and  Lieutenants  Storey  (Aide-de-Camp),  Power  and  Watties.  Ac- 
cording to  the  statement  of  Chaplain  Dennison  the  assaulting  columns 
in  two  brigades,  commanded  by  General  Strong  and  Colonel  Putnam 
(the  division  under  General  Seymour),  consisted  of  the  Fifty-fourth 
Massachusetts,  Third  and  Seventh  New  Hampshire,  Sixth  Connecticut 
and  One  Hundredth  New  York,  with  a  reserve  brigade  commanded  by 
General  Stephenson.  One  of  the  assaulting  regiments  was  composed  of  ne- 
groes (the  Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts)  and  to  it  was  assigned  the  honor 
of  leading  the  white  columns  to  the  charge.  It  was  a  dearly  purchased 
compliment.  Their  Colonel  (Shaw)  was  killed  upon  the  parapet  and  the 
regiment  almost  annihilated,  although  the  Confederates  in  the  darkness 
could  not  tell  the  color  of  their  assailants.  Both  the  brigade  comman- 
ders were  killed  as  well  as  Colonel  Chatfield. 

"  The  same  account  says :  '  We  lost  55  officers  and  585  men,  a  total 
of  640,  one  of  the  choicest  martyr  rolls  of  the  war.'  By  'lost,'  'killed' 
is  supposed  to  be  meant,  but  still  that  number  greatly  falls  short  of  the 
number  reported  by  the  Confederates  to  have  been  buried  on  the  19th  by 
them  and  by  their  own  friends  under  a  flag  of  truce.  These  reports  show 


264  HISTORY  OF  THE  £>LACK  PHALANX. 

that  800  were  buried,  and  as  a  number  were  taken  prisoners,  and  it  is 
fair  to  estimate  that  three  were  wounded  to  one  killed,  the  total  loss  of 
the  Federals  exceeded  3,000.  The  writer's  official  report  estimates  the 
Federal  loss  at  not  less  than  2,000 ;  General  Beauregard's  at  3,000.  The 
Federal  official  reports  have  not  been  seen. 

"The  limits  prescribed  for  this  paper  would  be  exceeded  if  any  ac- 
count of  the  remaining  forty-eight  days  of  the  heroic  strife  on  Morris 
Island  were  attempted.  It  closes  with  the  repulse  of  the  second  assault, 
and  it  is  a  fit  conclusion  to  render  the  homage  due  to  the  gallantry  of 
the  contestants  by  quoting  and  adopting  the  language  of  Dr.  Dennison's 
address :  'The  truest  courage  and  determination  was  manifested  on  both 
sides  on  that  crimson  day  at  that  great  slaughter-house,  Wagner.' " 

It  was  no  longer  a  question  of  doubt  as  to  the  valor 
!  of  Northern  negroes.  The  assault  on  Fort  Wagner  com- 
!  pletely  removed  any  prejudice  that  had  been  exhibited 
^  toward  negro  troops  in  the  Department  of  the  South. 
General  Gillrnore  immediately  issued  an  order  forbidding 
any  distinction  to  be  made  among  troops  in  his  com- 
mand. So  that  while  the  black  Phalanx  had  lost  hun- 
dreds of  its  members,  it  nevertheless  won  equality  in  all 
things  save  the  pay.  The  Government  refused  to  place 
them  on  a  footing  even  with  their  Southern  brothers,  who 
received  $ 7  per  month  and  the  white  troops  f  13.  How- 
ever, they  were  not  fighting  for  pay,  as  "Stonewall"  of 
Company  C  argued,  but  for  the  "freedom  of  our  kin" 
Nobly  did  they  do  this,  not  only  at  Wagner,  as  we  have 
seen,  but  in  the  battles  on  James  Island,  Honey  Hill,  Olus- 
tee  and  at  Boy  kin's  Mill. 

In  the  winter  of  1864,  the  troops  in  the  Department  of 
the  South  lay  encamped  on  the  islands  in  and  about 
Charleston  harbor,  resting  from  their  endeavors  to  drive 
the  confederates  from  their  strongholds.  The  city  was 
five  miles  away  in  the  distance.  Sumter,  grim,  hoary  and 
in  ruins,  yet  defying  the  National  authority,  was  silent. 
General  Gillmore  was  in  command  of  the  veteran  legions 
of  the  10th  Army  Corps,  aided  by  a  powerful  fleet  of  iron- 
clads and  other  war  vessels.  There  laid  the  city  of  Charles- 
ton, for  the  time  having  a  respite.  General  Gillmore  was 
giving  rest  to  his  troops,  before  he  began  again  to  throw 
Greek  tire  into  the  city  and  batter  the  walls  of  its  defences. 
The  shattered  ranks  of  the  Phalanx  soldiers  rested  in  the 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.  265 

midst  of  thousands  of  their  white  comrades-in-arms,  to 
whom  they  nightly  repeated  the  story  of  the  late  terrible 
struggle.  The  solemn  sentry  pacing  the  ramparts  of 
Fort  Wagner  night  and  day,  his  bayonet  glittering  in  the 
rays  of  the  sun  or  in  the  moonlight,  seemed  to  be  guard- 
ing the  sepulchre  of  Col.  Shaw  and  those  who  fell  beside 
him  within  the  walls  of  that  gory  fort,  and  who  were 
buried  where  they  fell.  Only  those  who  have  lived  in  such 
a  camp  can  appreciate  the  stories  of  hair-breadth  escapes 
from  hand-to-hand  fights. 

The  repose  lasted  until  January,  when  an  important 
movement  took  place  for  the  permanent  occupation  of 
Florida.  A  detailed  account  of  which,  and  some  of  its 
disasters,  is  given  in  the  following  newspaper  statement : 

"  The  twentieth  day  of  February,  1864,  was  one  of  the  most  disas- 
trous to  the  Federal  arms,  and  to  the  administration  of  President  Lin- 
coln, in  the  annals  of  the  war  for  the  union.  Through  private  advice 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  received  information  which  led  him  to  believe  that  the 
people  in  the  State  of  Florida,  a  large  number  of  them,  at  least,  were 
ready  and  anxious  to  identify  the  State  with  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and 
he  readily  approved  of  the  Federal  forces  occupying  the  State,  then 
almost  deserted  by  the  rebels.  Gen.  Gillmore,  commanding  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  South  had  a  large  force  before  Charleston,  S.  C.,  which  had 
been  engaged  in  the  capture  of  Fort  Wagner  and  the  bombardment  of 
the  city  of  Charleston,  and  the  reduction  of  Sumter. 

"  These  objects  being  accomplished,  the  army  having  rested  several 
months,  Gen.  Gillmore  asked  for  leave  to  undertake  such  expeditions 
within  his  Department  as  he  might  think  proper.  About  the  middle  of 
December,  1863,  the  War  Department  granted  him  his  request,  and  im- 
mediately he  began  making  preparations  for  an  expedition,  collecting 
transports,  commissary  stores,  drilling  troops,  etc.,  etc. 

"About  the  1st  of  January,  1864,  General  Gillmore  wrote  to  the 
General-in-Chief,  Halleck,  that  he  was  about  to  occupy  the  west  bank  of 
St.  Johns  river,  with  the  view  (1st)  to  open  an  outlet  to  cotton,  lumber, 
etc.,  (2d)  to  destroy  one  of  the  enemy's  sources  of  supplies,  (3d)  to  give 
the  negroes  opportunity  of  enlisting  in  the  army,  (4th)  to  inaugurate 
measures  for  the  speedy  restoration  of  Florida  to  the  Union. 

"In  accordance  with  instructions  from  President  Lincoln  received 
through  the  assistant  Adjutant  General,  Major  J.  H.  Hay,  who  would 
accompany  the  expedition,  on  the  5th  of  February  the  troops  began  to 
embark  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Truman  Seymour,  on 
board  of  twenty  steamers  and  eight  schooners,  consisting  of  the  follow- 
ing regiments,  numbering  in  all  six  thousand  troops,  and  under  convoy 
13 


266  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  the  gunboat  Norwich : 

"40th  Massachusetts  Mounted  Infantry,  Col.  Guy  V.  Henry. 

"  7th  Connecticut,  Col.  J.  II.  Hawley. 

"  7th  New  Hampshire,  Col.  Abbott. 

"47th,  48th  and  115th  New  York,  Col.  Barton's  command. 

"The  Phalanx  regiments  were:  8th  Pennsylvania,  Col.  Fribley ;  1st 
North  Carolina,  Lt.-Col.  Reed;  54th  Massachusetts,  Col.  Hallo  well;  2d 
South  Carolina,  Col.  Beecher;  ooth  Massachusetts,  Col.  Hartwell,  with 
three  batteries  of  white  troops,  Hamilton's,  Elder's  and  Langdon's. 
Excepting  the  [two  last  named  regiments,  this  force  landed  at  Jackson- 
ville on  the  7th  of  February,  and  pushed  on,  following  the  40th  Massa- 
chusetts Mounted  Infantry,  which  captured  by  a  bold  dash  Camp  Finni- 
gan,  about  seven  miles  from  Jacksonville,  with  its  equipage,  eight  pieces 
of  artillery,  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  On  the  10th,  the  whole  force 
had  reached  Baldwin,  a  railroad  station  twenty  miles  west  of  Jackson- 
ville. There  the  army  encamped,  except  Col.  Henry's  force,  which  con- 
tinued its  advance  towards  Tallahassee,  driving  a  small  force  of  Gen. 
Finnegan's  command  before  him.  This  was  at  the  time  all  the  rebel 
force  in  east  Florida.  On  the  18th  Gen.  Seymour,  induced  by  the  suc- 
cessful advance  of  Col.  Henry,  lead  his  troops  from  Baldwin  with  ten 
days'  rations  in  their  haversacks,  and  started  for  the  Suwranee  river, 
about  a  hundred  and  thirty  miles  from  Baldwin  station,  leaving  the  2d 
South  Carolina  and  the  55th  Massachusetts  Phalanx  regiments  to  fol- 
low. After  a  fatiguing  march  the  column,  numbering  about  six  thou- 
sand, reached  Barbour's  Station,  on  the  Florida  Central  Railroad, 
twenty  miles  from  Baldwin.  Here  the  command  halted  and  bivouaced, 
the  night  of  the  19th,  in  the  woods  bordering  upon  a  wooded  ravine  run- 
ning off  towards  the  river  from  the  railroad  track. 

"  It  is  now  nineteen  years  ago,  and  I  write  from  memory  of  a  night 
long  to  be  remembered.  Around  many  a  Grand  Army  Camp-fire  in  the 
last  fifteen  years  this  bivouac  has  been  made  the  topic  of  an  evening's 
talk.  It  was  attended  with  no  particular  hardship.  The  weather  was 
such  as  is  met  with  in  these  latitudes,  not  cold,  not  hot,  and  though  a 
thick  vapory  cloud  hid  the  full  round  moon  from  early  eventide  until  the 
last  regiment  filed  into  the  woods,  yet  there  was  a  halo  of  light  that 
brightened  the  white,  sandy  earth  and  gave  to  the  moss-laden  limbs  of 
the  huge  pines  which  stood  sentry-like  on  the  roadside  the  appearance  of 
a  New  England  grove  on  a  frosty  night,  with  a  shelled  road  leading 
through  it. 

"It  was  well  in  the  night  when  the  two  Phalanx  regiments  filed  out 
of  the  road  into  the  woods,  bringing  up  the  rear  of  the  army,  and  took 
shelter  under  the  trees  from  the  falling  dew.  Amid  the  appalling  stillness 
that  reigned  throughout  the  encampment,  except  the  tramp  of  feet  and 
an  occasional  whickering  of  a  battery  horse,  no  sound  broke  the  deep 
silence.  Commands  were  given  in  an  undertone  and  whispered  along  the 
long  lines  of  weary  troops  that  lay  among  the  trees  and  the  underbrush 
of  the  pine  forest.  Each  soldier  lay  with  his  musket  beside  him,  ready  tQ 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        267 

spring  to  his  feet  and  in  line  for  battle,  for  none  knew  the  moment  the 
enemy,  like  a  tiger,  would  pounce  upon  them.  It  was  a  night  of  intense 
anxiety,  shrouded  in  mystery  as  to  what  to-morrow  would  bring.  The 
white  and  black  soldier  in  one  common  bed  lay  in  battle  panoply,  dream- 
ing their  common  dreams  of  home  and  loved  ones. 

"  Here  lay  the  heroic  54th  picturing  to  themselves  the  memorable 
nights  of  July  17  and  18,  their  bivouac  on  the  beach  and  their  capture 
of  Fort  Wagner  and  the  terrible  fate  of  their  comrades.  They  were  all 
veteran  troops  save  the  8th  Pennsylvania,  which  upon  many  hard- 
fought  fields  had  covered  themselves  with  gallant  honor  in  defense  of 
their  country's  cause,  from  Malvern  Hill  to  Morris  Island. 

It  was  in  the  gray  of  the  next  morning  that  Gen.  Seymour's  order 
aroused  the  command.  The  men  partook  of  a  hastily  prepared  cup  of 
coffee  and  meat  and  hard-tack  from  their  haversacks.  At  sunrise  the 
troops  took  up  the  line  of  march,  following  the  railroad  for  Lake  City. 
Col.  Henry,  with  the  40th  Massachusetts  Mounted  Infantry  and  Major 
Stevens'  independent  battalion  of  Massachusetts  cavalry,  led  the  col- 
umn. About  half-past  one  o'clock  they  reached  a  point  where  the  country 
road  crossed  the  railroad,  about  two  miles  east  of  Olustee,  and  six  miles 
west  of  Sanderson,  a  station  through  which  the  troops  passed  about 
half-bast  eleven  o'clock.  As  the  head  of  the  column  reached  the  crossing 
the  rebel  pickets  fired  and  fell  back  upon  a  line  of  skirmishers,  pursued 
by  Col.  Henry's  command.  The  enemy's  main  force  was  supposed  to  be 
some  miles  distant  from  this  place,  consequently  General  Seymour  had 
not  taken  the  precaution  to  protect  his  flanks,  though  marching  through 
an  enemy's  country.  Consequently  he  found  his  troops  flanked  on  either- 
side. 

"Col.  Henry  drove  the  skirmishers  back  upon  their  main  forces, 
which  were  strongly  posted  between  two  swamps.  The  position  was  ad- 
mirably chosen;  their  right  rested  upon  a  low,  slight  earthwork,  protec- 
ted by  rifle-pits,  their  center  was  defended  by  an  impassable  swamp,  and 
on  their  left  was  a  cavalry  force  drawn  up  on  a  small  elevation  behind 
the  shelter  of  a  grove  of  pines.  Their  camp  was  intersected  by  the  rail- 
road, on  which  was  placed  a  battery  capable  of  operating  against  the 
center  and  left  of  the  advancing  column,  while  a  rifle  gun,  mounted  on  a 
railroad  flat,  pointed  down  the  road  in  front. 

"Gen.  Seymour,  in  order  to  attack  this  strongly  fortified  position r 
had  necessarily  to  place  his  troops  between  the  two  swamps,  one  in  his* 
front,  the  other  in  the  rear.  The  Federal  cavalry,  following  up  the  skir- 
mishers, had  attacked  the  rebel  right  and  were  driven  back,  but  were  met 
by  the  7th  New  Hampshire,  7th  Connecticut,  a  regiment  of  the  black 
Phalanx  (8th  Pennsylvania),  and  Elder's  battery  of  four  and  Hamilton's 
of  six  pieces.  This  force  was  hurled  against  the  rebel  right  with  such  im- 
petuosity that  the  batteries  were  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  rebel 
line  of  battle  before  they  knew  it.  However,  they  took  position,  and 
supported  by  the  Phalanx  regiment,  opened  a  vigorous  fire  upon  the 
rebel  earthworks.  The  Phalanx  regiment  advanced  within  twenty  or 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

thirty  yards  of  the  enemy's  rifle-pits,  and  poured  a  volley  of  minie  balls 
into  the  very  faces  of  those  who  did  not  fly  on  their  approach. 

"The  7th  Connecticut  and  the  7th  New  Hampshire,  the  latter  with 
their  seven-shooters,  Spencer  repeaters,  Col.  Hawley,  commanding,  had 
taken  a  stand  further  to  the  right  of  the  battery,  and  were  hotly  engag- 
ing the  rebels.  The  Phalanx  regiment  (8th),  after  dealing  out  two 
rounds  from  its  advanced  position,  finding  the  enemy's  force  in  the  cen- 
ter preparing  to  charge  upon  them,  fell  back  under  cover  of  Hamilton's 
battery,  which  was  firing  vigorously  and  effectively  into  the  rebel  col- 
umn. The  7th  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire  about  this  time  ran 
short  of  ammunition,  and  Col.  Hawley,  finding  the  rebels  outnumbered 
his  force  three  to  one,  was  about  ordering  Col.  Abbott  to  fall  back  and 
out  of  the  concentrated  fire  of  the  enemy  pouring  upon  his  men,  when  he 
observed  the  rebels  coming  in  for  a  down  upon  his  column. 

"Here  they  come  like  tigers;  the  Federal  column  wavers  a  little;  it 
staggers  and  breaks,  falling  back  in  considerable  disorder!  Col.  Haw- 
ley now  ordered  Col.  Fribley  to  take  his  Phalanx  Regiment,  the  8th,  to 
the  right  of  the  battery  and  check  the  advancing  rebel  force.  No  time 
was  to  be  lost,  the  enemy's  sharpshooters  had  already  silenced  two  of 
Hamilton's  guns,  dead  and  dying  men  and  horses  lay  in  a  heap  about 
them,  while  at  the  remaining  four  guns  a  few  brave  artillerists  were  load- 
ing and  fixing  their  pieces,  retarding  the  enemy  in  his  onward  movement. 

"  Deficient  in  artillery,  they  had  not  been  able  to  check  the  Federal 
cavalry  in  its  dash,  but  the  concentrated  fire  from  right  to  center  demor- 
alized, and  sent  them  galloping  over  the  field  wildly.  Col.  Fribley  gave 
the  order  by  the  right  flank,  double  quick !  and  the  next  moment  the  8th 
Phalanx  swept  away  to  the  extreme  right  in  support  of  the  7th  New 
Hampshire  and  the  7th  Connecticut.  The  low,  direct  aim  of  the  enemy 
in  the  rifle-pits,  his  Indian  sharp-shooters  up  in  the  trees,  had  ere  now  so 
thinned  the  ranks  of  Col.  Hawley's  command  that  his  line  was  gone,  and 
the  8th  Phalanx  met  the  remnant  of  his  brigade  as  it  was  going  to  the 
rear  in  complete  disorder.  The  rebels  ceased  firing  and  halted  as  the 
Phalanx  took  position  between  them  and  their  fleeing  comrades.  They 
halted  not  perforce,  but  apparently  for  deliberation,  when  with  one  fell 
swoop  in  the  next  moment  they  swept  the  field  in  their  front. 

"The  Phalanx  did  not,  however,  quit  the  field  in  a  panic-stricken 
manner  but  fell  hastily  back  to  the  battery,  only  to  find  two  of  the 
guns  silent  and  their  brave  workers  and  horses  nearly  all  of  them  dead 
upon  the  field.  With  a  courage  undaunted,  surpassed  by  no  veteran 
troops  on  any  battle-field,  the  Phalanx  attempted  to  save  the  silent 
guns.  In  this  effort  Col.  Fribley  was  killed ,  in  the  torrent  of  rebel  bullets 
which  fell  upon  the  regiment.  It  held  the  two  guns,  despite  two  desper- 
ate charges  made  by  the  enemy  to  capture  them,  but  the  stubbornness 
of  the  Phalanx  was  no  match  for  the  ponderous  weight  of  their  enemy's 
column,  their  sharpshooters  and  artillery  mowing  down  ranks  of  their 
comrades  at  every  volley.  A  grander  spectacle  was  never  witnessed  than 
that  which  this  regiment  gave  of  gallant  courage.  They  left  their  gnna 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        269 

only  when  their  line  officers  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  their  valient 
soldiers  were  dead  upon  the  field,  the  work  of  an  hour  and  a  half.  The 
battery  lost  forty  of  its  horses  and  four  of  its  brave  men.  The  Phalanx 
saved  the  colors  of  the  battery  with  its  own.  Col.  Barton's  brigade,  the 
47th,  48th  and  115th  New  York,  during  the  fight  on  the  right  had  held 
the  enemy  in  the  front  and  center  at  bay,  covering  Elder's  battery,  and 
nobly  did  they  do  their  duty,  bravely  maintaining  the  reputation  they 
had  won  before  Charleston,  but  like  the  other  troops,  the  contest  was 
too  unequal.  The  rebels  outnumbered  them  five  to  one,  and  they  like- 
wise gave  way,  leaving  about  a  fourth  of  their  number  upon  the  field, 
dead  and  wounded. 

"Col.  Montgomery's  brigade,  comprising  two  Phalanx  regiments, 
54th  Massachusetts  and  1st  North  Carolina,  which  had  been  held  in  re- 
serve about  a  mile  down  the  road,  now  came  up  at  double-quick.  They 
were  under  heavy  marching  orders,  with  ten  days'  rations  in  their  knap- 
sacks, besides  their  cartridge  boxes  they  carried  ten  rounds  in  their 
overcoat  pockets.  The  road  was  sandy,  and  the  men  often  found  their 
feet  beneath  the  sand,  but  with  their  wonted  alacrity  they  speed  on  up 
the  road,  the  54th  leading  in  almost  a  locked  running  step,  followed 
closely  by  the  1st  North  Carolina.  As  they  reached  the  road  intersected 
by  the  railroad  they  halted  in  the  rear  of  what  remained  of  Hamilton's 
battery,  loading  a  parting  shot.  The  band  of  the  54th  took  position 
on  the  side  of  the  road,  and  while  the  regiments  were  unstringing  knap- 
sacks as  coolly  as  if  about  to  bivouac,  the  music  of  the  band  burst  out 
on  the  sulphureous  air,  amid  the  roar  of  artillery,  the  rattle  of  musketry 
and  the  shouts  of  commands,  mingling  its  soul-stirring  strains  with  the 
deafening  yells  of  the  charging  columns,  right,  left,  and  from  the  rebel 
center.  Thus  on  the  very  edge  of  the  battle,  nay,  in  the  battle,  the  Pha- 
lanx band  poured  out  in  heroic  measures  '  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.' 
Its  thrilling  notes,  souring  above  the  battles'  gales,  aroused  to  new  life 
and  renewed  energy  the  panting,  routed  troops,  flying  in  broken  and  dis- 
ordered ranks  from  the  field.  Many  of  them  halted,  the  New  York 
troops  particularly,  and  gathered  at  the  battery  again,  pouring  a  deadly 
volley  into  the  enemy's  works  and  ranks.  The  54th  had  but  a  moment 
to  prepare  for  the  task.  General  Seymour  rode  up  and  appealed  to  the 
Phalanx  to  check  the  enemy  and  save  the  army  from  complete  and  total 
annihilation.  Col.  Montgomery  gave  Col.  Hallowell  the  order 'For- 
ward,' pointing  to  the  left,  and  away  went  the  54th  Phalanx  regiment 
through  the  woods,  down  into  the  swamp,  wading  up  to  their  knees— in 
places  where  the  water  reached  their  hips;  yet  on  they  went  till  they 
reached  terra  firma.  Soon  the  regiment  stood  in  line  of  battle,  ready  to 
meet  the  enemy's  advancing  cavalry,  emerging  from  the  extreme  left. 

" '  Hold  your  fire  ! '  the  order  ran  down  the  line.  Indeed,  it  was  try- 
ing. The  cavalry  had  halted  but  the  enemy,  in  their  rifle-pits  in  the 
center  of  their  line,  pouivcl  volley  after  volley  into  the  ranks  of  the  Pha- 
lanx, which  it  Btood  like  a  wall  of  granite,  holding  at  bay  the  rebel  cav- 
alry Imiigjng  on  the  e<lge  of  a  pine  grove.  The  1st  Phalanx  regiment 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

entered  the  field  in  front,  charged  the  rebels  in  the  centre  of  the  line, 
driving  them  into  their  rifle-pits,  and  then  for  half  an  hour  the  carnage 
became  frightful.  They  had  followed  the  rebels  into  the  very  jaws  of 
death,  and  now  Col.  Reid  found  his  regiment  in  the  enemy's  enfilading 
fire,  and  they  swept  his  line.  Men  fell  like  snowflakes.  Driven  by  this 
terrific  iire,  they  fell  back.  The  54th  had  taken  ground  to  the  right, 
lending  whatever  of  assistance  they  could  to  their  retiring  comrades, 
who  were  about  on  a  line  with  them,  for  although  retreating,  it  was  in 
the  most  cool  and  deliberate  manner,  and  the  two  regiments  began  a 
firing  at  will  against  which  the  rebels,  though  outnumbering  them,  could 
not  face.  Thus  they  held  them  till  long  after  sunset,  and  firing  ceased. 

"The  slaughter  was  terrible;  the  Phalanx  lost  about  800  men,  the 
white  troops  about  GOO.  It  was  Braddock's  defeat  after  the  lapse  of  a 
century." 

The  rout  was  complete;  the  army  was  not  only  de- 
feated but  beaten  and  demoralized.  The  enemy  had  suc- 
ceeded in  drawing  it  into  a  trap  for  the  purpose  of  annihi- 
lating it.  Seymour  had  advanced,  contrary  to  the  orders 
given  him  by  General  Gillmore,  from  Baldwin's  Station, 
where  he  was  instructed  to  intrench  and  await  orders. 
Whether  or  not  he  sought  to  retrieve  the  misfortunes  that 
had  attended  him  in  South  Carolina,  in  assaulting  the 
enemy's  works,  is  a  question  which  need  not  be  discussed 
here.  It  is  only  necessary  to  show  the  miserable  misman- 
agement of  the  advance  into  the  enemy's  country.  The 
troops  were  marched  into  an  ambuscade,  where  they  were 
slaughtered  by  the  enemy  at  will.  Even  after  finding  his 
troops  ambuscaded,  and  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the 
confederate  fortifications,  General  Seymour  did  not  at- 
tempt to  fall  back  and  form  a  line  of  battle,  though  he 
had  sufficient  artillery,  but  rushed  brigade  after  brigade 
up  to  the  enemy's  guns,  only  to  be  mowed  down  by  the 
withering  storm  of  shot.  Each  brigade  in  turn  went  in  as 
spirited  as  any  troops  ever  entered  a  fight,  but  stampeded 
out  of  it  maimed,  mangled  and  routed.  At  sunset  the 
road,  foot-paths  and  woods  leading  back  to  Saunders' 
.Station,  was  full  of  brave  soldiers  hastening  from  the 
massacre  of  their  comrades,  in  their  endeavor  to  escape 
capture.  At  about  nine  o'clock  that  night,  what  remained 
of  the  left  column,  Colonel  Montgomery's  brigade,  consist- 
ing of  the  54th  and  35th  Phalanx  Regiments,  and  a  bat- 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.  273 

tery,  arrived  at  the  Station,  and  reported  the  confederates 
in  hot  pursuit.  Instantly  the  shattered,  scattered  troops 
fled  to  the  roads  leading  to  Barber's,  ten  miles  away,  with 
no  one  to  command.  Each  man  took  his  own  route  for 
Barber's,  leaving  behind  whatever  would  encumber  him, — 
arms, ammunition, knapsacks  and  cartridge  boxes;  many 
of  the  latter  containing  forty  rounds  of  cartridges.  It  was 
long  past  midnight  when  Barber's  was  reached,  and  full 
day  before  the  frightened  mob  arrived  at  the  Station.  At 
sunrise  on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  the  scene  presented  at 
Barber's  was  sickening  and  sad.  The  wounded  lay  every- 
where, upon  the  ground,  huddled  around  the  embers  of 
fagot  tires,  groaning  and  uttering  cries  of  distress.  The 
surgeons  were  busy  relieving,  as  best  they  could,  the  more 
dangerously  wounded.  The  foot-sore  and  hungry  soldiers 
sought  out  their  bleeding  and  injured  comrades  and 
placed  them  upon  railroad  flats,  standing  upon  the  tracks, 
and  when  these  were  loaded,  ropes  and  strong  vines  were 
procured  and  fastened  to  the  flats.  Putting  themselves 
in  the  place  of  a  locomotive, — several  of  which  stood  upon 
the  track  at  Jacksonville,— the  mangled  and  mutilated 
forms  of  about  three  hundred  soldiers  were  dragged  for- 
ward mile  after  mile.  Just  in  the  rear,  the  confederates 
kept  up  a  fire  of  musketry,  as  though  to  hasten  on  the 
stampede.  It  was  well  into  the  night  when  the  train 
reached  Baldwin's,  where  it  was  thought  the  routed  force 
would  occupy  the  extensive  work  encircling  the  station, 
but  they  did  not  stop ;  their  race  was  continued  to  Jack- 
sonville. At  Baldwin's  an  agent  of  the  Christian  Commis- 
sion gave  the  wounded  each  two  crackers,  without  water. 
This  over  with,  the  train  started  for  Jacksonville,  ten 
miles  further.  The  camp  of  Colonel  Beecher's  command, 
2nd  Phalanx  Regiment,  w^as  reached,  and  here  coffee  was 
furnished.  At  daylight  the  train  reached  Jacksonville, 
where  the  wounded  were  carried  to  the  churches  and  cared 
for.  The  battle  and  the  retreat  had  destroyed  every  ves- 
tige of  distinction  based  upon  color.  The  troops  during 
the  battle  had  fought  together,  as  during  the  stampede 
they  had  endured  its  horrors  together. 


274  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  news  of  the  battle  and  defeat  reached  Beaufort 
the  night  of  the  23rd  of  February.  It  was  so  surprising 
that  it  was  doubted,  but  when  a  boat  load  of  wounded 
men  arrived,  all  doubts  were  dispelled. 

Colonel  T.  W.  Higginson,  who  was  at  Beaufort  at  the 
time  with  his  regiment,  (1st  S.  C.),  thus  notes  the  recep- 
tion of  the  news  in  his  diary,  which  we  quote  with  a  few 
comments  from  his  admirable  book,  "Army  Life  in  a 
Black  Regiment " : 

'"FEBRUARY,  19TH. 

" '  Not  a  bit  of  it !  This  morning  the  General  has  ridden  up  radiant, 
nas  seen  General  Gillmore,  who  has  decided  not  to  order  us  to  Florida  at 
all,  nor  withdraw  any  of  this  garrison.  Moreover,  he  says  that  all 
which  is  intended  in  Florida  is  done — that  there  will  be  no  advance  to 
Tallahassee,  and  General  Seymour  will  establish  a  camp  of  instruction 
in  Jacksonville.  Well,  if  that  is  all,  it  is  a  lucky  escape.' 

"We  little  dreamed  that  on  that  very  day  the  march  toward  Olustee 
was  beginning.  The  battle  took  place  next  day,  and  I  add  one  more 
extract  to  show  how  the  news  reached  Beaufort. 

"'FEBRUARY  23, 1864. 

"  'There  was  a  sound  of  revelry  by  night  at  a  ball  in  Beaufort  last 
night,  in  a  new  large  building  beautifully  decorated.  All  'the  collected 
flags  of  the  garrison  hung  round  and  over  us,  as  if  the  stars  and  stripea 
were  devised  for  an  ornament  alone.  The  array  of  uniforms  was  such, 
that  a  civilian  became  a  distinguished  object,  much  more  a  lady.  All 
would  have  gone  according  to  the  proverbial  marriage  bell,  I  suppose, 
had  there  not  been  a  slight  palpable  shadow  over  all  of  us  from  hearing 
vague  stories  of  a  lost  battle  in  Florida,  and  from  the  thought  that  per- 
haps the  very  ambulances  in  which  we  rode  to  the  ball  were  ours  only 
until  the  wounded  or  the  dead  might  tenant  them. 

" '  General  Gillmore  only  came,  I  supposed,  to  put  a  good  face  upon 
the  matter.  He  went  away  soon,  and  General  Saxton  went ;  then  came 
a  rumor  that  the  Cosmopolitan  had  actually  arrived  with  wounded, 
but  still  the  dance  went  on.  There  was  nothing  unfeeling  about  it- 
one  gets  used  to  things, — when  suddenly,  in  the  midst  of  the  'Lan- 
cers,' there  came  a  perfect  hush,  the  music  ceasing,  a  few  surgeons  went 
hastily  to  and  fro,  as  if  conscience  stricken  (I  should  think  they  might 
have  been),— and  then  there  'waved  a  mighty  shadow  in,'  as  in  TJhland'a 
'Black  Knight,'  and  as  we  all  stood  wondering  we  were  aware  of  General 
Saxton  who  strode  hastily  down  the  hall,  his  pale  face  very  resolute, 
and  looking  almost  sick  with  anxiety.  He  had  just  been  on  board  the 
steamer;  there  were  two  hundred  and  fifty  wounded  men  just  arrived, 
and  the  ball  must  end.  Not  that  there  was  anything  for  us  to  do,  but 
the  revel  was  mis-timed,  and  must  be  ended;  it  was  wicked  to  be  dancing 
with  such  a  scene  of  suffering  near  by. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        277 

" '  Of  course  the  ball  was  instantly  broken  up,  though  with  some 
murmurings  and  some  longings  of  appetite,  on  the  part  of  some,  toward 
the  wasted  supper. 

" '  Later,  I  went  on  board  the  boat.  Among  the  long  lines  of  wound- 
ed, black  and  white  intermingled,  there  was  the  wonderful  quiet  which 
usually  prevails  on  such  occasions.  Not  a  sob  nor  a  groan,  except  from 
those  undergoing  removal.  It  is  not  self-control,  but  chiefly  the  shock 
to  the  system  produced  by  severe  wounds,  especially  gunshot  wounds, 
and  which  usually  keeps  the  patient  stiller  at  first  than  at  any  later 
time. 

" '  A  company  from  my  regiment  waited  on  the  wharf,  in  their  accus- 
tomed dusky  silence,  and  I  longed  to  ask  them  what  they  thought  of  our 
Florida  disappointment  now?  In  view  of  what  they  saw,  did  they  still 
wish  we  had  been  there?  I  confess  that  in  presence  of  all  that  human 
suffering,  I  could  not  wish  it.  But  I  would  not  have  suggested  any  such 
thought  to  them. 

"'I  found  our  kind-hearted  ladies,  Mrs.  Chamberlin  and  Mrs.  Dew- 
hurst,  on  board  the  steamer,  but  there  was  nothing  f  )r  them  to  do,  and 
we  walked  back  to  camp  in  the  radiant  moonlight;  Mrs.  Chamberlin 
more  than  ever  strengthened  in  her  blushing  woman's  philosophy,  'I 
don't  care  who  wins  the  laurels,  provided  we  don't ! ' 

" 'FEBRUARY  29TH. 

"'But  for  a  few  trivial  cases  of  varioloid,  we  should  certainly  have 
been  in  that  disastrous  fight.  We  were  confidently  expected  for  several 
days  at  Jacksonville,  and  the  commanding  general  told  Hallowell  that 
we,  being  the  oldest  colored  regiment,  would  have  the  right  of  the  line. 
This  was  certainly  to  miss  danger  and  glory  very  closely.' " 

At  daybreak  on  the  8th  of  March,  1864,  the  7th  Regi- 
ment, having  left  Camp  Stanton,  Maryland,  on  the  4th 
and  proceeded  to  Portsmouth,  Va.,  embarked  on  board 
the  steamer  "Webster"  for  the  Department  of  the  South. 
Arriving  at  Hilton  Head,  the  regiment  went  into  camp  for 
a  few  days,  then  it  embarked  for  Jacksonville,  Fla.,  at 
which  place  it  remained  for  some  time,  taking  part  in 
several  movements  into  the  surrounding  country  and  par- 
ticipating in  a  number  of  quite  lively  skirmishes.  On  the 
27th  of  June  a  considerable  portion  of  the  Regiment  was 
ordered  to  Hilton  Head,  where  it  arrived  on  July  1st;  it 
went  from  there  to  James  Island,  where  with  other  troops 
a  short  engagement  with  the  confederates  was  had.  After- 
wards the  regiment  returned  to  Jacksonville,  Fla.,  remain- 
ing in  that  vicinity  engaged  in  raiding  the  adjacent  terri- 
tory until  the  4th  of  August,  when  the  regiment  was 


278  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ordered  to  Virginia,  to  report  to  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
moc,  where  it  arrived  on  Aug.  8th.  The  55th  Massachu- 
setts Regiment  was  also  ordered  to  the  Department  of  the 
South.  It  left  Boston  July  21st,  1863,  on  the  steamer 
"Cahawba,"  and  arrived  at  Newbern  on  the  25th.  After 
a  few  days  of  rest,  to  recover  from  the  effects  of  the  voy- 
age, the  regiment  was  put  into  active  service,  and  per- 
formed a  large  amount  of  marching  and  of  the  arduous 
duties  required  of  a  soldier.  Many  skirmishes  and  actions 
of  more  or  less  importance  were  participated  in.  February 
13th,  1864,  the  regiment  took  a  steamer  for  Jacksonville, 
Fla,  and  spent  considerable  time  in  that  section  and  at 
various  points  on  the  St.  Johns  river.  In  June  the  regi- 
ment was  ordered  to  the  vicinity  of  Charleston,  and  took 
part  in  several  of  the  engagements  which  occurred  in  that 
neighborhood,  always  sustaining  and  adding  to  the  repu- 
tation they  were  acquiring  for  bravery  and  good  soldierly 
conduct.  The  regiment  passed  its  entire  time  of  active 
service  in  the  department  to  which  it  was  first  sent,  and 
returned  to  Boston,  Mass.,  where  it  was  mustered  out, 
amid  great  rejoicing,  on  the  23rd  of  September,  1865. 

The  battles  in  which  the  54th  Regiment  were  engaged 
were  some  of  the  most  sanguinary  of  the  war.  The  last 
fight  of  the  regiment,  which,  like  the  battle  of  New  Or- 
leans, took  place  after  peace  was  declared,  is  thus  described 
by  the  Drummer  Boy  of  Company  C,  Henry  A.  Monroe,  of 
New  Bedford,  Mass.: 

BOYKIN'S  MILL.  * 

"  One  wailing  bugle  note, —  A  low  and  dark  ravine 

Then  at  the  break  of  day.  Beneath  a  rugged  hill. 

With  Martial  step  and  gay.  Where  stood  the  Boykin  Mill 

The  army  takes  its  way  Spanning  the  creek,  whose  rill 

From  Camden  town.  Flows  dark  and  deep. 

There  lay  along  the  path,  Only  a  narrow  bank 

Defending  native  land  ;  Where  one  can  scarcely  tread ; 

A  daring,  desperate  band  Thick  branches  meet  o'erhead; 

Entrenched  on  either  hand  Across  the  mill-pond's  bed 

In  ambuscade.  A  bridge  up-torn. 


*  NOTE.— Boykin's  Mill,  a  few  miles  from  Camden,  S.  C.,  was  the  scene  of  one  of  the 
bloodiest  skirmishes  that  the  54th  Regt.  ever  participated  in.  We  had  literally  fought 
every  step  of  the  way  from  Georgetown  to  Camden,  and  the  enemy  made  a  last  desper- 
ate stand  at  this  place.  No  better  position  could  be  found  for  a  defense,  as  the  only 
approach  to  it,  was  by  a  narrow  embankment  about  200  yards  long,  where  only  one 
could  walk  at  a  time.  The  planks  of  the  bridge  over  the  mill-race  were  torn  up,  com- 
pelling the  troops  to  cross  on  the  timbers  and  cross-ties,  under  a  galling  fire  which 
swept  the  bridge  and  embankment,  rendering  it  a  fearful  'way  of  death.'  The  heroes 
of  Wagner  and  Olustee  did  not  shrink  from  the  trial,  but  actually  charged  in  single 
file.  The  first  to  step  upon  the  fatal  path,  went  down  like  grass  before  the  scythe,  but 
over  their  prostrate  bodies  came  their  comrades,  until  the  enemy,  panic-stricken  by 
such  determined  daring,  abandoned  their  position  and  fled. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        279 


One  single  sharp  report !  '  Forward ! '    They  quickly  spring 

A  hundred  muskets  peal, —  With  leveled  bayonet; 

A  wild  triumphant  yell,  Each  eye  is  firmly  set 

As  back  the.army  fell  Upon  that  pathway  wet 

Stunned,  bleeding,  faint.  With  crimson  gore. 

As  when  some  mighty  rock  That  '  Balaklava '  dash ! 

Obstructs  the  torrent's  course,  Kight  through  the  leaden  hail, 

After  the  moment's  pause  O'er  dyke  and  timbers  frail, 

Twill  rush  with  greater  force  With  hearts  that  never  fail 

Resistless  on.  They  boldly  charge. 

A  moment's  pause  and  then,  Facing  the  scathing  fire 

Our  leader  trom  his  post,  Without  a  halt  or  break; 

Viewing  the  stricken  host,  Save  when  with  moan  or  shriek, 

Cried  'Comrades,  all  is  lost  In  the  blood-mingled  creek 

If  we  now  fail ! '  The  wounded  fall. 

Forming  in  single  file,  What  could  resist  that  charge? 

They  gaze  with  bated  breath,  Above  the  battle's  roar, 

Around— before— beneath—  There  swells  a  deafening  cheer 

On  every  hand,  stern  Death  Telling  to  far  and  near, 

His  visage  showed.  The  Mill  is  won ! 

The  slaughter  was  terrible,  and  among  the  killed  was 
young  Lieutenant  Stevenson,  a  graduate  of  Harvard. 
The  affair  was  an  unnecessary  sacrifice  of  human  life,  for 
the  war  was  over,  peace  had  been  declared,  and  President 
Lincoln  had  been  assassinated ;  but  in  the  interior  of  the 
Carolinas,  the  news  did  not  reach  until  it  was  too  late 
to  prevent  this  final  bloodshed  of  the  war.  Perhaps  it 
may  be  regarded  as  a  fitting  seal  of  the  negro  to  his  new 
covenant  with  freedom  and  his  country. 

The  very  large  number  ,of  negro  troops  which\  General 
Gillmore  had  under  his  command  in  the  Department  of  the 
SoutEQafforded  him  a  better  opportunity  to  test  their  fit- 
ness for  and  quality  as  soldiers,  than  any  other  comman- 
der had.  In  fact  the  artillery  operations  in  Charleston 
harbor,  conducted  throughout  with  remarkable  engineer- 
ing skill,  perseverence  and  bravery,  won  for  General  Gill- 
more  and  his  troops  the  attention  and  admiration  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  an  exceptional  place  in  the  annals  of 
military  siege.  Such  fame  is  sufficient  to  prompt  an  inquiry 
into  the  capacity  of  the  men  who  performed  the  labor  of 
planting  the  "Swamp  Angel,"  which  threw  three  hundred 
pound  shot  into  the  heart  of  Charleston,  more  than  four 
miles  away,  and  also  mounted  the  six  200-pound  cannons 
which  demolished  the  forts  in  the  harbor  two  miles  dis- 
tant. The  work  of  mounting  these  immense  guns  in 
swamp  and  mud  could  only  be  done  by  men  who  feared 
neither  fatigue,  suffering  nor  death.  After  the  accomplish- 
ment of  these  worlds,  wonders,  and  the  subjugation  of 


280  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"arrogant"  Wagner,  the  following  circular  was  addressed 
to  the  subordinate  engineers  for  information  regarding 
the  negro  troops,  which  drew  forth  explicit  and  interesting 
answers : 

"COLORED  TROOPS  FOR  WORK.— CIRCULAR. 

"HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  SOUTH, 

"ENGINEER'S  OFFICE,  MORRIS'  ISLAND,  S.  C.,  Sept.  10th,  1863. 

"As  the  important  experiment  which  will  test  the  fitness  of  the  American  negro  for 
the  duties  of  a  soldier  is  now  being  tried,  it  is  desirable  that  facts  bearing  on  the  ques- 
tion be  carefully  observed  and  recorded. 

"  It  is  probable  that  in  no  military  operations  of  the  war  have  negro  troops  done 
eo  large  a  proportion,  and  so  important  and  hazardous,  fatigue  duty,  as  in  the  siege 
operations  on  this  island. 

"As  you  have  directed  the  operations  of  working  parties  of  both  white  and  black 
troops  here,  I  respectfully  ask,  for  the  object  above  stated,  an  impartial  and  carefully 
prepared  answer  to  the  following  inquiries,  together  with  such  statements  as  you 
choose  to  make  bearing  on  this  question : 

"  I.    Courage  as  indicated  by  their  behavior  under  fire. 

"  II.  Skill  and  appreciation  of  their  duties,  referring  to  the  quality  of  the  work 
performed . 

"  III.  Industry  and  perseverence,  with  reference,  to  the  quantity  of  the  work  per- 
formed. 

"IV.  If  a  certain  work  were  to  be  accomplished  in  the  least  possible  time,  i.  e., 
when  enthusiasm  and  direct  personal  interest  is  necessary  to  attain  the  end,  would 
whites  or  blacks  answer  best? 

"V.  What  is  the  difference,  considering  the  above  points  between  colored  troops 
recruited  from  the  free  States  and  those  from  the  slave  States? 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"T.  B.  BROOKS, 
Major,  Aide-de-Camp  and  Ass't  Engineer." 

Six  replies  to  these  enquiries  were  received  from  engi- 
neer officers  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  siege,  the  sub- 
stance of  which  is  embraced  in  the  following  summary,  fol- 
lowing which  two  replies  are  given  in  full, 

"1.  To  the  first  question  all  answer  that  the  black  is  more  timorous 
than  the  white,  but  is  in  a  corresponding  degree  more  docile  and  obedi- 
ent, hence  more  completely  under  the  control  of  his  commander,  and 
much  more  influenced  by  his  example. 

"2.  All  agree  that  the  black  is  less  skillful  than  the  white  soldier, 
but  still  enough  so  for  most  kinds  of  siege  work. 

"3.  The  statements  unanimously  agree  that  the  black  will  do  a 
greater  amount  of  work  than  the  white  soldier  because  he  labors  more 
constantly. 

"4.  The  whites  are  decidedly  superior  in  enthusiasm.  The  blacks 
cannot  be  easily  hurried  in  their  work,  no  matter  what  the  emergency. 

"  5.  All  agree  that  the  colored  troops  recruited  from  free  States  are 
superior  to  those  recruited  from  slave  States. 

"It  may  with  propriety  be  repeated  here,  that  the  average  percent- 
age of  sick  among  the  negro  troops  during  the  siege  was  13.9,  while  that 
of  the  white  infantry  was  20.1  per  cent. 

"The  percentage  of  tours  of  duty  performed  by  the  blacks  as  com- 
pared with  the  white  infantry,  was  as  56  to  41.  But  the  grand  guard 
duty,  which  was  considered  much  more  wearing  than  fatigue,  was  all 
done  by  the  whites. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH  281 

"The  efficiency  and  health  of  a  battalion  depends  so  much  upon  its 
officers,  that,  in  order  to  institute  a  fair  comparison,  when  so  small  a 
number  of  troops  are  considered,  this  element  should  be  eliminated. 
This  has  not,  however,  been  attempted  in  this  paper." 
[Reply  in  Full  No.  I.] 

"MORRIS  ISLAND,  S.  C.,  Sept.  llth,  1863. 

"  MAJOR  : — In  answer  to  your  several  queries  as  per  circular  of  Septem- 
ber 10,  1863,  requesting  my  opinion  as  to  the  relative  merits  of  white 
and  black  troops,  for  work  in  the  trenches,  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the 
the  following  replies  : 

"  I.  '  Their  courage  as  indicated  by  their  behavior  under  fire.'  I  will 
say,  in  my  opinion,  their  courage  is  rather  of  the  passive  than  the  active 
kind.  They  will  stay,  endure,  resist,  and  follow,(but  they  have  not  the 
restless,  aggressive  spirit.  I  do  not  believe  they  will  desert  their  officers 
in  trying  moments,  in  so  great  numbers  as  the  whites ;  they  have  not  the 
will,  audacity  or  fertility  of  excuse  of  the  straggling  white,  and  at  the 
same  time  they  have  not  the  heroic,  nervous  energy,  or  vivid  perception 
of  the  white,  who  stands  firm  or  presses  forward. 

"I  do  not  remember  a  single  instance,  in  my  labors  in  the  trenches, 
where  the  black  man  has  skulked  away  from  his  duty,  and  I  know  that 
instances  of  that  kind  have  occurred  among  the  whites;  still  I  think 
that  the  superior  energy  and  intelligence  of  those  remaining,  considering 
that  the  whites  were  the  lesser  number  by  the  greater  desertion,  would 
more  than  compensate. 

"II.  'Skill  and  appreciation  of  their  duties  referring  to  the  quality 
of  the  work.' 

"  They  have  a  fair  share  of  both ;  enough  to  make  them  very  useful 
and  efficient,  but  they  have  not  apparently  that  superior  intelligence 
and  skill  that  may  be  found  largely  among  the  non-commissioned  offi- 
cers and  privates  of  the  white  regiments. 

"III.  'Industry  and  perseverence  with  reference  to  the  quantity  of 
the  work  done.' 

"I  think  they  will  do  more  than  the  whites;  they  do  not  have  so 
many  complaints  and  excuses,  but  stick  to  their  work  patiently,  dogged- 
ly, obediently,  and  accomplish  a  great  deal,  though  I  have  never  known 
them  to  work  with  any  marked  spirit  or  energy.  I  should  liken  the 
white  man  to  the  horse  (often  untractable  and  balky),  the  black  man  to 
the  ox. 

"  IV.  '  If  a  certain  work  were  to  be  accomplished  in  the  least  possi- 
ble time,  f.  e.,  when  enthusiasm  and  direct  personal  interest  is  necessary 
to  attain  the  end,  would  whites  or  blacks  answer  best? ' 

"  I  cannot  make  up  my  mind  that  it  is  impossible  to  arouse  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  blacks,  for  I  have  seen  enough  of  them  to  know  that 
they  are  very  emotional  creatures ;  still  though  they  might  have  more 
dash  than  I  have  seen  and  think  possible,  it  is  unquestionable  to  my 
mind  that  were  the  enthusiasm  and  personal  interest  of  both  aroused, 
the  white  would  far  surpass  the  black. 


282  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  a  hard  nervous  organization  at  the 
bottom  of  the  character  of  the  white,  and  a  soft  susceptible  one  at  the 
bottom  of  the  character  of  the  black. 

"V.  'What  is  the  difference,  considering  the  above  points,  between 
colored  troops  recruited  from  the  free  States  and  those  from  the  slave 
States?' 

" I  should  say  that  the  free  State  men  were  the  best;  they  have  more 
of  the  self-reliance,  and  approximate  nearer  to  the  qualities  of  the  white 
man  in  respect  to  dash  and  energy,  than  those  from  the  slave  States. 

"Summary.— To  me  they  compare  favorably  with  the  whites;  they 
are  easily  handled,  true  and  obedient;  there  is  less  viciousness  among 
them;  they  are  more  patient;  they  have  great  constancy.  The  character 
of  the  white,  as  you  know,  runs  to  extremes ;  one  has  bull-dog  courage, 
another  is  a  pitiful  cur;  one  is  excessively  vicious,  another  pure  and 
noble.  The  phases  of  the  character  of  the  white  touches  the  stars  and 
descends  to  the  lowest  depths.  The  blacks  character  occupies  the  inner 
circle.  Their  status  is  mediocrity,  and  this  mediocrity  and  uniformity, 
for  military  fatigue  duty,  I  think,  answers  best. 

"I  am  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"JOSEPH  WALKER. 
"Captain  New  York  Voluneeer  Engineers. 

"Major  T.  B.  BROOKS, 

"  Aide-de-Camp  and  Astft.  Eng.  Dept.  of  the  South." 

[Reply  in  Full  No.  2.] 

"MORRIS  ISLAND,  Sept.  16th,  1863. 
"Major  T.  B.  BROOKS,  Ass't.  Engineer  Dept.  of  the  South. 

"  SIR:  I  have  the  honor  to  state  that  I  received  from  you  a  circular  of 
inquiry  respecting  the  comparative  merits  of  white  and  black  soldiers 
for  fatigue  duty,  requesting  my  opinion  as  derived  from  observation  and 
actual  intercourse  with  them,  on  several  specified  points,  which  I  subjoin 
with  the  respective  answers. 

"I.    ' Courage  as  indicated  by  conduct  under  fire.' 

"I  have  found  that  the  black  troops  manifest  more  timidity  under 
fire  than  the  white  troops,  but  they  are  at  the  same  time  more  obedient 
to  orders,  and  more  under  control  of  their  officers,  in  dangerous  situa- 
tions, than  white  soldiers. 

"II.  'Skill  and  appreciation  of  their  duties  with  reference  to  the 
quality  of  the  work  performed.' 

"  White  soldiers  are  more  intelligent  and  experienced  and  of  course 
more  skillful  than  the  black  ones,  but  they  have  not  generally  a  corres- 
ponding appreciation  of  their  duties.  As  a  consequence  I  have  found  in 
most  cases  the  work  as  well  done  by  black  as  by  white  soldiers. 

"III.  'Industry  and  perseverence  with  reference  to  the  amount  of 
work  performed.' 

"  White  soldiers  work  with  more  energy  while  they  do  work  than  tht 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        283 

black  ones,  but  do  not  work  as  constantly.  Black  soldiers  seldom  inter- 
mit  their  labors  except  by  orders  or  permission.  The  result,  as  far  as 
my  observations  extends,  is  that  a  greater  amount  of  work  is  usually 
accomplished  with  black  than  with  white  soldiers. 

"IV.  'If  a  certain  work  were  to  be  accomplished  in  the  least  possi- 
ble time,  when  enthusiasm  and  direct  personal  interest  is  necessary  to 
the  attainment  of  the  end,  would  whites  or  blacks  answer  best?' 

"Whites.  Because  though  requiring  more  effort  to  control,  they 
possess  a  greater  energy  of  character  and  susceptibility  of  enthusiasm 
than  the  black  race,  which  can  be  called  into  action  lay  an  emergency  or 
by  a  sufficient  effort  on  the  part  of  their  officers. 

"V.  'What  is  the  difference,  considering  the  above  points,  between 
colored  troops  recruited  from  the  free  States  and  those  from  the  slave 
States?' 

"I  have  observed  a  decided  difference  in  favor  of  those  recruited  from 
the  free  States. 

"The  problem  involved  in  the  foregoing  investigation  is  more  diffi- 
cult of  a  solution  than  appears  at  first  sight,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
degree  of  efficiency  peculiar  to  any  company  of  troops  depends  so  much 
on  the  character  of  their  officers,  an  element  that  must  eliminate  from 
the  question  in  order  to  ascertain  the  quality  of  the  material  of  which 
the  troops  are  composed. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

"  H.  FARRAND, 
"  1st  Lieut.  New  York  Volunteer  Engineers." 

In  his  report  to  Major-General  Gillmore,  dated  "Mor- 
ris Island,  Sept.  27th,  1863,"  Major  Brooks,  his  Assistant 
Engineer,  says:  "Of  the  numerous  infantry  regiments 
which  furnished  fatigue  details,  the  Fourth  New  Hamp- 
shire Volunteers  did  the  most  and  best  work.  Next  follow 
the  blacks,  the  Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts  Volunteers, 
and  Third  United  States  Colored  Troops." 

Annexed  to  these  reports  is  also  a  statement  of  the 
labor  days  of  the  troops. 

"WORKING  PARTIES  AND  HEALTH  OF  TROOPS. 
'The  total  number  of  days'  work,  of  six  hours  each,  expended  in 
Major  Brooks'  operations  was,  by  engineers,  4.500,  and  by  infantry 
19,000,  total  23,500;  of  the  19,000  days'  work  by  infantry,  one-half 
was  performed  by  colored  troops.    In  addition  to  the  above,  9,500  days' 
work  was  expended  in  preparing  siege  materials  for  Major  Brooks'  oper 
ations.    The  infantry  soldiers'  days'  work  is  about  one-fifth  what  a 
citizen  laborer  would  do  on  civil  works.    Of  my  work,  over  eight-twen- 
tieths was  against  Wagner,  about  seven-twentieths  on  the  defensive 
lines,,  and  nearly  five-twentieths  on  the  batteries  against  Sumter. 


284  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"The  approximate  amount  of  labor  actually  expended  on  the  more 
important  works  is  as  follows :  One  emplacement  for  a  siege  piece,  40 
days ;  one  emplacement  for  a  heavy  breaching  gun,  100  days ;  one  bomb- 
proof magazine,  250  days;  construction  and  repairs  of  each  yard  of 
approach  having  splinter-proof  parapet,  2  days;  a  lineal  yard  of  narrow 
splinter-proof  shelter,  4  days;  a  lineal  yard  of  wide  splinter-proof  shelter, 
8  days ;  to  make  and  set  one  yard  of  inclined  palisading,  2  days. 

"  At  least  three-fourths  of  the  manual  labor  was  simply  shoveling 
sand;  one-half  of  the  remainder  was  carrying  engineer  material.  The 
balance  was  employed  in  various  kinds  of  work. 

"About  three-fourths  of  this  work  was  executed  in  the  night-time, 
and  at  least  nine-tenths  of  it  under  a  fire  of  artillery  or  sharpshooters, 
or  both.  The  sharp-shooters  seldom  fired  during  the  night.  The  artil- 
lery fire  was  most  severe  during  the  day.  Thrity-five  projectiles  fired  by 
the  enemy  at  our  works  per  hour  was  called  "heavy  firing,"  although 
sometimes  more  than  double  that  number  were  thrown. 

"  In  the  order  of  their  number  the  projectiles  were  from  smooth-bore 
guns,  mortars,  and  rifled  guns. 

"The  James  Island  batteries  were  from  two  thousand  to  four  thou- 
sand yards  from  our  works;  Fort  Sumter  and  Battery  Gregg  were  re- 
spectively about  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  two  thousand  one 
hundred;  Fort  Wagner  was  from  thirteen  hundred  to  one  hundred  yards. 

"The  total  number  of  casualties  in  the  working  parties  and  the 
guard  of  the  advanced  trenches,  (not  including  the  main  guard  of  the 
trenches),  during  the  siege,  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty.  When  it  is 
considered  that  on  an  average  over  two  hundred  men  were  constantly 
engaged  in  these  duties,  being  under  fire  for  fifty  days,  the  number  of 
casualties  is  astonishingly  small. 

"  The  camp  at  which  the  fatigue  parties  were  quartered  and  fed  were, 
in  order  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of  the  enemy's  fires,  two  miles  from  the 
centre  of  the  works;  hence  the  distance  of  four  miles  had  to  be  marched 
each  tour  of  duty,  which  required  nearly  two  hours,  and  added  greatly 
to  the  labor  of  the  siege. 

"This  siege  has  been  conducted  through  the  hottest  part  of  the  sea- 
son,—July,  August  and  September,— yet  the  troops  have  suffered  but 
little  from  excess  in  heat,  on  account  of  the  large  proportion  of  night 
work,  and  the  almost  continual  sea-breeze,  which  was  always  cool  and 
refreshing. 

"  The  amount  of  sickness  was  great,  the  large  amount  of  duty  being 
the  probable  cause.  On  the  7th  of  August  the  percentage  was  the  small- 
est observed  during  the  siege,  being  18.6.  At  this  date  the  aggregate 
garrison  of  Morris  Island  was  9,353,  of  which  1,741  were  sick.  On  the 
17th  of  August  22.9  per  cent,  of  the  whole  garrison  were  on  the  sick  list. 
This  was  the  most  unhealthy  period  of  the  siege. 

"  The  average  strength  of  the  command  on  Morris  Island  during  the 
siege  was,  of  all  arms,  10,678  men,  of  which  the  average  percentage  sick 
was  19.88.  The  number  of  black  troops  varied  from  1,127  to  1947. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH.        285 

"Average  percentage  of  sick  in  Artillery,  6.2;  ditto,  in  Engineers, 
11.9;  ditto,  in  Black  Infantry,  13.9;  ditto,  in  White  Infantry,  (exclud- 
ing one  brigade),  20.1. 

"  This  brigade  consisted  of  the  Ninety-seventh  Pennsylvania,  Twen- 
ty-fourth Massachusetts  and  Tenth  Connecticut  Volunteers.  It  averaged 
thirty  per  cent  sick.  This  was  due  to  the  fact  that  these  three  regiments 
had  been  stationed,  before  moving  to  Morris  Island,  on  Seabrook  Is- 
land, which  proved  very  unhealthy.  The  engineers  and  black  infantry 
were  employed  exclusively  on  fatigue  duty.  The  white  infantry  served 
as  guard  of  the  trenches,  as  well  as  for  work  in  the  same. 

"Details  from  the  troops  on  Folly  Island  took  part  in  the  operations 
on  Morris  Island. 

"It  was  found  by  experience  that  men  under  these  circumstances 
could  not  work  more  than  one-fourth  the  time.  A  greater  amount  at 
once  increased  the  sick  list.  Eight  hours  in  thirty-two,  or  eight  hours 
on  and  twenty -four  off,  was  found  to  be  the  best  arrangement,  as  it  made 
a  daily  change  in  the  hours  of  duty  for  those  regiments  permanently  de- 
tailed for  work. 

"The  organization  found  most  advantageous  in  working  a  com- 
mand permanently  detailed  for  fatigue  duty,  was  to  divide  its  effective 
force  into  four  equal  detachments,  on  duty  eight  hours  each,  relieving 
each  other  at  4  A.  M.,  12  M.  and  8  p.  M.  The  large  number  of  extra 
troops  employed  in  the  trenches  each  night  were  usually  changed  daily. 

"The  engineer  officers  in  charge  of  the  works  were  divided  into  cor. 
responding  groups,  four  in  each,  relieving  each  other  at  8  A.  M.,  4  p.  M., 
and  12  midnight,  four  hours  different  from  the  time  of  relieving  the 
troops.  This  difference  enabled  the  engineer  officers  to  carry  the  work 
through  the  period  of  relieving  the  fatigue  details. 

"  One  engineer  officer,  having  from  two  to  four  different  kinds  or  jobs 
of  work  to  superintend,  was  found  to  work  advantageously  in  the  night, 
with  the  help  of  non-commissioned  officers  of  engineers,  from  one  hun- 
dred to  two  hundred  men. 

"  The  working  parties  of  engineers  and  black  infantry  seldom  carried 
their  arms  into  the  trenches,  while  the  white  infantry  fatigue  parties 
usually  did." 

14 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

THE  AKMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND. 

Important  services  were  rendered  by  the  Phalanx  in 
the  West.  The  operations  in  Missouri,  Tennessee  and 
Kentucky,  afforded  an  excellent  opportunity  to  the  com- 
manders of  the  Union  forces  to  raise  negrq  troops  in  such 
portions  of  the  territory  as  they  heldybutUn  consequence 
of  the  bitterness  against  such  action* by  the  semi-Union- 
ists and  Copperheads  in  the  Department  of  the  Ohio  and 
Cumberland, (It  was  not  until  the  fall  of  1863  that  the 
organizing  of  such  troops  in  these  Departments  fairly  be- 
gan. The  Mississippi  was  well-nigh  guarded  by  Phalanx 
regiments  enlisted  along  that  river,  numbering  about  fifty 
[thousand  men.  They  garrisoned  the  fortifications,  and 
occupied  the  captured  towns.  Later  on,  however,  when  the 
confederate  General  Bragg  began  preparations  for  the  re- 
covery of  the  Tennessee  Valley,  organization  of  the  Phalanx 
commenced  in  earnest,  and  proceeded  with  a  rapidity  that 
astounded  even  those  who  were  favorable  to  the  policy. 
St.  Louis  became  a  depot  and  Benton  Barracks  a  recruit- 
ing station,  from  whence,  in  the  fall  of  1863,  went  many  a 
regiment  of  brave  black  men,  whose  chivalrous  deeds  will 
ever  live  in  the  annals  of  the  nation.  It  was  not  long 
after  this  time  that  the  noble  Army  of  the  Cumberland  be- 
gan to  receive  a  portion  of  the  black  troops,  whose  shouts 
rang  through  the  mountain  fastnesses.  The  record  made 
by  the  60th  Kegiment  is  the  boast  of  the  State  of  Iowa, 
to  which  it  was  accredited :  but ,  of  those  which  went  to  the 
assistance  of  General  Thomas'"  army  none  won  greater 
distinction  and  honor  than  the  gallant  brigade  com- 


\ 


'  ^ 


'^ 


CHANGED  CONDITIONS. 

The  Confederate  Generals  Edward  .Johnson  and  G.  H.  Stewart,  as  prisoners,  under 
guard  of  Phalanx  Soldiers,  May  12th,  ls«4. 


ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.  289 

manded  by  Colonel  T.  J.  Morgan,  afterwards  raised  to.} 
Brigadier-General.  \  The  gallant  14th  Infantry  was  one  of 
its  regiments,  the  field  officers  of  which  were  Colonel, 
Thomas  J.  Morgan,  who  had  been  promoted  through  vari- 
ous grades,  from  a  1st  Lieutenancy  in  the  70th  Indiana 
Volunteer  Infantry ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  H.C.  Corbin,  who 
had  risen  from  a  1st  Lieutenancy  of  the  79th  0.  V.  1.,  and 
Major  N.  J.  Tail,  who  had  served  as  an  enlisted  man  in 
the  19th  Illinois  Volunteers.  All  the  officers  passed  a 
rigid  examination  before  the  board  of  examiners  ap- 
pointed by  the  War  Department  for  that  purpose. 

General  Morgan,  by  request  furnishes  the  following 
hiffhlylfrferestme:  aiid  historical  statement  of  his  services 
with  the  Phalanx  Brigade : 

"  The  American  Civil  War  of  1861-5  marks  an  epoch  not  only  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States,  but  in  that  of  democracy,  and  of  civiliza- 
tion. Its  issue  has  vitally  affected  the  course  of  human  progress.  To 
the  student  of  history  it  ranks  along  with  the  conquests  of  Alexander; 
the  incursions  of  the  Barbarians ;  the  Crusades ;  the  discovery  of  America 
and  the  American  Revolution.  It  settled  the  question  of  our  National 
unity  with  all  the  consequences  attaching  thereto.  It  exhibited  in  a  very 
striking  manner  the  power  of  a  free  people  to  preserve  their  form  of  gov- 
ernment against  its  most  dangerous  foe,  Civil  War.  It  not  only  enfran- 
chised four  millions  of  American  slaves  of  African  descent,  but  made 
slavery  forever  impossible  in  the  great  Republic,  and  gave  a  new  impulse 
to  the  cause  of  human  freedom.  Its  influence  upon  American  slaves  was 
immediate  and  startlingly  revolutionary,  lifting  them  from  the  condition 
of  despised  chattels,  bought  and  sold  like  sheep  in  the  market,  with  no 
rights  which  the  white  man  was  bound  to  respect,— to  the  exalted  plane 
of  American  citizenship ;  made  them  free  men,  the  peers  in  every  civil  and 
political  right,  of  their  late  masters.  Within  about  a  decade  after  the 
close  of  the  war,  negroes,  lately  slaves,  were  legislators,  state  officers, 
members  of  Congress,  and  for  a  brief  time  one  presided  over  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  where  only  a  few  years  before,  Toombs  had  boasted 
that  he  would  yet  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  in  the  shade  of  Bunker  Hill. 

"To-day  slavery  finds  no  advocate,  and  the  colored  race  in  America 
is  making  steady  progress  in  all  the  elements  of  civilization.  The  con- 
duct of  the  American  slave  during,  and  since  the  war,  has  wrought  an 
extraordinary  change  in  public  sentiment,  regarding  the  capabilities  of 
the  race. 

"The  manly  qualities  of  the  negro  soldiers,  evinced  in  camp,  on  the 
march  and  in  battle,  won  for  them  golden  opinions,  made  their  freedom 
a  necessity  and  their  citizenship  a  certainty. 

"Those  of  us  who  assisted  in  organizing,  disciplining  and  leading 


290  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

negro  troops  in  battle,  may,  perhaps,  be  pardoned  for  feeling  a  good  de- 
gree of  pride  in  our  share  of  the  thrilling  events  of  the  great  war. 

•  "When  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  April,  1861,  I  was  21;  a  member  of 
the  Senior  Class  in  Franklin  College,  Indiana.  I  enlisted  in  the  7th  Indi- 
anaVolunteer  infantry  and  served  as  a  private  soldier  for  three  months  in 
West  Virginia,  under  Gen.  McClellan,— '  the  young  Napoleon,'  as  he  was 
even  then  known.  I  participated  in  the  battle  of  Carricks  Ford,  where 
Gen.  Garnett  was  killed  and  his  army  defeated.  In  August  1862, 1  re-en- 
listed as  a  First  Lieutenant  in  the 70th  Indiana,  (Col.  Benjamin  Harrison) 
and  saw  service  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 

"In  January  1863,  Abraham  Lincoln  issued  the  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation,  and  incorporated  in  it  the  policy  of  arming  the  negro  for 
special  service  in  the  Union  army.  Thus  the  question  was  fairly  up,  and 
I  entered  into  its  discussion  with  the  deepest  interest,  as  I  saw  that  upon 
its  settlement  hung  great  issues. 

"On  the  one  hand  the  opponents  of  the  policy  maintained  that  to 
make  soldiers  of  the  negroes  would  be  to  put  them  on  the  same  level  with 
white  soldiers,  and  so  be  an  insult  to  every  man  who  wore  the  blue.  It 
was  contended,  too,  that  the  negro  was  not  fit  for  a  soldier  because  he 
belonged  to  a  degraded, inferior  race,  wanting  in  soldierly  qualities;  that 
his  long  bondage  had  crushed  out  whatever  of  manliness  he  might  uat- 
uarally  possess;  that  he  was  too  grossly  ignorant  to  perform,  intelligent- 
ly, the  duties  of  the  soldier;  that  his  provocation  had  been  so  great  as  a 
slave,  that  when  once  armed,  and  conscious  of  his  power  as  a  soldier,  he 
would  abuse  it  by  acts  of  revenge  and  wanton  cruelty. 

"It  was  urged,  on  the  other  hand,  that  in  its  fearful  struggle  for  ex- 
istence, the  Republic  needed  the  help  of  the  able-bodied  negroes ;  that 
with  their  natural  instincts  of  self-preservation,  desire  for  liberty,  habit 
of  obedience,  power  of  imitation,  love  of  pomp  and  parade,  acquaint- 
ance with  the  southern  country  and  adaptation  to  its  climate,  they  had 
elements  which  peculiarly  fitted  them  for  soldiers.  It  was  further  urged 
that  the  negro  had  more  at  stake  than  the  white  man,  and  that  he 
should  have  a  chance  to  strike  a  blow  for  himself.  It  was  particularly 
insisted  upon  that  he  needed  just  the  opportunity  which  army  service 
afforded  to  develop  and  exhibit  whatever  of  manliness  he  possessed.  As 
the  war  progressed,  and  each  great  battle-field  was  piled  with  heaps  of 
the  killed  and  wounded  of  our  best  citizens,  men  looked  at  each  other 
seriously,  and  asked  if  a  black  man  would  not  stop  a  bullet  as  well  as  a 
white  man?  Miles  O'Reilly  at  length  voiced  a  popular  sentiment  when 
he  said, 

"  'The  right  to  be  killed  I'll  divide  with  the  nayger, 
And  give  him  the  largest  half.' 

"With  the  strong  conviction  that  the  negro  was  a  man  worthy  of 
freedom,  and  possessed  of  all  the  essential  qualities  of  a  good  soldier,  I 
early  advocated  the  organization  of  colored  regiments, — not  for  fatigue 
or  garrison  duty,  but  for  field  service. 

"In  October,  1863,  having  applied  for  a  position  as  an  officer  in  the 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.      291 

colored  service,  I  was  ordered  before  the  Board  of  Examiners  at  Nash- 
ville, Tennessee,  where  I  spent  five  rather  anxious  hours.  "When  I  en- 
tered the  army  I  knew  absolutely  nothing  of  the  details  of  army  life ;  had 
never  even  drilled  with  a  fire  company.  During  the  first  three  months  I 
gathered  little  except  a  somewhat  rough  miscellaneous  experience.  As  a 
lieutenant  and  staff  officer  I  learned  something,  but  as  I  had  never  had 
at  any  time  systematic  instruction  from  any  one,  I  appeared  before  the 
Board  with  little  else  than  vigorous  health,  a  college  education,  a  little 
experience  as  a  soldier,  a  good  reputation  as  an  officer,  a  fair  amount  of 
common  sense  and  a  good  supply  of  zeal.  The  Board  averaged  me,  and 
recommended  me  for  a  Major. 

"A  few  days  after  the  examination,  I  received  an  order  to  report  to 
Major  George  L.  Stearns,  who  had  charge  of  the  organization  of  colored 
troops  in  that  Department.  He  assigned  me  to  duty  temporarily  in  a 
camp  in  Nashville.  Major  Stearns  was  a  merchant  in  Boston,  who  had 
been  for  years  an  ardent  abolitionist,  and  who,  among  other  good  deeds, 
had  befriended  John  Brown.  He  was  a  large-hearted,  broad-minded 
genial  gentleman.  When  the  policy  of  organizing  colored  troops  was 
adopted,  he  offered  his  services  to  the  Government,  received  an  appoint- 
ment as  Assistant  Adjutant  General,  and  was  ordered  to  Nashville  to  or- 
ganize colored  regiments.  He  acted  directly  under  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  independently  of  the  Department  Commander.  To  his  zeal,  good 
judgment  and  efficient  labor,  was  due,  very  largely,  the  success  of  the 
work  in  the  West. 

"November  1st,  1863,  by  order  of  Major  Stearns,  I  went  to  Galla- 
tin,  Tennessee,  to  organize  the  14th  United  States  Colored  Infantry. 
General  E.  A.  Paine  was  then  in  command  of  the  post  at  Gallatin,  hav- 
ing under  him  a  small  detachment  of  white  troops.  There  were  at  that 
time  several  hundred  negro  men  in  camp,  in  charge  of,  I  think,  a  lieuten- 
ant. They  were  a  motley  crowd, — old,  young,  middle  aged.  Some  wore 
the  United  States  uniform,  but  most  of  them  had  on  the  clothes  in  which 
they  had  left  the  plantations,  or  had  worn  during  periods  of  hard  service 
as  laborers  in  the  army.  Gallatin  at  that  time  was  threatened  with  an 
attack  by  the  guerilla  bands  then  prowling  over  that  part  of  the  State. 
General  Paine  had  issued  a  hundred  old  muskets  and  rifles  to  the  negroes 
in  camp.  They  had  not  passed  a  medical  examination,  had  no  company 
organization  and  had  had  no  drill.  Almost  immediately  upon  my  arri- 
val, as  an  attack  was  imminent,  I  was  ordered  to  distribute  another 
hundred  muskets,  and  to  'prepare  every  available  man  for  fight.'  I 
did  the  best  I  could  under  the  circumstances,  but  am  free  to  say  that  I 
regard  it  as  a  fortunate  circumstance  that  we  had  no  fighting  to  do  at 
that  time.  But  the  men  raw,  and,  untutored  as  they  were,  did  guard 
and  picket  duty,  went  foraging,  guarded  wagon  trains,  scouted  after 
guerillas,  and  so  learned  to  soldier — by  soldiering. 

"As  soon  and  as  fast  as  practicable,  I  set  about  organizing  the  regi- 
ment. I  was  a  complete  novice  in  that  kind  of  work,  and  all  the  young 
officers  who  reported  to  me  for  duty,  had  been  promoted  from  the  ranks 


292  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

and  were  without  experience,  except  as  soldiers.  The  colored  men  knew 
nothing  of  the  duties  of  a  soldier,  except  a  little  they  had  picked  up  as 
camp-followers. 

"Fortunately  there  was  one  man,  Mr.  A.  H.  Dunlap,  who  had  had 
some  clerical  experience  with  Col.  Birney,  in  Baltimore,  in  organizing  the 
3rd  U.  S.  Colored  Infantry.  He  was  an  intelligent,  methodical  gentle- 
man, and  rendered  me  invaluable  service.  I  had  no  Quartermaster ;  no 
Surgeon ;  no  Adjutant.  We  had  no  tents,  and  the  men  were  sheltered  in 
an  old  filthy  tobacco  warehouse,  where  they  fiddled,  danced,  sang,  swore 
or  prayed,  according  to  their  mood. 

"  How  to  meet  the  daily  demands  made  upon  us  for  military  duty, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  evoke  order  out  of  this  chaos,  was  no  easy  prob- 
lem. The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  examine  the  men.  A  room  was 
prepared,  and  I  and  my  clerk  took  our  stations  at  a  table.  One  by  one 
the  recruits  came  before  us  a  la  Eden,  sans  the  fig  leaves,  and  were  sub- 
jected to  a  careful  medical  examination,  those  who  were  in  any  way 
physically  disqualified  being  rejected.  Many  bore  the  wounds  and  bruises 
of  the  slave-driver's  lash,  and  many  were  unfit  for  duty  by  reason  of 
some  form  of  disease  to  which  human  flesh  is  heir.  In  the  course  of  a 
few  weeks,  however,  we  had  a  thousand  able-bodied,  stalwart  men. 

"I  was  quite  as  solicitous  about  their  mental  condition  as  about 
their  physical  status,  so  I  plied  them  with  questions  as  to  their  history, 
their  experience  with  the  army,  their  motives  for  becoming  soldiers,  their 
ideas  of  army  life,  their  hopes  for  the  future,  Ac.,  &c.  I  found  that  a 
considerable  number  of  them  had  been  teamsters,  cooks,  officers'  ser- 
vants, &c.,  and  had  thus  seen  a  good  deal  of  hard  service  in  both  armies, 
in  camp,  on  the  march  and  in  battle,  and  so  knew  pretty  well  what 
to  expect.  In  this  respect  they  had  the  advantage  of  most  raw  recruits 
from  the  North,  who  were  wholly  '  unusued  to  wars'  alarms.'  Some  of 
them  had  very  noble  ideas  of  manliness.  I  remember  picturing  to  one 
bright-eyed  fellow  some  of  the  hardships  of  camp  life  and  campaigning, 
and  receiving  from  him  the  cheerful  reply, '  I  know  all  about  that.'  I 
then  said,  4  you  may  be  killed  in  battle.'  He  instantly  answered,  '  many 
a  better  man  than  me  has  been  killed  in  this  war.'  When  I  told  another 
one  who  wanted  to  'fight  for  freedom,'  that  he  might  lose  his  life,  he  re- 
plied, '  but  my  people  will  be  free.' 

"  The  result  of  this  careful  examination  convinced  me  that  these  men, 
though  black  in  skin,  had  men's  hearts,  and  only  needed  right  handling 
to  develope  into  magnificent  soldiers.  Among  them  were  the  same  varie- 
ties of  physique,  temperament,  mental  and  moral  endowments  and  ex- 
periences, as  would  be  found  among  the  same  number  of  white  men. 
Some  of  them  were  finely  formed  and  powerful ;  some  were  almost  white; 
a  large  number  had  in  their  veins  white  blood  of  the  F.  F.  V.  quality; 
some  were  men  of  intelligence,  and  many  of  them  deeply  religious. 

"Acting  upon  my  clerk's  suggestion,  I  assigned  them  to  companies 
according  to  their  height,  putting  men  of  nearly  the  same  height  to- 
gether. When  the  regiment  was  full,  the  four  center  companies  were  all 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.      293 

composed  of  tall  men,  the  flanking  companies  of  men  of  medium  height, 
while  the  little  men  were  sandwiched  between.  The  effect  was  excellent  in 
every  way,  and  made  the  regiment  quite  unique.  It  was  not  uncommon 
to  have  strangers  who  saw  it  parade  for  the  first  time,  declare  that  the 
men  were  all  of  one  size. 

"  In  six  weeks  three  companies  were  filled,  uniformed,  armed,  and  had 
been  taught  many  soldierly  ways.  They  had  been  drilled  in  the  facings, 
in  the  manual  of  arms,  and  in  some  company  movements. 

"  November  20th,  Gen.  G.  H.  Thomas  commanding  the  Department 
of  the  Cumberland,  ordered  six  companies  to  Bridgeport,  Alabama,  un- 
der command  of  Major  H.  C.  Corbin.  I  was  left  at  Gallatin  to  complete 
the  organization  of  the  other  four  companies.  When  the  six  companies 
were  full,  I  was  mustered  in  as  Lieutenant-Colonel.  The  complete  organ- 
ization of  the  regiment  occupied  about  two  months,  being  finished  by 
Jan.  1st,  1864.  The  field,  staff  and  company  officers  were  all  white  men. 
All  the  non-commissioned  officers,— Hospital  Steward,  Quartermaster, 
Sergeant,  Sergeant-Major,  Orderlies,  Sergeants  and  Corporals  were  col- 
ored. They  proved  very  efficient,  and  had  the  war  continued  two  years 
longer,  many  of  them  would  have  been  competent  as  commissioned 
officers. 

"  When  General  Paine  left  Gallatin,  I  was  senior  officer  and  had  com- 
mand of  the  post  and  garrison,  which  included  a  few  white  soldiers  besides 
my  own  troops.  Colored  soldiers  acted  as  pickets,  and  no  citizen  was 
allowed  to  pass  our  lines  either  into  the  village  or  out,  without  a  proper 
permit.  Those  presenting  themselves  without  a  pass  were  sent  to  head- 
quarters under  guard.  Thus  many  proud  Southern  slave-holders  found 
themselves  marched  through  the  street,  guarded  by  those  who  three 
months  before  had  been  slaves.  The  negroes  often  laughed  over  these 
changed  relations  as  they  sat  around  their  camp  fires,  or  chatted  to- 
gether while  off  duty,  but  it  was  very  rare  that  any  Southerner  had  rea- 
son to  complain  of  any  unkind  or  uncivil  treatment  from  a  colored 
soldier. 

"  About  the  first  of  January  occurred  a  few  days  of  extreme  cold 
weather,  which  tried  the  men  sorely.  One  morning  after  one  of  the  most 
severe  nights,  the  officers  coming  in  from  picket,  marched  the  men  to 
headquarters,  and  called  attention  to  their  condition :  their  feet  were 
frosted  and  their  hands  frozen.  In  some  instances  the  skin  on  their  fin- 
gers had  broken  from  the  effects  of  the  cold,  and  it  was  sad  to  see  their 
sufferings.  Some  of  them  never  recovered  from  the  effects  of  that  night, 
yet  they  bore  it  patiently  and  uncomplainingly. 

"  An  incident  occurred  while  I  was  still  an  officer  in  a  white  regiment, 
that  illustrates  the  curious  transition  through  which  the  negroes  were 
passing.  I  had  charge  of  a  company  detailed  to  guard  a  wagon  train 
out  foraging.  Early  one  morning,  just  as  we  were  about  to  resume  our 
inarch,  a  Kentucky  lieutenant  rode  up  to  me,  saluted,  and  said  he  had 
some  runaway  negroes  whom  he  had  arrested  to  send  back  to  their  mas- 
ters, but  as  he  was  ordered  away,  he  would  turn  them  over  to  me.  (At 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

that  time  a  reward  could  be  claimed  for  returning  fugitive  slaves.  I 
took  charge  of  them,  and  assuming  a  stern  look  and  manner,  enquired, 
'Where  are  you  going?'  'Going  to  the  Yankee  army.'  'What  for?* 
'We  wants  to  be  free,  sir.'  'All  right,  you  are  free,  go  where  you  wish/ 
The  satisfaction  that  came  to  me  from  their  heartfelt '  thank'ee,  thank'ee 
sir,'  gave  me  some  faint  insight  into  the  sublime  joy  that  the  great 
emancipator  must  have  felt  when  he  penned  the  immortal  proclamation 
that  set  free  four  millions  of  human  beings. 

"These  men  afterward  enlisted  in  my  regiment,  and  did  good  service. 
One  day,  as  we  were  on  the  march,  they— through  their  Iieutenan1>— re- 
minded me  of  the  circumstance,  which  they  seemed  to  remember  with  . 
lively  gratitude. 

"The  six  companies  at  Bridgeport  were  kept  very  busily  at  work, 
and  had  but  little  opportunity  for  drill.  Notwithstanding  these  difficul- 
ties, however,  considerable  progress  was  made  in  both  drill  and  discip- 
line. I  made  earnest  efforts  to  get  the  regiment  united  and  relieved  from 
so  much  labor,  in  order  that  they  might  be  prepared  for  efficient  field 
service  as  soldiers. 

"In  January  I  had  a  personal  interview  with  General  Thomas,  and 
secured  an  order  uniting  the  regiment  at  Chattanooga.  We  entered 
camp  there  under  the  shadow  of  Lookout  Mountain,  and  in  full  view  of 
Mission  Ridge,  in  February,  1864.  During  the  same  month  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral Lorenzo  Thomas,  from  Washington,  then  on  a  tour  of  inspection, 
visited  my  regiment,  and  authorized  me  to  substitute  the  eagle  for  the 
silver  leaf. 

"Chattanooga  was  at  that  time  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland.  Gen  Thomas  and  staff,  and  a  considerable  part  of  the 
army  were  there.  Our  camp  was  laid  out  with  great  regularity;  our  quar- 
ters were  substantial,  comfortable  and  well  kept.  The  regiment  num- 
bered a  thousand  men,  with  a  full  compliment  of  field,  staff,  line  and 
non-commissioned  officers.  We  had  a  good  drum  corps,  and  a  band  pro- 
vided with  a  set  of  expensive  silver  instruments.  We  were  also  fully 
equipped;  the  men  were  armed  with  rifled  muskets,  and  well  clothed. 
They  were  well  drilled  in  the  manual  of  arms,  and  took  great  pride  in 
appearing  on  parade  with  arms  burnished,  belts  polished,  shoes  blacked, 
clothes  brushed,  in  full  regulation  uniform,  including  white  gloves.  On 
every  pleasant  day  our  parades  were  witnessed  by  officers,  soldiers  and 
citizens  from  the  North,  and  it  was  not  uncommon  to  have  two  thou- 
sand spectators.  Some  came  to  make  sport,  some  from  curiosity,  some 
because  it  was  the  fashion,  and  others  from  a  genuine  desire  to  see  for 
themselves  what  sort  of  looking  soldiers  negroes  would  make. 

"At  the  time  that  the  work  of  organizing  colored  troops  began  in 
the  West,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  bitter  prejudice  against  the  move- 
ment, and  white  troops  threatened  to  desert,  if  the  plan  should  be  really 
carried  out.  Those  who  entered  the  service  were  stigmatized  as  'nigger 
officers,'  and  negro  soldiers  were  hooted  at  and  mal-treated  by  white 
ones. 


.THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.  295 

"Apropos  of  the  prejudice  against  so  called  nigger  officers,  I  may 
mention  the  following  incident :  While  an  officer  in  the  70th  Indiana,  I 

had  met,  and  formed  a  passing  acquaintance  with  Lieut.-Colonel ,  of 

the  —  Ohio  Regiment.  On  New  Years  Day,  1864, 1  chanced  to  meet  him 
at  a  social  gathering  at  General  Ward's  headquarters  in  Nashville.  I 
spoke  to  him  as  usual,  at  the  same  time  offering  my  hand,  which  appar- 
ently he  did  not  see.  Receiving  only  a  cool  bow  from  him,  I  at  once 
turned  away.  As  I  did  so  he  remarked  to  those  standing  near  him  that 
he  '  did  not  recognize  these  nigger  officers.'  In  some  way,  I  do  not  know- 
how,  a  report  of  the  occurrence  came  to  the  ears  of  Lorenzo  Thomas, 
the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army,  then  in  Nashville,  who  investigated 

the  case,  and  promptly  dismissed  Colonel from  the  United  States 

service. 

"  Very  few  West  Point  officers  had  any  faith  in  the  success  of  the  en- 
terprise, and  most  Northern  people  perhaps,  regarded  it  as  at  best  a 
dubious  experiment.  A  college  classmate  of  mine,  a  young  man  of  intel- 
ligence and  earnestly  loyal,  although  a  Kentuckian,  and  a  slave-holder, 
plead  with  me  to  abandon  my  plan  of  entering  this  service,  saying,  '  I 
shudder  to  think  of  the  remorse  you  may  suffer,  from  deeds  done  by 
barbarians  under  your  command.' 

"General  George  H.  Thomas,  though  a  Southerner,  and  a  West 
Point  graduate,  was  a  singularly  fair-minded,  candid  man.  He  asked 
me  one  day  soon  after  my  regiment  wras  organized,  if  I  thought  my  men 
would  fight.  I  replied  that  they  would.  He  said  he  thought '  they  might 
behind  breastworks.'  I  said  they  would  fight  in  the  open  field.  Hel 
thought  not.  '  Give  me  a  chance  General,'  I  replied,  '  and  I  will  prove  it/ 

''Our  evening  parades  converted  thousands  to  a  belief  in  colored 
troops.  It  was  almost  a  daily  experience  to  hear  the  remark  from  visi- 
tors, '  Men  who  can  handle  their  arms  as  these  do,  will  fight.'  General 
Thomas  paid  the  regiment  the  compliment  of  saying  that  he  'never  saw 
a  regiment  go  through  the  manual  as  well  as  this  one.'  We  remained  in 
'Camp  Whipple'from  February,  1864,  till  August,  1865,  a  period  of 
eighteen  months,  and  during  a  large  part  of  that  time  the  regiment  was 
an  object  lesson  to  the  army,  and  helped  to  revolutionize  public  opinion 
on  the  subject  of  colored  soldiers. 

"My  Lieutenant-Colonel  and  I  rode  over  one  evening  to  call  on  Gen- 
eral Joe  Hooker,  commanding  the  20th  Army  Corps.  He  occupied  a 
small  log  hut  in  the  Wauhatchie  Valley,  near  Lookout  Mountain  and 
not  far  from  the  Tennessee  river.  He  received  us  with  great  courtesy, 
and  when  he  learned  that  we  were  officers  in  a  colored  regiment,  congrat- 
ulated us  on  our  good  fortune,  saying  that  he  'believed  they  would 
make  the  best  troops  in  the  world/  He  predicted  that  after  the  rebellion 
was  subdued,  it  would  be  necessary  for  the  United  States  to  send  an 
army  into  Mexico.  This  army  would  be  composed  largely  of  colored 
men,  and  those  of  us  now  holding  high  command,  would  have  a  chance 
to  win  great  renown.  He  lamented  that  he  had  made  a  great  mistake  in 
not  accepting  a  military  command,  and  going  to  Nicaragua  with  Gen- 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

eral  Walker.  'Why,'  said  he,  'young  gentlemen,  I  might  have  founded 
an  empire.' 

"While  at  Chattanooga,  I  organized  two  other  regiments,  the  42nd 
and  the  44th  United  States  Colored  Infantry.  In  addition  to  the  ordin- 
ary instruction  in  the  duties  required  of  the  soldier,  we  established  in 
•every  company  a  regular  school,  teaching  men  to  read  and  write,  and 
taking  great  pains  to  cultivate  in  them  self-respect  and  all  manly  quali- 
ties. Our  success  in  this  respect  was  ample  compensation  for  our  labor. 
The  men  who  went  on  picket  or  guard  duty,  took  their  books  as  quite  as 
indispensable  as  their  coffee  pots. 

"  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  we  had  only  plain  sailing.  Soon  after 
reaching  Chattanooga,  heavy  details  began  to  be  made  upon  us  for  men 
to  work  upon  the  fortifications  then  in  process  of  construction  around 
the  town.  This  almost  incessant  labor,  interfered  sadly  with  our  drill, 
and  at  one  time  all  drill  was  suspended,  by  orders  from  headquarters. 
There  seemed  little  prospect  of  our  being  ordered  to  the  field,  and  as 
time  wore  on  and  arrangements  began  in  earnest  for  the  new  campaign 
against  Atlanta,  we  grew  impatient  for  work,  and  anxious  for  oppor- 
tunity for  drill  and  preparations  for  field  service. 

"  I  used  every  means  to  bring  about  a  change,  for  I  believed  that  the 
•ultimate  status  of  the  negro  was  to  be  determined  by  his  conduct  on  the 
battle-field.  No  one  doubted  that  he  would  work,  while  many  did  doubt 
that  he  had  courage  to  stand  up  and  fight  like  a  man.  If  he  could  take 
his  place  side  by  side  with  the  white  soldier ;  endure  the  same  hardships 
on  the  campaign,  face  the  same  enemy,  storm  the  same  works,  resist  the 
same  assaults,  evince  the  same  soldierly  qualities,  he  would  compel  that 
respect  wrhich  the  world  has  always  accorded  to  heroism,  and  win  for 
himself  the  same  laurels  which  brave  soldiers  have  always  won. 

"Personally,  I  shrink  from  danger,  and  most  decidedly  prefer  a  safe 
corner  at  my  own  fireside,  to  an  exposed  place  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  on 
the  battle-field,  but  so  strongly  was  ^impressed  with  the  importance  of 
giving  colored  troops  a  fair  field  and  full  opportunity  to  show  of  what 
mettle  they  were  made,  that  I  lost  no  chance  of  insisting  upon  our  right 
to  be  ordered  into  the  field.  At  one  time  I  was  threatened  with  dismis- 
sal from  the  service  for  my  persistency,  but  that  did  not  deter  me,  for 
though  I  had  no  yearning  for  martyrdom,  I  was  determined  if  possible 
to  put  my  regiment  into  battle,  at  whatever  cost  to  myself.  As  I  look 
back  upon  the  matter  after  twenty-one  years,  I  see  no  reason  to  regret 
my  action,  unless  it  be  that  I  was  not  even  more  persistent  in  claiming 
for  these  men  the  rights  of  soldiers. 

"I  was  grievously  disappointed  when  the  first  of  May,  1864,  came, 
and  the  army  was  to  start  south,  leaving  us  behind  to  hold  the  forts  we 
Iiad  helped  to  build. 

"I  asked  General  Thomas  to  allow  we,  at  least,  to  go  along.  He 
readily  consented,  and  directed  me  to  report  to  General  0.  0.  Howard, 
commanding  the  4th  Army  Corps,  as  Volunteer  Aide.  I  did  so,  and  re- 
mained with  him  thirty  days,  participating  in  the  battles  of  Buzzard's 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.  297 

Roost,  Resaca,  Adairsville  and  Dallas.    At  the  end  of  that  time,  having  , 
gained  invaluable  experience,  and  feeling  that  iny  place  was  with  my 
regiment,  I  returned  to  Chattanooga,  determined  to  again  make  every 
possible  effort  to  get  it  into  active  service. 

"A  few  days  after  I  had  taken  my  place  on  General  Howard's  staff, 
an  incident  occurred  showing  how  narrowly  one  may  escape  death.  Gen- 
eral Stanley  and  a  staff  officer  and  General  Howard  and  myself  were 
making  a  little  reconnoissance  at  Buzzards  Roost.  We  stopped  to  ob- 
serve the  movements  of  the  enemy,  Stanley  standing  on  the  right,  How- 
ard next  on  his  left,  and  I  next.  The  fourth  officer,  Captain  Flint,  stood 
immediately  in  the  rear  of  General  Howard.  A  sharpshooter  paid  us  a 
compliment  in  the  shape  of  a  rifle  ball,  which  struck  the  ground  in  front 
of  General  Howard,  ricocheted,  passed  through  the  skirt  of  his  coat, 
through  Captain  Flint's  cap,  and  buried  itself  in  a  tree  behind. 

"At  Adairsville  a  group  of  about  a  dozen  mounted  officers  wrere  in 
an  open  field,  when  the  enemy  exploded  a  shell  just  in  front  and  over  us, 
wounding  two  officers  and  five  horses.  A  piece  of  the  shell  passed 
through  the  right  fore  leg  of  my  horse,  a  kind,  docile,  fearless  animal, 
that  I  was  greatly  attached  to.  I  lost  a  friend  and  faithful  servant. 

"  On  asking  leave  to  return  to  my  command,  I  was  delighted  to  re- 
ceive from  General  Howard  the  following  note : 

'"HEADQUARTERS  4TH  ARMY  CORPS, 
"'ON  ACKWORTH  AND  DALLAS  ROAD,  8  MILES   FROM   DALLAS,  GA.,   May  3l8t  1864. 

"'COLONEL :— This  is  to  express  my  thanks  for  your  services  upon  my  staff  during 
the  past  month,  since  starting  upon  this  campaign.  You  have  given  me  always  full 
satisfaction,  and  more,  by  your  assiduous  devotion  to  duty. 

'"You  have  been  active  and  untiring  on  the  march,  and  fearless  in  battle.  Believe 
me,  Your  friend,  O.  O.  HOWARD, 

" '  Major-General  Commanding  4th  Army  Corps. 
'•'To  Col.  T.  J.  Morgan,  Commanding  14th  U.  S.  C.  1.' 

"General  James  B.  Steadman,  who  won  such  imperishable  renown  at 
Chickamauga,  was  then  in  command  of  the  District  of  Etowah,  with 
headquarters  at  Chattanooga.  I  laid  my  case  before  him;  he  listened 
with  interest  to  my  plea,  and  assured  me  that  if  there  was  any  fighting 
to  be  done  in  his  district,  we  should  have  a  hand  in  it. 

"DALTON,  GA.— August  15th,  1864,  we  had  our  first  fight,  at  Dalton, 
Georgia.  General  Wheeler,  with  a  considerable  force  of  confederate  cav- 
alry, attacked  Dalton,  which  was  occupied  by  a  small  detachment  of 
Union  troops  belonging  to  the  2nd  Missouri,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Laibold.  General  Steadman  went  to  Laibold's  aid,  and  forming  line  of 
battle,  attacked  and  routed  the  Southern  force.  My  regiment  formed  on 
the  left  of  the  51st  Indiana  Infantry,  under  command  of  Col.  A.  D. 
Streight.  The  fight  was  short,  and  not  at  all  severe.  The  regiment  was 
all  exposed  to  fire.  One  private  was  killed,  one  lost  a  leg,  and  one  was 
wounded  in  the  right  hand.  Company  B,  on  the  skirmish  line  killed  five 
of  the  enemy,  and  wounded  others.  To  us  it  was  a  great  battle,  and  a 
glorious  victory.  The  regiment  had  been  recognized  as  soldiers ;  it  had 
taken  its  place  side  by  side  with  a  white  regiment;  it  had  been  under 
fire.  The  men  had  behaved  gallantly.  A  colored  soldier  had  died  for 
liberty.  Others  had  shed  their  blood  in  the  great  cause.  Two  or  three 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

incidents  will  indicate  the  significance  of  the  day.  Just  before  going  into 
the  fight,  Lieutenant  Keinborts  said  to  his  men :  '  Boys,  some  of  you 
may  be  killed,  but  remember  you  are  fighting  for  liberty/  Henry  Prince 
replied,  '  I  am  ready  to  die  for  liberty.'  In  fifteen  minutes  he  lay  dead,— 
a  rifle  ball  through  his  heart,— a  willing  martyr. 

"During  the  engagement  General  Steadrnan  asked  his  Aide,  Captain 
Davis,  to  look  especially  after  the  14th  colored.  Captain  Davis  rode  up 
just  as  I  was  quietly  rectifying  my  Hue,  which  in  a  charge  had  been  dis- 
arranged. Putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  dashed  back  to  the  General 
and  reassured  him  by  reporting  that  '  the  regiment  was  holding  dress 
parade  over  there  under  fire.'  After  the  fight,  as  we  marched  into  town 
through  a  pouring  rain,  a  white  regiment  standing  at  rest,  swung  their 
hats  and  gave  three  rousing  cheers  for  the  14th  Colored.  Col.  Streight's 
command  was  so  pleased  with  the  gallantry  of  our  men  that  many  of 
its  members  on  being  asked,  '  What  regiment  ?'  frequentlyreplied,  '51st 
Colored.' 

"During  the  month  of  August  we  had  some  very  hard  marching,  in 
a  vain  effort  to  have  another  brush  with  Wheeler's  cavalry. 

"The  corn  in  East  Tennessee  was  in  good  plight  for  roasting,  and 
our  men  showed  great  facility  in  cooking,  and  marvelous  capacity  in  de- 
vouring it.  Ten  large  ears  were  not  too  much  for  many  of  them.  On 
resuming  our  march  one  day,  after  the  noon  halt,  one  of  the  soldiers  said 
he  was  unable  to  walk,  and  asked  permission  to  ride  in  an  ambulance. 
His  comrades  declared  that,  having  already  eaten  twelve  ears  of  corn, 
and  finding  himself  unable  to  finish  the  thirteenth,  he  concluded  that  he 
must  be  sick,  and  unfit  for  duty. 

"  PULASKI,  TENN.— September  27th,  1864,  I  reported  to  Major-Gen- 
eral  Rousseau,  commanding  a  force  of  cavalry  at  Pulaski,  Tenn.  As  we 
approached  the  town  by  rail  from  Nashville,  we  heard  artillery,  then 
musketry,  and  as  we  left  the  cars  we  saw  the  smoke  of  guns.  Forest, 
with  a  large  body  of  cavalry,  had  been  steadily  driving  Rousseau  before 
him  all  day,  and  was  destroying  the  railroad.  Finding  the  General,  I 
said:  'I  am  ordered  to  report  to  you,  sir.'  'What  have  you?'  'Two 
regiments  of  colored  troops.'  Rousseau  was  a  Kentuckian,  and  had  not 
much  faith  in  negro  soldiers.  By  his  direction  I  threw  out  a  strong  line 
of  skirmishers,  and  posted  the  regiments  on  a  ridge,  in  good  supporting 
distance.  Rousseau's  men  retired  behind  my  line,  and  Forest's  men 
pressed  forward  until  they  met  our  fire,  and  recognizing  the  sound  of  the 
minie  ball,  stopped  to  reflect. 

"The  massacre  of  colored  troops  at  Fort  Pillow  was  well  known  to 
us,  and  had  been  fully  discussed  by  our  men.  It  was  rumored,  and  thor- 
oughly credited  by  them,  that  General  Forest  had  offered  a  thousand 
dollars  for  the  head  of  any  commander  of  a  'nigger  regiment.'  Here, 
then,  was  just  such  an  opportunity  as  those  spoiling  for  a  fight  might 
desire.  Negro  troops  stood  face  to  face  with  Forest's  veteran  cavalry. 
The  fire  was  growing  hotter,  and  balls  were  uncomfortably  thick.  At 
length,  the  enemy  in  strong  force,  with  banners  flying,  bore  down  toward 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.      299 

us  in  full  sight,  apparently  bent  on  mischief.  Pointing  to  the  advancing 
column,  I  said,  as  I  passed  along  the  line,  '  Boys,  it  looks  very  much  like 
fight;  keep  cool,  do  your  duty.'  They  seemed  full  of  glee,  and  replied 
with  great  enthusiasm :  '  Colonel,  dey  can't  whip  us,  dey  nebber  get  de 
ole  14th  out  of  heah,  nebber.'  'Nebber,  drives  us  away  widout  a  mighty 
lot  of  dead  men,'  &c.,  &c. 

"When  Forest  learned  that  Rousseau  was  re-enforced  by  infantry,  he 
did  not  stop  to  ask  the  color  of  the  skin,  but  after  testing  our  line,  and 
finding  it  unyielding,  turned  to  the  east,  and  struck  over  toward  Mur- 
freesboro. 

"An  incident  occurred  here,  illustrating  the  humor  of  the  colored 
soldier.  A  spent  ball  struck  one  of  the  men  on  the  side  of  the  head, 
passed  under  the  scalp,  and  making  nearly  a  circuit  of  the  skull,  came 
out  on  the  other  side.  His  comrades  merrily  declared  that  when  the  ball 
struck  him,  it  sang  out  'too  thick '  and  passed  on. 

"As  I  was  walking  with  my  adjutant  down  toward  the  picket  line,  a 
ball  struck  the  ground  immediately  in  front  of  us,  about  four  feet  away, 
but  it  was  so  far  spent  as  to  be  harmless.  We  picked  it  up  and  carried  it 
along. 

"  Our  casualties  consisted  of  a  few  men  slightly  wounded.    We  had 
not  had  a  battle,  but  it  was  for  us  a  victory,  for  our  troops  had  stood 
face  to  face  with  a  triumphant  force  of  Southern  cavalry,  and  stopped 
their  progress.    They  saw  that  they  had  done  what  Rousseau's  veterans 
could  not  do.    Having  traveled  462  miles,  we  returned  to  Chattanooga,  \1 
feeling  that  we  had  gained  valuable  experience,  and  we  eagerly  awaited    \ 
the  next  opportunity  for  battle,  which  was  not  long  delayed. 

"DECATUR,  ALA. — Our  next  active  service  was  at  Decatur,  Alabama. 
Hood,  with  his  veteran  army  that  had  fought  Sherman  so  gallantly  :' 
from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  finding  that  his  great  antagonest  had  i 
started  southward  and  seaward,  struck  out  boldly  himself  for  Nashville,  j 
Oct.  27th  I  reported  to  General  R.  S.  Granger,  commanding  at  Decatur. 
His  little  force  was  closely  besieged  by  Hood's  army,  whose  right  rested 
on  the  Tennessee  river  below  the  town,  and  whose  left  extended  far  be- 
yond our  lines,  on  the  other  side  of  the  town.  Two  companies  of  my 
regiment  were  stationed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  Hood's 
right,  and  kept  up  an  annoying  musketry  fire.  Lieutenant  Gillett,  of 
Company  G,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  cannon  ball,  and  some  of  the 
enlisted  men  were  hurt.  One  private  soldier  in  Company  B,  who  had 
taken  position  in  a  tree  as  sharpshooter,  had  his  right  arm  broken  by  a 
ball.  Captain  Romeyn  said  to  him,  '  You  would  better  come  down  from 
there,  go  to  the  rear,  and  find  the  surgeon.'  '  Oh  no,  Captain ! '  he  replied, 
'I  can  fire  with  my  left  arm,'  and  so  he  did. 

"  Another  soldier  of  Company  B,  was  walking  along  the  road,  when 
hearing  an  approaching  cannon  ball,  he  dropped  flat  upon  the  ground, 
and  was  almost  instantly  well  nigh  covered  with  the  dirt  plowed  up  by 
it,  as  it  struck  the  ground  near  by.  Captain  Romeyn,  who  witnessed  the 
incident,  and  who  was  greatly  amused  by  the  fellow's  trepidation, 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

asked  him  if  he  was  frightened?  His  reply  was,  'Fore  God,  Captain,  I 
thought  I  was  a  dead  man,  sure ! ' 

"Friday,  Oct.  28th,  1864,  at  twelve  o'clock,  at  the  head  of  355  men, 
in  obedience  to  orders  from  General  Granger,  I  charged  and  took  a  bat- 
tery, with  a  loss  of  sixty  officers  and  men  killed  and  wounded.  After 
capturing  the  battery,  and  spiking  the  guns,  which  we  were  unable  to  re- 
move, we  retired  to  our  former  place  in  the  line  of  defense.  The  conduct 
of  the  men  on  this  occasion  was  most  admirable,  and  drew  forth  high 
praise  from  Generals  Granger  and  Thomas. 

"Hood,  having  decided  to  push  on  to  Nashville  without  assaulting- 
Decatur,  withdrew.  As  soon  as  I  missed  his  troops  from  my  front,  I  no- 
tified the  General  commanding,  and  was  ordered  to  pursue,  with  the 
view  of  finding  where  he  was.  About  ten  o'clock  the  next  morning,  my 
skirmishers  came  up  with  his  rear  guard,  which  opened  upon  us  a  brisk 
infantry  fire.  Lieutenant  Woodworth,  standing  at  my  side,  fell  dead, 
pierced  through  the  face.  General  Granger  ordered  me  to  retire  in- 
side of  the  works,  and  the  regiment,  although  exposed  to  a  sharp  fire, 
came  off  in  splendid  order.  As  we  marched  inside  the  works,  the  white 
soldiers,  who  had  watched  the  manoeuvre,  gave  us  three  rousing  cheers. 
I  have  heard  the  Pope's  famous  choir  at  St.  Peters,  and  the  great  organ 
at  Freibourg,  but  the  music  was  not  so  sweet  as  the  hearty  plaudits  of 
our  brave  comrades. 

"As  indicating  the  change  in  public  sentiment  relative  to  colored 
soldiers,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  commanding 
the  68th  Indiana  Volunteer  Infantry,  requested  me  as  a  personal  favor 
to  ask  for  the  assignment  of  his  regiment  to  my  command,  giving  as  a 
reason  that  his  men  would  rather  fight  along  side  of  the  14th  Colored 
than  with  any  white  regiment.  He  was  ordered  to  report  to  me. 

"After  Hood  had  gone,  and  after  our  journey  of  244  miles,  we  re- 
turned to  Chattanooga,  but  not  to  remain. 

"NASHVILLE,  TENN.— November  29, 1864,  in  command  of  the  14th, 
16th  and  44th  Regiments  U.  S.  C.  I.,  I  embarked  on  a  railroad  train  at 
Chattanooga  for  Nashville.  On  December  1st,  with  the  1 6th  and  most 
of  the  14th,  I  reached  my  destination,  and  was  assigned  to  a  place  on 
the  extreme  left  of  General  Thomas'  army  then  concentrating  for  the  de- 
fence of  Nashville  against  Hood's  threatened  attack. 

"The  train  that  contained  the  44th  colored  regiment,  and  two  com- 
panies of  the  14th,  under  command  of  Colonel  Johnson,  was  delayed 
near  Murfreesboro  until  Dec.  2nd,  when  it  started  for  Nashville.  But 
when  crossing  a  bridge  not  far  from  the  city,  its  progress  was  suddenly 
checked  by  a  cross-fire  of  cannon  belonging  to  Forest's  command.  I  had 
become  very  anxious  over  the  delay  in  the  arrival  of  these  troops,  and 
when  I  heard  the  roar  of  cannon  thought  it  must  be  aimed  at  them.  I 
never  shall  forget  the  intensity  of  my  suffering,  as  hour  after  hour 
passed  by  bringing  me  no  tidings.  Were  they  all  captured  ?  Had  they 
been  massacred?  Who  could  answer?  No  one.  What  was  to  be  done? 
Nothing.  I  could  only  wait  and  suffer. 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.  301 

"The  next  day  Colonel  Johnson  reached  Nashville,  reporting  that 
when  stopped,  he  and  his  men  were  forced,  under  heavy  fire,  to  abandon 
the  train,  clamber  down  from  the  bridge,  and  run  to  a  blockhouse  near 
by,  which  had  been  erected  for  the  defence  of  the  bridge,  and  was  still  in 
possession  of  the  Union  soldiers.  After  maintaining  a  stubborn  fight 
until  far  into  the  night,  he  withdrew  his  troops,  and  making  a  detour  to 
the  east  came  into  our  lines,  having  lost  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing, 
two  officers  and  eighty  men  of  the  44th,  and  twenty-five  men  of  the  14th. 

"Just  as  Captain  C.  W.  Baker,  the  senior  officer  of  the  14th,  was 
leaving  the  car,  a  piece  of  shell  carried  off  the  top  of  his  cap,  thus  add- 
ing immensely  to  its  value — as  a  souvenir.  Some  of  the  soldiers  who 
escaped  lost  everything  except  the  clothes  they  had  on,  including  knap- 
sacks, blankets  and  arms.  In  some  cases  they  lay  [in  the  water  hiding 
for  hours,  until  they  could  escape  their  pursuers. 

"Soon  after  taking  our  position  in  line  at  Nashville,  we  were  closely 
beseiged  by  Hood's  army;  and  thus  we  lay  facing  each  other  for  two 
weeks.  Hood  had  suffered  so  terribly  by  his  defeat  under  Schofield,  at 
Franklin,  that  he  was  in  no  mood  to  assault  us  in  our  works,  and 
Thomas  needed  more  time  to  concentrate  and  reorganize  his  army,  be- 
fore he  could  safely  take  the  offensive.  That  fortnight  interval  was  me- 
morable indeed.  Hood's  army  was  desperate.  It  had  been  thwarted  by 
Sherman,  and  thus  far  baffled  by]  Thomas,  and  Hood  felt  that  he  must 
strike  a  bold  blow  to  compensate  for  the  dreadful  loss  of  prestige  occa- 
sioned by  Sherman's  march  to  the  sea.  His  men  were  scantily  clothed 
and  poorly  fed ;  if  he  could  gain  Nashville,  our  great  depot  of  supplies, 
he  could  furnish  his  troops  with  abundance  of  food,  clothing  and  war 
material ;  encourage  the  confederacy,  terrify  the  people  of  the  North,  re- 
gain a  vast  territory  taken  from  the  South  at  such  great  cost  to  us,  re- 
cruit his  army  from  Kentucky,  and  perhaps  invade  the  North. 

"  Thomas  well  knew  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  was  unwilling 
to  hazard  all  by  a  premature  battle.  I  think  that  neither  he  nor  any  of 
his  army  ever  doubted  the  issue  of  the  battle  when  it  should  come, 
whichever  force  should  take  the  initiative. 

"The  authorities  at  Washington  grew  restive,  and  the  people  at  the 
North  nervous.  Thomas  was  ordered  to  fight,  Logan  was  dispatched  to 
relieve  him  if  he  did  not,  and  Grant  himself  started  West  to  take  com- 
mand. Thomas  was  too  good  a  soldier  to  be  forced  to  offer  battle,  un- 
til he  was  sure  of  victory.  He  knew  that  time  was  his  best  ally,  every 
day  adding  to  his  strength  and  weakening  his  enemy.  In  the  meantime 
the  weather  became  intensely  cold,  and  a  heavy  sleet  covered  the  ground, 
rendering  it  almost  impossible  for  either  army  to  move  at  all.  For  a 
few  days  our  sufferings  were  quite  severe.  We  had  only  shelter  tents  for 
the  men,  with  very  little  fuel,  and  many  of  those  who  had  lost  their 
blankets  keenly  felt  their  need. 

"On  December  5th,  before  the  STOrm,  by  order  of  General  Steadman, 
I  made  a  little  reconnoissance,  capturing,  with  slight  loss,  Lieutenant 
Gardner  and  six  men,  from  the  5th  Mississippi  Regiment.  December  7th 


302  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

we  made  another,  in  which  Colonel  Johnson  and  three  or  four  men  were 
wounded.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  while  my  men  were  advancing  in 
face  of  a  sharp  fire,  a  rabbit  started  up  in  front  of  them.  With  shouts 
of  laughter,  several  of  them  gave  chase,  showing  that  even  battle  could 
iiot  obliterate  the  negro's  love  of  sport. 

"But  the  great  day  drew  near.  The  weather  grew  warmer;  the  ice 
gave  way.  Thomas  was  ready,  and  calling  together  his  chiefs,  laid  be- 
fore them  his  plan  of  battle. 

"  About  nine  o'clock  at  night  December  14th,  1864, 1  was  summoned 
to  General  Steadman's  headquarters.  He  told  me  what  the  plan  of  bat- 
tle was,  and  said  he  wished  me  to  open  the  fight  by  making  a  vigorous 
assault  upon  Hood's  right  flank.  This,  he  explained,  was  to  be  a  feint, 
intended  to  betray  Hood  into  the  belief  that  it  was  the  real  attack,  and 
to  lead  him  to  support  his  right  by  weakening  his  left,  where  Thomas  in- 
tended assaulting  him  in  very  deed.  The  General  gave  me  the  14th  Uni- 
ted States  Colored  Infantry,  under  Colonel  H.  C.  Corbin;  the  17th  U.  S. 
C.  I.,  under  the  gallant  Colonel  W.  R.  Shafter;  a  detachment  of  the  18th 
U.  S.  C.  I.,  under  Major  L.  D.  Joy ;  the  44th  U.  S.  C.  I.,  under  Colonel  L. 
Johnson;  a  provisional  brigade  of  white  troops  under  Colonel  C.  H. 
Grosvenor,  and  a  section  of  Artillery,  under  Captain  Osburn,  of  the 
20th  Indiana  Battery. 

"  The  largest  force  I  had  ever  handled  was  two  regiments,  and  as  I 
rather  wanted  to  open  the  battle  in  proper  style,  I  asked  General  Stead- 
inan  what  suggestion  he  had  to  make.  He  replied:  'Colonel,  to-mor- 
row morning  at  daylight  I  want  you  to  open  the  battle.'  'All  right, 
General,  do  you  not  think  it  would  be  a  good  plan  for  me  to  — ',  and 
I  outlined  a  little  plan  of  attack.  With  a  twinkle  in  his  kindly  eye,  he 
replied :  '  To-morrow  morning,  Colonel,  just  as  soon  as  you  can  see  how 
to  put  your  troops  in  motion,  I  wish  you  to  begin  the  fight.'  '  All  right, 
General,  good  night.'  With  these  explicit  instructions,  I  left  his  head- 
quarters, returned  to  camp,  and  gave  the  requisite  orders  for  the  soldiers 
to  have  an  early  breakfast,  and  be  ready  for  serious  work  at  daybreak. 
Then  taking  Adjutant  Clellaud  I  reconnoitered  the  enemy's  position, 
tracing  the  line  of  his  camp  fires,  and  decided  on  my  plan  of  assault. 

"The  morning  dawned  with  a  dense  fog,  which  held  us  in  check  for 
some  time  after  we  were  ready  to  march.  During  our  stay  in  Nashville, 
I  was  the  guest  of  Major  W.  B.  Lewis,  through  whose  yard  ran  our  line. 
He  had  been  a  warm  personal  friend  of  Andrew  Jackson,  occupying  a 
place  in  the  Treasury  Department  during  his  administration.  He  gave 
me  the  room  formerly  occupied  by  the  hero  of  New  Orleans,  and  enter- 
tained me  with  many  anecdotes  of  him.  I  remember  in  particular  one 
which  I  especially  appreciated,  because  of  the  scarcity  of  fuel  in  our  own 
camp.  At  one  time  General  Jackson  ordered  certain  troops  to  rendez- 
vous for  a  few  days  at  Nashville.  Major  Lewis,  acting  as  Quartermaster, 
laid  in  a  supply  of  several  hundred  cords  of  wood,  which  he  supposed 
would  be  ample  to  last  during  their  entire  stay  in  the  city.  The  troops 
arrived  on  a  'raw  and  gusty  day,'  and  being  accustomed  to  comfortable 


,         THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.      303 

fires  at  home,  they  burned  up  every  stick  the  first  night,  to  the  quarter- 
master's great  consternation. 

"To  return:  On  the  morning  of  December  15th,  Major  Lewis  said 
he  would  have  a  servant  bring  me  my  breakfast,  which  was  not  ready, 
however,  when  I  started.  The  boy,  with  an  eye  to  safety,  followed  me 
afar  off,  so  far  that  he  only  readied  me,  I  think,  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  But  1  really  believe  the  delay,  improved  the  flavor  of  the 
breakfast. 

"As  soon  as  the  fog  lifted,  the  battle  began  in  good  earnest.  Hood 
mistook  my  assault  for  an  attack  in  force  upon  his  right  flank,  and 
weakening  his  left  in  order  to  meet  it,  gave  the  coveted  opportunity  to 
Thomas,  who  improved  it  by  assailing  Hood's  left  flank,  doubling  it  up, 
and  capturing  a  large  number  of  prisoners. 

"Thus  the  first  day's  fight  wore  away.  It  had  been  for  us  a  severe 
but  glorious  day.  Over  three  hundred  of  my  command  had  fallen,  but 
everywhere  our  army  was  successful.  Victory  perched  upon  our  banners. 
Hood  had  stubbornly  resisted,  but  had  been  gallantly  driven  back  with 
severe  loss.  The  left  had  done  its  duty.  General  Steadman  congratu- 
lated us,  saying  his  only  fear  had  been  that  we  might  fight  too  hard. 
We  had  done  all  he  desired,  and  more.  Colored  soldiers  had  again 
fought  side  by  side  with  white  troops;  they  had  mingled  together  in 
the  charge;  they  had  supported  each  other;  they  had  assisted  each  other 
from  the  field  when  wounded,  and  they  lay  side  by  side  in  death.  The 
survivors  rejoiced  together  over  a  hard  fought  field,  won  by  a  common 
valor.  All  who  witnessed  their  conduct,  gave  them  equal  praise.  The 
day  that  we  had  longed  to  see  had  come  and  gone,  and  the  sun  went 
down  upon  a  record  of  coolness,  bravery,  manliness,  never  to  be  unmade. 
A  new  chapter  in  the  history  of  liberty  had  been  written.  It  had  been 
shown  that,  marching  under  a  flag  of  freedom,  animated  by  a  love  of 
liberty,  even  the  slave  becomes  a  man  and  a  hero. 

"  At  one  time  during  the  day,  while  the  battle  was  in  progress,  I  sat 
in  an  exposed  place  on  a  piece  of  ground  sloping  down  toward  the 
enemy,  and  being  the  only  horseman  on  that  part  of  the  field,  soon  be- 
came a  target  for  the  balls  that  whistled  and  sang  their  threatening 
songs  as  they  hurried  by.  At  length  a  shot  aimed  at  me  struck  my 
horse  in  the  face,  just  above  the  nostril,  and  passing  up  under  the  skin 
emerged  near  the  eye,  doing  the  horse  only  temporary  harm,  and  letting 
me  off  scot-free,  much  to  my  satisfaction,  as  may  be  supposed.  Captain 
Baker,  lying  on  the  ground  near  by,  heard  the  thud  of  the  ball  as  it 
struck  the  horse,  and  seeing  me  suddenly  dismount,  cried  out,  'the  Colo- 
nel is  shot,'  and  sprang  to  my  side,  glad  enough  to  find  that  the  poor 
horse's  face  had  been  a  shield  to  save  my  life.  I  was  sorry  that  the  ani- 
mal could  not  appreciate  the  gratitude  I  felt  to  it  for  my  deliverance. 

"  During  that  night  Hood  withdrew  his  army  some  two  miles,  and 

took  up  a  new  line  along  the  crest  of  some  low  hills,  which  he  strongly 

fortified  with  some  improvised  breast  works  and  abatis.    Soon  after  our 

early  breakfast,  we  moved  forward  over  the  intervening  space.    My  posi- 

15 


304  HlSTOKY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  , 

tion  was  still  on  the  extreme  left  of  our  line,  and  I  was  especially  charged 
to  look  well  to  our  flank,  to  avoid  surprise. 

"The  2nd  Colored  Brigade,  under  Colonel  Thompson,  of  the  12th  U. 
S.  C.  1.,  was  on  my  right,  and  participated  in  the  first  days'  charge 
upon  Overton's  Hill,  which  was  repulsed.  I  stood  where  the  whole 
movement  was  in  full  view.  It  was  a  grand  and  terrible  sight  to  see 
those  men  climb  that  hill  over  rocks  and  fallen  trees,  in  the  face  of  a 
murderous  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry,  only  to  be  driven  back.  White 
and  black  mingled  together  in  the  charge,  and  on  the  retreat. 

"  When  the  2nd  Colored  Brigade  retired  behind  my  lines  to  re-form, 
one  of  the  regimental  color-bearers  stopped  in  the  open  space  between 
the  two  armies,  where,  although  exposed  to  a  dangerous  fire,  he  planted 
his  flag  firmly  in  the  ground,  and  began  deliberately  and  coolly  to  return 
the  enemy's  fire,  and,  greatly  to  our  amusement,  kept  up  for  some  little 
time  his  independent  warfare. 

"  When  the  second  and  final  assault  was  made,  the  right  of  my  line 
took  part.  It  was  with  breathless  interest  I  watched  that  noble  army 
climb  the  hill  with  a  steady  resolve  which  nothing  but  death  itself  could 
check.  When  at  length  the  assaulting  column  sprang  upon  the  earth- 
works, and  the  enemy  seeing  that  further  resistance  was  madness,  gave 
way  and  began  a  precipitous  retreat,  our  hearts  swelled  as  only  the 
hearts  of  soldiers  can,  and  scarcely  stopping  to  cheer  or  to  await  orders, 
we  pushed  forward  and  joined  in  the  pursuit,  until  the  darkness  and  the 
rain  forced  a  halt. 

"  The  battle  of  Nashville  did  not  compare  in  numbers  engaged,  in 
severity  of  fighting,  or  in  the  losses  sustained,  with  some  other  Western 
battles.  But  in  the  issues  at  stake,  the  magnificent  generalship  of 
Thomas,  the  completeness  of  our  triumph,  and  the  immediate  and  far- 
reaching  consequences,  it  was  unique,  and  deservedly  ranks  along  with 
Gettysburg,  as  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  war. 

"  When  General  Thomas  rode  over  the  battle-field  and  saw  the  bodies 
of  colored  men  side  by  side  with  the  foremost,  on  the  very  works  of  the 
enemy,  he  turned  to  his  staff,  saying:  'Gentlemen,  the  question  is  set- 
tled ;  negroes  will  fight.'  He  did  me  the  honor  to  recommend  me  for  pro- 
motion, and  told  me  that  he  intended  to  give  me  the  best  brigade  that 
he  could  form.  This  he  afterward  did. 

"After  the  great  victory,  we  joined  in  the  chase  after  the  fleeing  foe. 
Hood's  army  was  whipped,  demoralized,  and  pretty  badly  scattered.  A 
good  many  stragglers  were  picked  up.  A  story  circulated  to  this  effect: 
Some  of  our  boys  on  making  a  sharp  turn  in  the  road,  came  upon  a  for- 
lorn Southern  soldier,  who  had  lost  his  arms,  thrown  away  his  accoutre- 
ments, and  was  sitting  on  a  log  by  the  roadside,  waiting  to  give  himself 
up.  He  was  saluted  with,  'Well,  Johnny,  how  goes  it?'  'Well,  Yank, 
I'll  tell  ye;  I  confess  I'm  horribly  whipped,  and  badly  demoralized,  but 
blamed  if  I'm  scattered!' 

"After  we  had  passed  along  through  Franklin,  we  had  orders  to 
turn  about  and  return  to  that  city.  I  was  riding  at  the  head  of  the  col- 


THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.      305 

umn}  followed  by  my  own  regiment.  The  men  were  swinging  along 
'arms  at  will,'  when  they  spied  General  Thomas  and  staff  approaching. 
Without  orders  they  brought  their  arms  to  'right  shoulder  shift,'  took 
the  step,  and  striking  up  their  favorite  tune  of  'John  Brown,'  whistled 
it  with  admirable  effect  while  passing  the  General,  greatly  to  his  amuse- 
ment. 

"  We  had  a  very  memorable  march  from  Franklin  to  Murfreesboro, 
over  miserable  dirt  roads.  About  December  19th  or  20th,  we  were  on 
the  march  at  an  early  hour,  but  the  rain  was  there  before  us,  and  stuck 
by  us  closer  than  a  brother.  We  were  drenched  through  and  through, 
and  few  had  a  dry  thread.  We  waded  streams  of  water  nearly  waist 
deep ;  we  pulled  through  mud  that  seemed  to  have  no  bottom,  and  where 
many  a  soldier  left  his  shoes  seeking  for  it.  The  open  woods  pasture 
where  we  went  into  camp  that  night,  was  surrounded  with  a  high  fence 
made  of  cedar  rails.  That  fence  was  left  standing,  and  was  not  touched 
— until— well,  I  do  believe  that  the  owners  bitterness  at  his  loss  was  fully 
balanced  by  the  comfort  and  good  cheer  which  those  magnificent  rail 
fires  afforded  us  that  December  night.  They  did  seem  providentially 
provided  for  us. 

"During  the  night  the  weather  turned  cold,  and  when  we  resumed 
our  march  the  ground  was  frozen  and  the  roads  were  simply  dreadful, 
especially  for  those  of  our  men  who  had  lost  their  shoes  the  day  before 
and  were  now  compelled  to  walk  barefoot,  tracking  their  way  with  blood. 
Such  experiences  take  away  something  of  the  romance  sometimes  sug- 
gested to  the  inexperienced  by  the  phase,  'soldiering  in  the  Sunny  South,' 
but  then  a  touch  of  it  is  worth  having  for  the  light  it  throws  over  such 
historical  scenes  as  those  at  Valley  Forge. 

"We  continued  in  the  pursuit  of  Hood,  as  far  as  Huntsville,  Ala., 
when  he  disappeared  to  return  no  more,  and  we  were  allowed  to  go  back 
to  Chattanooga,  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  rest.  Distance  travelled, 
420  miles. 

"We  had  no  more  fighting.  There  were  many  interesting  experi- 
ences, which,  however,  I  will  not  take  time  to  relate.  In  August,  1865, 
being  in  command  of  the  Post  at  Knoxville,  Tenn.,  grateful  to  have 
escaped  without  imprisonment,  wounds,  or  even  a  day  of  severe  illness, 
I  resigned  my  commission,  after  forty  months  of  service,  to  resume  my 
studies. 

"I  cannot  close  this  paper  without  expressing  the  conviction  that 
history  has  not  yet  done  justice  to  the  share  borne  by  colored  soldiers  in 
the  war  for  the  Union.  Their  conduct  during  that  eventful  period,  has 
been  a  silent,  but  most  potent  factor  in  influencing  public  sentiment, 
shaping  legislation,  and  fixing  the  status  of  colored  people  in  America. 
If  the  records  of  their  achievements  could  be  put  into  such  shape  that 
they  could  be  accessible  to  the  thousands  of  colored  youth  in  the  South, 
they  would  kindle  in  their  young  minds  an  enthusiastic  devotion  to 
manhood  and  liberty." 


306  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  PHALANX  AT  MARION,  TENN. 

In  the  winter  of  1864,  while  Sherman  was  marching 
his  army  toward  the  sea,  raiding  parties  and  expeditions 
were  sent  out  from  the  several  departments  to  intercept 
rebel  communications,  destroy  telegraph  lines,  railroads 
and  stores ;  in  nearly  all  of  which  Phalanx  troops  actively 
participated,  and  shared  the  perils  and  honors  of  the 
achievements. 

From  Yicksburg,  Miss.,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  E.D. 
Osband,  with  the  Third  Phalanx  Regiment,  on  the 
27th  of  November  captured  and  destroyed  the  Mississippi 
Central  Railroad  bridge  over  the  Big  Black  River,  near 
Canton,  also  thirty  miles  of  the  railroad,  with  two  loco- 
motives and  a  large  amount  of  stores. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Breckenridge,  with  a  large 
confederate  force,  attacked  the  Federals  under  General 
Gillem,  near  Morristown,  Tenn.,  captured  the  artillery, 
with  several  hundred  men,  and  drove  the  remainder  of 
Gillem's  troops  into  Knoxville.  Breckenridge  soon  re- 
tired, however,  pursued  by  General  Ammen's  forces.  On 
the  12th  of  December,  General  Stoneman  having  concen- 
trated the  commands  of  Generals  Burbridge  and  Gillem, 
near  Bean  Station,  Tenn.,  started  in  pursuit  of  Brecken- 
ridge intending  to  drive  him  into  Virginia  and  to  destroy 
the  railroad  and  Salt  Works  at  Saltville,  West  Virginia, 
General  Burbridge's  command  was  principally  composed 
of  Kentucky  troops,  three  brigades,  numbering  about  five 
thousand  men,  all  mounted.  The  6th  Phalanx  Cavalry 


y 


THE  PHALANX  AT  MARION,  TENN.  309 

was  attached  to  the  3rd  brigade,  which  Colonel  Jas.  F. 
Wade,  of  the  6th,  commanded.  Gillem's  defeat  rather  in- 
spired the  men  in  the  new  column,  and  they  dashed  for- 
ward with  a  determination  to  annihilate  the  enemy.  Four 
days  after  leaving  Bean  Station,  the  confederates  were 
overtaken  at  Marion,  General  Vaughn  being  in  command, 
and  were  routed,  the  Federals  capturing  all  their  guns, 
trains  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  Vaughn  fell  back  to 
Wytheville,  pursued  by  the  Federals,  who  captured  and 
destroyed  the  town,  with  its  stores  and  supplies  and  the 
extensive  lead  mines. 

Having  accomplished  their  mission,  the  Federals  about 
faced  for  Marion,  where  they  met  with  a  large  force  of  con- 
federates under  Breckenridge,  including  the  garrison  of 
Saltville.  Now  came  the  decisive  struggle  for  the  Salt 
Works  between  the  two  forces.  The  Federals  had  been 
enjoying  their  signal  victory,  which  they  now  attempted 
to  enhance  by  pressing  the  enemy,  who  had  crossed  a 
bridge  and  there  taken  up  a  position.  During  the  night 
an  advance  regiment  succeeded  in  crossing  the  bridge, 
after  re-laying  the  planks  which  the  confederates  had  torn 
up,  but  they  were  driven  back  ,  and  there  remained  till  the 
next  morning.  The  6th  Phalanx  was  assigned  its  usual 
position,  and  was  held  in  reserve.  The  battle  opened  in 
the  morning,  and  continued  with  varying  success  during 
the  day.  Late  in  the  afternoon  General  Stoneman  found 
his  troops  badly  beaten,  and  unable  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  the  confederate  coil;  they  were  not  the  "Old 
Guard,"  and  the  question  with  them  was  not  "victory 
or  death,"  but  surrender  or  death.  Nor  was  this  long  a 
question.  General  Stoneman  ordered  up  the  6th  Phalanx, 
dividing  them  into  three  columns,  placing  himself  at  the 
head  of  one,  and  giving  one  each  to  Colonel  Wade,  (their 
valiant  colonel),  and  his  chief  of  staff,  General  Brisbin. 
The  regiment  dashed  into  the  fight  for  the  rescue  of  the 
pro-slavery  Kentuckians  and  haughty  Tennesseeians,  who 
were  now  nearly  annihilated.  The  historian  of  this  cam- 
paign, General  Brisbin,  who  but  a  day  or  two  previous  to 
this  battle  had  attempted  to  shoot  one  of  the  brave  black 


310  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

boys  of  the  6th  for  retaliating  for  the  murder  of  one  of 
his  comrades  by  shooting  a  confederate  prisoner,  thus 
writes,  twenty-two  years  afterwards,  about  thej)attle  and 
the  conduct  of  the  6th : 

"  Early  in  the  day  General  Stoneman  had  sent  General  Gillem  off  to 
the  right  with  orders  to  get  in  Breckeuridge's  rear  and  if  possible  cut 
him  off  from  the  salt  works.  It  was  believed  the  Kentucky  troops  could 
handle  Breckenridge  until  Gillem  could  strike  in  the  rear,  but  the  action 
in  front  about  noon  became  terrific  and  Gillem  was  recalled  to  aid  Bur- 
bridge.  Our  right  flank  had  been  driven  back  and  our  extreme  left  was 
almost  at  right  angles  with  the  original  position  held  early  in  the  morn- 
ing. To  add  to  our  misfortunes,  a  party  of  Confederate  cavalry  had  got 
in  our  rear  and  captured  some  of  our  pack  train.  The  packers  had  at 
one  time  become  demoralized  and  fell  back  almost  into  the  hands  of  the 
Confederates  operating  in  our  rear.  General  Burbridge  saw  the  move- 
ment, and  drawing  his  revolver  placed  himself  in  front  of  the  leading 
packs  and  ordered  them  back,  but  the  crazy  men  kept  on  until  the  Gen- 
eral wounded  the  man  who  was  leading  them  off,  and  with  the  aid  of 
some  officers  who  used  their  sabres  freely,  the  packs  were  forced  back 
into  the  timber  close  to  our  lines  and  compelled  to  stay  there.  Thus 
over  five  hundred  packs  and  animals  were  saved  to  the  army  by  the 
prompt  action  of  the  General  and  his  aids. 

"At  3:30  o'clock  the  situation  was  critical  in  the  extreme.  Colonel 
Boyle  had  been  killed  in  leading  a  charge  and  his  regiment  repulsed.  The 
Twelfth  Ohio  Cavalry  had  promptly  come  to  Boyle's  support  and  checked 
the  confederates,  who  were  coming  into  our  centre.  The  hospital  in  our 
rear,  where  our  sick  were,  had  been  charged,  and  for  a  short  time  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Burbridge  and  Stoneman  had  their  headquar- 
ters on  a  little  knoll  near  the  centre  of  our  line,  where  they  could  see  the 
fighting.  The  Confederate  right,  in  swinging  around,  had  covered  this 
hill  and  it  was  no  longer  tenable.  A  lieutenant,  in  reporting  to  General 
Burbridge  on  this  knoll,  had  been  shot  by  a  Confederate  rifleman 
through  the  head  and  fell  dead  at  the  General's  feet.  Orderlies,  horses 
and  men  were  being  shot  down,  and  I  begged  General  Burbridge  to  re- 
tire. He  asked  me  if  there  were  no  more  troops  we  could  bring  up  and 
put  into  action.  I  told  him  all  we  had  left  was  the  Sixth  United  States 
Colored  Cavalry  and  the  horse-holders.  He  said : 

"'Well,  go  and  bring  up  the  negroes  and  tell  everybody  to  tie  the 
horses  as  well  as  they  can.  We  might  as  well  lose  them  as  to  be  whipped, 
when  we  will  lose  them  anyway.' 

"I  made  haste  to  bring  up  the  Sixth  Colored  and  all  the  horse-hold- 
ers I  could  get.  The  Sixth  Colored  was  a  fine  regiment,  but  few  had  faith 
in  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  negroes.  General  Burbridge  divided  them 
into  three  columns,  and  taking  one  himself  gave  the  other  two  to  Gen- 
eral Wade  and  myself.  Wade  had  the  right,  Burbridge  the  left  and  I 
was  in  the  centre.  Wade  got  off  first  and  sailed  in  in  gallant  style. 


THE  PHALANX  AT  MARION,  TENN.  311 

Burbridge  piled  his  overcoat  on  the  ground,  and  drawing  his  sword  led 
his  column  forward.  The  men  were  all  on  foot  and  most  of  the  officers. 
But  few  were  mounted.  It  was  unpleasant  riding  under  fire  where  so 
many  were  on  foot.  Wade's  horse  was  soon  shot,  but  he  kept  on  with 
his  men,  leading  on  foot.  Looking  to  the  left  I  saw  Burbridge  sur- 
rounded by  a  black  crowd  of  men,  his  form  towering  above  them  and  his 
sword  pointing  to  the  enemy.  Wade  was  first  to  strike  the  Confederate 
line.  They  fired  and  fired,  but  the  darkies  kept  straight  on,  closing  for  a 
hand-to-hand  fight.  Then  the  cry  was  raised  along  the  Confederate  lines 
that  the  negroes  were  killing  the  wounded.  Wade  went  through  the 
Confederate  line  like  an  iron  wedge,  and  it  broke  and  fled.  Burbridge  hit 
hard,  but  the  resistence  was  less  stubborn  than  in  Wade's  front.  Of  my 
own  part  in  the  action  I  prefer  not  to  write.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  never 
did  soldiers  do  better  on  any  battle-field  than  the  black  men  I  led  that 
day. 

"When  their  guns  were  empty  they  clubbed  them,  and  I  saw  one  ne- 
gro fighting  with  a  gun  barrel,  swinging  it  about  his  head  like  a  club, 
and  going  straight  for  the  enemy.  He  did  not  hit  anybody  for  nobody 
waited  to  be  hit,  but  some  of  the  Confederates  jumped  fully  fifteen  feet 
down  the  opposite  side  of  that  hill  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  negroes, 
and  I  would  have  jumped  too,  probably,  if  I  had  been  on  their  side,  for 
I  never  yet  saw  anything  in  battle  so  terrible  as  an  infuriated  negro. 

"Gillem  returned  just  as  night  was  putting  an  end  to  the  fighting 
and  in  the  approaching  darkness  we  mistook  his  column  for  a  new  col- 
umn of  the  enemy  coming  in  on  our  right  and  rear.  Burbridge  hurried 
back  with  his  victorious  negroes  and  was  about  to  advance  with  the 
Twelfth  Ohio  Cavalry  and  Eleventh  Michigan,  when  the  glad  news  came 
that  the  supposed  Confederates  were  Gillem's  column  returning  to  our 
support. 

"During  the  night  Breckenridge  retreated  in  the  direction  of  the  salt 
works,  but  Colonel  Buckley,  returning  from  the  direction  of  the  lead 
mines  with  his  brigade,  and  having  got  in  Breckenridge's  rear  at  Seven 
Mile  Ford,  charged  his  advance,  capturing  ten  prisoners.  Breckenridge, 
no  doubt  thinking  he  had  been  outflanked  and  was  about  to  be  enclosed 
between  two  columns,  abandoned  all  idea  of  going  to  the  salt  works  and 
put  back  in  confusion  to  Marion,  where  he  took  the  North  Carolina  road 
and  fled  over  the  mountains.  Colonel,  Bentley,  with  his  Twelfth  Ohio, 
was  sent  up  with  Breckenridge's  rear.  The  Confederates  felled  trees  across 
the  road  to  retard  Bentley's  advance,  but  he  cleared  them  out  and  he 
and  his  gallant  regiment  hammered  Breckenridge's  rear  all  the  way  into 
North  Carolina." 

The  road  to  the  Salt  Works  was  thus  opened  and  their 
destruction  accomplished  by  the  bravery  and  matchless 
valor  of  the  gallent  Sixth.  Many  of  the  regiment  for- 
feited their  lives  in  rescuing  the  force  from  defeat,  and 


312  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

securing  a  victory ;  those  who  survived  the  terrible  strug- 
gle no  longer  had  opprobrious  epithets  hurled  at  them, 
but  modestly  received  the  just  encomiums  that  were 
showered  upon  them  by  the  white  troops,  who,  amid  the 
huzzas  of  victory,  greeted  them  with  loud  shouts  of  "Com- 
rades ! " 

General  Brisbin,  continuing,  says : 

"There  were  many  instances  of  personal  bravery,  but  I  shall  only 
mention  one.  A  negro  soldier  had  got  a  stump  quite  close  to  the  Con- 
federate line,  and  despite  all  efforts  to  dislodge  him,  there  he  stuck,  pick- 
ing  off  their  men.  The  Confederates  charged  the  stump,  but  the  Federal 
line  observing  it  concentrated  their  fire  on  the  advancing  men  and  drove 
them  back.  Then  there  were  long  and  loud  cheers  for  the  brave  darkey, 
who  stuck  to  his  stump  and  fired  away  with  a  regularity  that  was  won- 
derful. His  stump  was  riddled  with  bullets,  but  he  stuck  to  it,  although 
he  was  at  times  nearer  the  Confederate  lines  than  our  own." 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  315 


CHAPTEK  X. 

THE   BLACK  FLAG. 

'    FORT  PILLOW — EXCHANGE  OF  PRISONERS,  ETC. 

It  was  not  long  after  each  army  received  its  quota  of 
Phalanx  soldiers,  before  the  white  troops  began  regarding 
them  much  as  Napoleon's  troops  did  the  Imperial  Guard, 
their  main  support.  When  a  regiment  of  the  Phalanx  went 
into  a  fight,  every  white  soldier  knew  what  was  meant,  for 
the  black  troops  took  no  ordinary  part  in  a  battle. 
Where  the  conflict  was  hottest;  where  danger  was  most 
imminent,  there  the  Phalanx  went;  and  when  victory 
poised,  as  it  often  did,  between  the  contending  sides,  the 
weight  of  the  Phalanx  was  frequently  thrown  into  the  bal- 
ancing scales;  if  some  strong  work  or  dangerous  battery 
had  to  be  taken,  whether  with  the  bayonet  alone  or  hand 
grenade  or  sabre,  the  Phalanx  was  likely  to  be  in  the 
charging  column,  or  formed  a  part  of  the  storming  brig- 
ade. 

'*  The  confederates  were  no  cowards;  braver  men  never 
bit  cartridge  or  fired  a  gun,  and  when  they  were  to  meet 
''their  slaves,"  as  they  believed,  in  revolt,  why,  of  course, 
honor  forbade  them  to  ask  or  give  quarter.  This  fact  was 
known  to  all,  for,  as  yet,  though  hundreds  had  been  cap- 
tured, none  had  been  found  on  parole,  or  among  the  ex- 
changed prisoners.  General  Grant's  attention  was  called 
to  this  immediately  after  the  fight  at  Milliken's  Bend, 
where  the  officers  of  the  Phalanx,  as  well  as  soldiers,  had 
been  captured  and  hung.  Grant  wrote  Gen.  Taylor,  com- 
manding  the  confederate  forces  in  Louisiana,  as  follows : 


316  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"I  feel  no  inclination  to  retaliate  for  offences  of  irresponsible  persons, 
but,  if  it  is  the  policy  of  any  general  intrusted  with  the  command  of 
troops,  to  show  no  quarter,  or  to  punish  with  death,  prisoners  taken  in 
battle,  /  will  accept  the  issue.  It  may  be  you  propose  a  different  line  of 
policy  to  black  troops,  and  officers  commanding  them,  to  that  practiced 
toward  white  troops.  If  so,  I  can  assure  you  that  these  colored  troops 
are  regularly  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  The  gov- 
ernment, and  all  officers  under  the  government,  are  bound  to  give  the 
same  protection  to  these  troops  that  they  do  to  any  other  troops." 

General  Taylor  replied  that  he  would  punish  all  such 
acts,  "disgraceful  alike  to  humanity  and  the  reputation 
of  soldiers,"  but  declared  that  officers  of  the  "Confederate 
Army"  were  required  to  turn  over  to  the  civil  authorities, 
to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  laws  of  the  State  where- 
in such  were  captured,  all  negroes  taken  in  arms. 

As  early  as  December,  1862,  incensed  by  General  But- 
ler's administration  at  New  Orleans  in  the  arming  of 
negroes,  Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Confederate 
Government,  issued  the  following  proclamation : 

"FIRST.— That  all  commissioned  officers  in  the  command  of  said  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler be  declared  not  entitled  to  be  considered  as  soldiers  engaged  in  honorable  warfare, 
but  as  robbers  and  criminals,  deserving  death;  and  that  they,  and  each  of  them,  be, 
whenever  captured,  reserved  for  execution. 

"SECOND. — That  the  private  soldiers  and  non-commisBioned  officers  in  the  army  of 
said  Benj.  F.  Butler,  be  considered  as  only  instruments  used  for  the  commission  of 
crimes,  perpetrated  by  his  orders,  and  not  as  free  agents;  that  they,  therefore,  be 
treated  when  captured  as  prisoners  of  war,  with  kindness  and  humanity,  and  be  sent 
home  on  the  usual  parole;  that  they  will  in  no  manner  aid  or  serve  the  United  States  ia 
any  capacity  during  the  continuance  of  war,  unless  duly  exchanged. 

"THIRD. — That  all  negro  slaves  captured  in  arms  be  at  once  delivered  over  to  the 
executive  authorities,  of  the  respective  States  to  which  they  belong,  and  to  be  dealt 
with  according  to  the  laws  of  said  States. 

"FOURTH.— That  the  like  orders  be  executed  In  all  cases  with  respect  to  all  com- 
missioned officers  of  the  United  States  when  found  serving  in  company  witii  said  slaves 
in  insurrection  against  the  authorities  of  the  different  States  of  this  Confederacy. 
Signed  and  sealed  at  Richmond,  Dec.  23,  1862. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS." 

This  Proclamation  was  the  hoisting  of  the  black  flag 
against  the  Phalanx,  by  which  Mr.  Davis  expected  to 
bring  about  a  war  of  extermination  against  the  negro 
soldiers.* 

In  his  third  annual  message  to  the  Confederate  Con- 
gress, Mr.  Davis  said : 

"  We  may  well  leave  it  to  the  instincts  of  that  common  humanity 
which  a  beneficient  creator  has  implanted  in  the  breasts  of  our  fellow 


*  Among  the  captured  rebel  flags  now  in  the  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C., 
are  several  Black  Flags.  No.  205  was  captured  near  North  Mountain,  Md.,  Aug.  1st, 
1864.  Another  Captured  from  General  Pillow's  men  at  Fort  Donelson,  is  also  among 
the  rebel  archives  in  that  Department.  Several  of  them  were  destroyed  by  the  troops 
capturing  them,  as  at  Pascagoula,  Miss.,  and  near  Grand  Gulf  on  the  Mississippi. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  317 

men  of  all  countries  to  pass  judgment  on  a  measure  by  which  several 
millions  of  human  beings  of  an  inferior  race — peaceful  and  contented 
laborers  in  their  sphere — are  doomed  to  extermination,  while  at  the  same 
time  they  are  encouraged  to  a  general  assassination  of  their  masters  by 
the  insiduous  recommendation  to  abstain  from  violence  unless  in  neces- 
sc^ry  defence.  Our  own  detestation  of  those  who  have  attempted  the 
most  execrable  measures  recorded  in  the  history  of  guilty  man  is  tem- 
pered by  profound  contempt  for  the  impotent  rage  which  it  discloses.  So 
far  as  regards  the  action  of  this  government  on  such  criminals  as  may 
attempt  its  execution,  I  confine  myself  to  informing  you  that  I  shall— 
unless  in  your  wisdom  you  deem  some  other  course  expedient— deliver  to 
the  several  State  authorities  all  commissioned  officers  of  the  United 
States  that  may  hereafter  be  captured  by  our  forces  in  any  of  the  States 
embraced  in  the  Proclamation,  that  they  may  be  dealt  with  in  accor- 
dance with  the  laws  of  those  States  providing  for  the  punishment  of 
criminals  engaged  in  exciting  servile  insurrection.  The  enlisted  soldiers 
I  shall  continue  to  treat  as  unwilling  instruments  in  the  commission  of 
these  crimes,  and  shall  direct  their  discharge  and  return  to  their  homes 
on  the  proper  and  usual  parole." 

The  confederate  Congress  soon  took  up  the  subject, 
and  after  a  protracted  consideration  passed  the  following: 

"Resolved,  By  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America, 
in  response  to  the  message  of  the  President,  transmitted  to  Congress  at 
the  commencement  of  the  present  session.  That,  in  the  opinion  of  Con- 
gress, the  commissioned  officers  of  the  enemy  ought  not  to  be  delivered 
to  the  authorities  of  the  respective  States,  as  suggested  in  the  said  mes- 
sage, but  all  captives  taken  by  the  confederate  forces,  ought  to  be  dealt 
with  and  disposed  of  by  the  Confederate  Government. 

"SEC.  2. — That  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  the  Proclamations  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  dated  respectively  September  22nd, 
1862,  and  January  1st,  1863,  and  other  measures  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  of  its  authorities,  commanders  and  forces,  de- 
signed or  intended  to  emancipate  slaves  in  the  Confederate  States,  or  to 
abduct  such  slaves,  or  to  incite  them  to  insurrection,  or  to  employ  ne- 
groes in  war  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  to  overthrow  the  insti- 
tution of  African  slavery  and  bring  on  a  servile  war  in  these  States, 
would,  if  successful,  produce  atrocious  consequences,  and  they  are  incon- 
sistent with  the  spirit  of  those  usages  which,  in  modern  warfare,  prevail 
among  the  civilized  nations ;  they  may  therefore  be  lawfully  suppressed 
by  retaliation. 

"SEC.  3. — That  in  every  case  wherein,  during  the  war,  any  violation 
of  the  laws  and  usages  of  war  among  civilized  nations  shall  be.  or  has 
been  done  and  perpetrated  by  those  acting  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  persons  or  property  of  citizens  of  the  Confederate 
States,  or  of  those  under  the  protection  or  in  the  land  or  naval  service  of 
the  Confederate  States,  or  of  any  State  of  the  Confederacy,  the  Presi- 


318  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

dent  of  the  Confederate  States  is  hereby  authorized  to  cause  full  and 
and  ample  retaliation  to  be  made  for  every  such  violation,  in  such  man- 
ner and  to  such  extent  as  he  may  think  proper. 

"SEC.  4.— That  every  white  person,  being  a  commissioned  officer,  or 
acting  as  such,  who  during  the  present  war  shall  command  negroes  or 
mulattoes  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  arm, 
train,  organize  or  prepare  negroes  or  mulattoes  for  military  service 
against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  voluntarily  use  negroes  or 
mulattoes  in  any  military  enterprise,  attack  or  conflict,  in  such  service, 
shall  be  deemed  as  inciting  servile  insurrection,  and  shall,  if  captured,  be 
put  to  death,  or  to  be  otherwise  punished  at  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

USEC.  5. — Every  person,  being  a  commissioned  officer,  or  acting  as 
such  in  the  service  of  the  enemy,  who  shall  during  the  present  war,  ex- 
cite, attempt  to  excite,  or  cause  to  be  excited  a  servile  insurrection,  or 
who  shall  incite,  or  cause  to  be  incited  a  slave  to  rebel,  shall,  if  captured, 
be  put  to  death,  or  otherwise  punished  at  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

"  SEC.  6. — Every  person  charged  with  an  offence  punishable  under  the 
preceeding  resolutions  shall,  during  the  present  war,  be  tried  before  the 
military  court,  attached  to  the  army  or  corps  by  the  troops  of  which  he 
shall  have  been  captured,  or  by  such  other  military  court  as  the  Presi- 
dent may  direct,  and  in  such  manner  and  under  such  regulations  as  the 
President  shall  prescribe ;  and  after  conviction,  the  President  may  com- 
mute the  punishment  in  such  manner  and  on  such  terms  as  he  may  deem 
proper. 

SEC.  7. — All  negroes  and  mulattoes  who  shall  be  engaged  in  war,  or 
be  taken  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  shall  give  aid  or 
comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  Confederate  States,  shall,  where  captured 
in  the  Confederate  States,  be  delivered  to  authorities  of  the  State  or 
States  in  which  they  shall  be  captured,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to 
Buch  present  or  future  laws  of  such  State  or  States." 

In  March,  1863,  this  same  Confederate  Congress  en- 
acted the  following  order  to  regulate  the  impressment  of 
negroes  for  army  purposes : 

"SEC.  9.— Where  slaves  are  impressed  by  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment, to  labor  on  fortifications,  or  other  public  works,  the  impressment 
shall  be  made  by  said  Government  according  to  the  rules  and  regula- 
tions provided  in  the  laws  of  the  States  wherein  they  are  impressed ;  and, 
in  the  absence  of  such  law,  in  accordance  with  such  rules  and  regulations 
not  inconsistent  with  the  provisions  of  this  act,  as  the  Secretary  of  War 
shall  from  time  to  time  prescribe;  Provided,  That  no  impressment  of 
slaves  shall  be  made,  when  they  can  be  hired  or  procured  by  the  owner 
or  agent. 

"SEC.  10.— That,  previous  to  the  1st  day  of  December  next,  no  slave 
laboring  on  a  farm  or  plantation,  exclusively  devoted  to  the  production 
of  grain  and  provisions,  shall  be  taken  for  the  public  use,  without  the 
consent  of  the  owner,  except  in  case  of  urgent  necessity." 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  319 

Thus  it  is  apparent  that  while  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment was  holding  aloft  the  black  flag,  even  against  the 
Northern  Phalanx  regiments  composed  of  men  who  were 
never  slaves,  it  was  at  the  same  time  engaged  in  enrolling 
and  conscripting  slaves  to  work  on  fortifications  and  in 
trenches,  in  support  of  their  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  and  at  a  period  when  negro  troops  were  not  ac- 
cepted in  the  army  of  the  United  States. 

Soon  after  the  admission  of  negroes  into  the  Union 
army,  it  was  reported  to  Secretary  Stanton  that  three 
negro  soldiers,  captured  with  the  gunboat  "Isaac  Smith," 
on  Stone  river,  were  placed  in  close  confinement,  where- 
upon he  ordered  three  confederate  prisoners  belonging  to 
South  Carolina  to  be  placed  in  close  confinement,  and  in- 
formed the  Confederate  Government  of  the  action.  The 
Richmond  Examiner  becoming  cognizant  of  this  said : 

"It  is  not  merely  the  pretension  of  a  regular  Government  affecting 
to  deal  with  'rebels,'  but  it  is  a  deadly  stab  which  they  are  aiming  at  our 
institutions  themselves;  because  they  know  that,  if  we  were  insane 
enough  to  yield  this  point,  to  treat  black  men  as  the  equals  of  white, 
and  insurgent  slaves  as  equivalent  to  our  brave  white  soldiers,  the  very 
foundation  of  slavery  would  be  fatally  wounded." 

Several  black  soldiers  were  captured  in  an  engagement 
before  Charleston,  and  when  it  came  to  an  exchange  of 
prisoners,  though  an  immediate  exchange  of  all  captured 
in  the  engagement  had  been  agreed  upon,  the  confederates 
would  not  exchange  the  negro  troops.  To  this  the  Presi- 
dent's attention  wras  called,  whereupon  he  issued  the  fol- 
lowing order : 

"EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  July  30th,  1863. 
"It  is  the  duty  of  every  government  to  give  protection  to  its  citizens, 
of  whatever  color,  class,  or  condition,  and  especially  to  those  who  are 
duly  organized  as  soldiers  in  the  public  service.  The  law  of  nations  and 
the  usages  and  customs  of  war,  as  carried  on  by  civilized  powers,  permit 
no  distinction  as  to  color  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war,  as  pub- 
lic enemies.  To  sell  or  enslave  any  captured  person,  on  account  of  his 
color,  and  for  no  offense  against  the  laws  of  war,  is  a  relapse  into  bar- 
barism, and  a  crime  against  the  civilization  of  the  age.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  will  give  the  same  protection  to  all  its  soldiers; 
and  if  the  enemy  shall  enslave  or  sell  any  one  because  of  his  color,  the 
offense  shall  be  punished  by  retaliation  upon  the  enemy's  prisoners  in 


320  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

our  possession.  It  is  therefore  ordered  that  for  every  soldier  of  the 
United  States  killed  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  war,  a  rebel  soldier  shall 
be  executed,  and  for  every  one  enslaved  by  the  enemy  or  sold  into  slav- 
ery, a  rebel  soldier  shall  be  placed  at  hard  labor  on  public  works,  and 
continued  at  such  labor  until  the  other  shall  be  released  and  receive  the 
treatment  due  to  a  prisoner  of  war. 

"  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 
"By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

"E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Ass't.  Adjt.-General." 

However,  this  order  did  not  prevent  the  carrying  out 
of  the  intentions  of  the  confederate  President  and  Con- 
gress. 

The  saddest  and  blackest  chapter  of  the  history  of  the 
war  of  the  Rebellion,  is  that  which  relates  to  the  treat- 
ment of  Union  prisoners  in  the  rebel  prison  pens,  at 
Macon,  Ga.,  Belle  Island,  Castle  Thunder,  Pemberton, 
Libbey,  at  and  near  Richmond  and  Danville,  Va.,  Cahaw- 
ba,  Ala.,  Salisbury,  N.C.,  Tyler,  Texas,  Florida,  Columbia, 
S.  C.,  Millen  and  Andersonville,  Ga.  It  is  not  the  purpose 
to  attempt  a  general  description  of  these  modern  char- 
nel  houses,  or  to  enter  into  a  detailed  statement  of  the 
treatment  of  the  Union  soldiers  who  were  unfortunate 
enough  to  escape  death  upon  the  battle-field  and  then  fall 
captive  to  the  confederates.  When  we  consider  the  fact 
that  the  white  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  war  upon 
both  sides,  belonged  to  one  nation,  and  were  Americans, 
many  of  whom  had  been  educated  at  the  same  schools, 
and  many— very  many— of  them  members  of  the  same 
religious  denominations,  and  church ;  noi>  a  few  springing 
from  the  same  stock  and  loins,  the  atrocities  committed 
by  the  confederates  against  the  Union  soldiers,  while  in 
their  custody  as  prisoners  of  war,  makes  their  deeds  more 
shocking  and  inhuman  than  if  the  contestants  had  been 
of  a  different  nationality. 

The  English  soldiers  who  lashed  the  Sepoys  to  the 
mouths  of  their  cannon,  and  then  fired  the  pieces,  thus 
cruelly  murdering  the  captured  rebels,  offered  the  plea,  in 
mitigation  of  their  crime,  and  as  an  excuse  for  violating 
the  rules  of  war,  that  their  subjects  were  not  of  a  civilized 
nation,  and  did  not  themselves  adhere  to  the  laws  govern- 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  323 

ing  civilized  nations  at  war  with  each  other.  But  no  such 
plea  can  be  entered  in  the  case  of  the  confederates,  who 
starved,  shot  and  murdered  80,000  of  their  brethren  in 
prison  pens,  white  prisoners  of  war.  If  such  treatment 
was  meted  to  those  of  their  own  color  and  race,  as  is 
related  by  an  investigating  committee  of  Senators,  what 
must  have  been  the  treatment  of  those  of  another  race,— 
whom  they  had  held  in  slavery,  and  whom  they  regarded 
the  same  as  sheep  and  horses,  to  be  bought  and  sold  at 
will, — when  captured  in  battle,  fighting  against  them  for 
the  Union  and  their  own  freedom  ? 

The  report  of  the  Congressional  Committee  furnishes 
ample  proof  of  the  barbarities : 

38TH  CONGRESS,!  /KEP.  COM. 

1st  Session.    /  \   No.  68. 

"IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


"Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct  and  Expenditures  of 

the  War. 

"On  the  4th  inst.,  your  committee  received  a  communication  of  that 
date  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  enclosing  the  report  of  Colonel  Hoff- 
man, commissary  general  of  prisoners,  dated  May  3,  calling  the  atten- 
tion of  the  committee  to  the  condition  of  returned  Union  prisoners,  with 
the  request  that  the  committee  would  immediately  proceed  to  Annapolis 
and  examine  with  their  own  eyes  the  condition  of  those  who  have  been 
returned  from  rebel  captivity.  The  committee  resolved  that  they  would 
comply  with  the  request  of  the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  first  opportu- 
nity. The  5th  of  May  was  devoted  by  the  committee  to  concluding  their 
labors  upon  the  investigation  of  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre.  On  the  6th 
of  May,  however,  the  committee  proceeded  to  Annapolis  and  Baltimore, 
and  examined  the  condition  of  our  returned  soldiers,  and  took  the  testi- 
mony of  several  of  them,  together  with  the  testimony  of  surgeons  and 
other  persons  in  attendance  upon  the  hospitals.  That  testimonj7',  with 
the  communication  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  report  of  Colonel 
Hoffman,  is  herewith  transmitted. 

"The  evidence  proves,  beyond  all  manner  of  doubt,  a  determination 
on  the  part  of  the  rebel  authorities,  deliberately  and  persistently  prac- 
ticed for  a  long  time  past,  to  subject  those  of  our  soldiers  who  have  been 
BO  unfortunate  as  to  fall  in  their  hands  to  a  system  of  treatment  which 
has  resulted  in  reducing  many  of  those  who  have  survived  and  been  per- 
mitted to  return  to  us  in  a  condition,  both  physically  and  mentally, 
which  no  language  we  can  use  can  adequately  describe.  Though  nearly 
all  the  patients  now  in  the  Naval  Academy  hospital  at  Annapolis,  and  in 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  West  hospital,  in  Baltimore,  have  been  under  the  kindest  and  most 
intelligent  treatment  for  about  three  weeks  past,  and  many  of  them  for 
a  greater  length  of  time,  still  they  present  literally  the  appearance  of 
living  skeletons,  many  of  them  being  nothing  but  skin  and  bone ;  some 
of  them  are  maimed  for  life,  having  been  frozen  while  exposed  to  the  in- 
clemency of  the  winter  season  on  Belle  Isle,  being  compelled  to  lie  on  the 
bare  ground,  without  tents  or  blankets,  some  of  them  without  overcoats 
or  even  coats,  with  but  little  fire  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  the  winds 
and  storms  to  which  they  were  exposed. 

"The  testimony  shows  that  the  general  practice  of  their  captors  was 
to  rob  them,  as  soon  as  they  were  taken  prisoners,  of  all  their  money, 
valuables,  blankets,  and  good  clothing,  for  which  they  received  nothing 
in  exchange  except,  perhaps,  some  old  worn-out  rebel  clothing  hardly 
better  than  none  at  all.  Upon  their  arrival  at  Richmond  they  have  been 
confined,  without  blankets  or  other  covering,  in  buildings  without  fire, 
or  upon  Belle  Isle  with,  in  many  cases,  no  shelter,  and  in  others  with 
nothing  but  old  discarded  army  tents,  so  injured  by  rents  and  holes  as 
to  present  but  little  barrier  to  the  wind  and  storms;  on  several  occasions, 
the  witnesses  say,  they  have  arisen  in  the  morning  from  their  resting- 
places  upon  the  bare  earth,  and  found  several  of  their  comrades  frozen 
to  death  during  the  night,  and  that  many  others  would  have  met  the 
same  fate  had  they  not  walked  rapidly  back  and  forth,  during  the  hours 
which  should  have  been  devoted  to  sleep,  for  the  purpose  of  retaining 
sufficient  warmth  to  preserve  life. 

"In  respect  to  the  food  furnished  to  our  men  by  the  rebel  authorities, 
the  testimony  proves  that  the  ration  of  each  man  was  totally  insufficient 
in  quantity  to  preserve  the  health  of  a  child,  even  had  it  been  of  proper 
quality,  which  it  was  not.  It  consist-ed  usually,  at  the  most,  of  two 
small  pieces  of  corn-bread,  made  in  many  instances,  as  the  witnesses 
state,  of  corn  and  cobs  ground  together,  and  badly  prepared  and  cooked, 
of,  at  times,  about  two  ounces  of  meat,  usually  of  poor  quality,  and  un- 
fit to  be  eaten,  and  occasionally  a  few  black  worm-eaten  beans,  or  some- 
thing of  that  kind.  Many  of  your  men  were  compelled  to  sell  to  their 
guards,  and  others,  for  what  price  they  could  get,  such  clothing  and 
blankets  as  they  were  permitted  to  receive  of  that  forwarded  for  their 
use  by  our  government,  in  order  to  obtain  additional  food  sufficient  to 
sustain  life ;  thus,  by  endeavoring  to  avoid  one  privation  reducing  them- 
selves to  the  same  destitute  condition  in  respect  to  clothing  and  cover- 
ing that  they  were  in  before  they  received  any  from  our  government. 
When  they  became  sick  and  diseased  in  consequence  of  this  exposure  and 
privation,  and  were  admitted  into  the  hospitals,  their  treatment  was 
little  if  any,  improved  as  to  food,  though  they,  doubtless,  suffered  less 
from  exposure  to  cold  than  before.  Their  food  still  remained  insufficient 
in  quantity  and  altogether  unfit  in  quality.  Their  diseases  and  wounds 
did  not  receive  the  treatment  which  the  commonest  dictates  of  hu- 
manity would  have  prompted.  One  witness,  whom  your  committee  ex- 
amined, who  had  lost  all  the  toes  of  one  foot  from  being  frozen  while  on 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  325 

Belle  Isle,  states  that  for  days  at  a  time  his  wounds  were  not  dressed, 
and  they  had  not  been  dressed  for  four  days  when  he  was  taken  from  the 
hospital  and  carried  on  the  flag-of-truce  boat  for  Fortress  Monroe. 

"In  reference  fco  the  condition  to  which  our  men  were  reduced  by  cold 
and  hunger,  your  committee  would  call  attention  to  the  following  ex- 
extracts  from  the  testimony.  One  witness  testifies : 

" '  I  had  no  blankets  until  our  Government  sent  us  some. 

" '  Question.— How  did  you  sleep  before  you  received  those  blanKets? 

"'Answer. — We  used  to  get  together  just  as  close  as  we  could,  and 
sleep  spoon-fashion,  so  that  when  one  turned  over  we  all  had  to  turn 
over.' 

"Another  witness  testifies: 

" '  Question.— Were  you  hungry  all  the  time? 

"  'Answer.— Hungry!  I  could  eat  anything  that  came  before  us;  some 
of  the  boys  would  get  boxes  from  the  North  with  meat  of  different  kinds 
in  them ;  and,  after  they  had  picked  the  meat  off,  they  would  throw  the 
bones  away  into  1*he  spit-boxes,  and  we  would  pick  the  bones  out  of  the 
spit-boxes  and  gnaw  them  over  again.' 

"  In  addition  to  this  insufficient  supply  of  food,  clothing  and  shelter, 
our  soldiers,  while  prisoners,  have  been  subjected  to  the  most  cruel  treat- 
ment from  those  placed  over  them.  They  have  been  abused  and  shame- 
fully treated  on  almost  every  opportunity.  Many  have  been  mercilessly 
shot  and  killed  when  they  failed  to  comply  with  all  the  demands  of 
their  jailors,  sometimes  for  violating  rules  of  which  they  had  not  been 
informed.  Crowded  in  great  numbers  in  buildings,  they  have  been  fired 
at  and  killed  by  the  sentinels  outside  when  they  appeared  at  the  win- 
dows for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  little  fresh  air.  One  man,  whose 
comrade  in  the  service,  in  battle  and  in  captivity,  had  been  so  fortunate 
as  to  be  among  those  released  from  further  torments,  was  shot  dead  as 
he  was  waving  with  his  hand  a  last  adieu  to  his  friend;  and  other  in- 
stances of  equally  unprovoked  murder  are  disclosed  by  the  testimony. 

"  The  condition  of  our  returned  soldiers  as  regards  personal  cleanli- 
ness, has  been  filthy  almost  beyond  description.  Their  clothes  have  been 
so  dirty  and  so  covered  with  vermin,  that  those  who  received  them  have 
been  compelled  to  destroy  their  clothing  and  re-clothe  them  with  new 
and  clean  raiment.  Their  bodies  and  heads  have  been  so  infested  with 
vermin  that,  in  some  instances,  repeated  washings  have  failed  to  remove 
them ;  and  those  who  have  received  them  in  charge  have  been  compelled 
to  cut  all  the  hair  from  their  heads,  and  make  applications  to  destroy 
the  vermin.  Some  have  been  received  with  no  clothing  but  shirts  and 
drawers  and  a  piece  of  blanket  or  other  outside  covering,  entirely  desti- 
tute of  coats,  hats,  shoes  or  stockings;  and  the  bodies  of  those  better 
supplied  with  clothing  have  been  equally  dirty  and  filthy  with  the  others, 
many  who  have  been  sick  and  in  the  hospital  having  had  no  opportu- 
nity to  wash  their  bodies  for  weeks  and  months  before  they  were  released 
from  captivity. 

"Your  committee  are  unable  to  convey  any  adequate  idea  of  the  sad 
and  deplorable  condition  of  the  men  they  saw  in  the  hospitals  they 
16 


326  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

visited ;  and  the  testimony  they  have  taken  cannot  convey  to  the  reader 
the  impressions  which  your  committee  there  received.  The  persons  we 
saw,  as  we  were  assured  by  those  in  charge  of  them,  have  greatly  im- 
proved since  they  have  been  received  in  the  hospitals.  Yet  they  are  now 
dying  daily,  one  of  them  being  in  the  very  throes  of  death  as  your  com- 
mittee stood  by  his  bed-side  and  witnessed  the  sad  spectacle  there  pre- 
sented. All  those  whom  your  committee  examined  stated  that  they  have 
been  thus  reduced  and  emaciated  entirely  in  consequence  of  the  merciless 
treatment  they  received  while  prisoners  from  their  enemies;  and  the  phy- 
sicians in  charge  of  them,  the  men  best  fitted  by  their  profession  and  ex- 
perience to  express  an  opinion  upon  the  subject,  all  say  that  they  have 
no  doubt  that  the  statements  of  their  patients  are  entirely  correct. 

"It  will  be  observed  from  the  testimony,  that  all  the  witnesses  who 
testify  upon  that  point  state  that  the  treatment  they  received  while  con- 
fined at  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  Dalton,  Georgia,  and  other  places, 
was  far  more  humane  than  that  they  received  at  Richmond,  where  the 
authorities  of  the  so-called  confederacy  were  congregated,  and  where  the 
power  existed,  had  the  inclination  not  been  wanting,  to  reform  those 
abuses  and  secure  to  the  prisoners  they  held  some  treatment  that  would 
bear  a  public  comparison  to  that  accorded  by  our  authorities  to  the 
prisoners  in  our  custody.  Your  committee,  therefore,  are  constrained  to 
say  that  they  can  hardly  avoid  the  conclusion,  expressed  by  so  many  of 
our  released  soldiers,  that  the  inhuman  practices  herein  referred  to  are 
the  result  of  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  rebel  authorities  to  re- 
duce our  soldiers  in  their  power,  by  privation  of  food  and  clothing,  and 
by  exposure,  to  such  a  condition  that  those  who  may  survive  shall  never 
recover  so  as  to  be  able  to  render  any  effective  service  in  the  field.  And 
your  committee  accordingly  ask  that  this  report,  with  the  accompany- 
ing testimony  be  printed  with  the  report  and  testimony  [which  was  ac- 
cordingly done]  in  relation  to  the  massacre  of  Fort  Pillow,  the  one  being, 
in  their  opinion,  no  less  than  the  other,  the  result  of  a  predetermined 
policy.  As  regards  the  assertions  of  some  of  the  rebel  newspapers,  that 
our  prisoners  have  received  at  their  hands  the  same  treatment  that  their 
own  soldiers  in  the  field  have  received,  they  are  evidently  but  the  most 
glaring  and  unblushing  falsehoods.  No  one  can  for  a  moment  be  de- 
ceived by  such  statements,  who  will  reflect  that  our  soldiers,  who,  when 
taken  prisoners,  have  been  stout,  healthy  men,  ia  the  prime  and  vigor  of 
life,  yet  have  died  by  hundreds  under  the  treatment  they  have  received, 
although  required  to  perform  no  duties  of  the  camp  or  the  march ;  while 
the  rebel  soldiers  are  able  to  make  long  and  rapid  marches,  and  to  offer 
a  stubborn  resistance  in  the  field. 

"Your  committee,  finding  it  impossible  to  describe  in  words  the  de- 
plorable condition  of  these  returned  prisoners,  have  caused  photographs 
to  be  taken  of  a  number  of  them,  and  a  fair  sample  to  be  lithographed 
and  appended  to  their  report,  that  their  exact  condition  may  be  known 
by  all  who  examine  it.  Some  of  them  have  since  died. 

"There  is  one  feature  connected  with  this  investigation,  to  which 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  327 

your  committee  can  refer  with  pride  and  satisfaction ;  and  that  is  the  un- 
complaining fortitude,  the  undiminished  patriotism  exhibited  by  our 
brave  men  under  all  their  privations,  even  in  the  hour  of  death. 

"Your  committee  will  close  their  report  by  quoting  the  tribute  paid 
these  men  by  the  chaplin  of  the  hospital  at  Annapolis,  who  has  minis- 
tered to  so  many  of  them  in  their  last  moments ;  who  has  smoothed 
their  passage  to  the  grave  by  his  kindness  and  attention,  and  who  has 
performed  the  last  sad  offices  over  their  lifeless  remains.  He  says : 

" '  There  is  another  thing  I  would  wish  to  state.  All  the  men,  with- 
out any  exception  among  the  thousands  that  have  come  to  this  hospi- 
tal, have  never  in  a  single  instance  expressed  a  regret  (notwithstanding 
the  privations  and  sufferings  they  have  endured)  that  they  entered  their 
country's  service.  They  have  been  the  most  loyal,  devoted  and  earnest 
men.  Even  on  the  last  days  of  their  lives  they  have  said  that  all  they 
hoped  for  was  just  to  live  and  enter  the  ranks  again  and  meet  their  foes. 
It  is  a  most  glorious  record  in  reference  to  the  devotion  of  our  men  to 
their  country.  I  do  not  think  their  patriotism  has  ever  been  equalled  in 
the  history  of  the  world.' 

"All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

B.  F.  WADE,  Chairman:' 

Also  the  following : 

"OFFICE  OF  COMMISSARY-GENERAL  OF  PRISONERS, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  3, 1864. 

"SiR: — I  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  pursuant  to  your  instruc- 
tions of  the  2nd  instant,  I  proceeded,  yesterday  morning,  to  Annapolis, 
with  a  view  to  see  that  the  paroled  prisoners  about  to  arrive  there  from 
Richmond  were  properly  received  and  cared  for. 

"The  flag-of-truce  boat  'New  York,'  under  the  charge  of  Major  Mul- 
ford,  with  thirty -two  officers,  three  hundred  and  sixty -three  enlisted  men, 
and  one  citizen  on  board,  reached  the  wharf  at  the  Naval  School  hospi- 
tal about  ten  o'clock.  On  going  on  board,  I  found  the  officers  generally 
in  good  health,  and  much  cheered  by  their  happy  release  from  the  rebel 
prisons,  and  by  the  prospect  of  again  being  with  their  friends. 

"  The  enlisted  men  who  had  endured  so  many  privations  at  Belle  Isle 
and  other  places  were,  with  few  exceptions,  in  a  very  sad  plight,  mentally 
and  physically,  having  for  months  been  exposed  to  all  the  changes  of  the 
weather,  with  no  other  protection  than  a  very  insufficient  supply  of 
worthless  tents,  and  with  an  allowance  of  food  scarcely  sufficient  to  pre- 
vent starvation,  even  if  of  wholesome  quality ;  but  as  it  was  made  of 
coarsely-ground  corn,  including  the  husks,  and  probably  at  times  the 
cobs,  if  it  did  not  kill  by  starvation,  it  was  sure  to  do  it  by  the  disease  it 
created.  Some  of  these  poor  fellows  were  wasted  to  mere  skeletons,  and 
had  scarcely  life  enough  remaining  to  appreciate  that  they  were  now  in 
the  hands  of  their  friends,  and  among  them  all  there  were  few  who  had 
not  become  too  much  broken  down  and  dispirited  by  their  many  priva- 
tions to  be  able  to  realize  the  happy  prospect  of  relief  from  their  suffer- 
ings which  was  before  them.  With  rare  exception,  every  face  was  sad 


328  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

with  care  and  hunger ;  there  was  no  brightening  of  the  countenance  or 
lighting  up  of  the  eye,  to  indicate  a  thought  of  anything  beyond  a  pain- 
ful sense  of  prostration  of  mind  and  body.  Many  faces  showed  that 
there  was  scarcely  a  ray  of  intelligence  left. 

"  Every  preparation  had  been  made  for  their  reception  in  anticipa- 
tion of  the  arrival  of  the  steamer,  and  immediately  upon  her  being  made 
fast  to  the  wharf  the  paroled  men  were  landed  and  taken  immediately  to 
the  hospital,  where,  after  receiving  a  warm  bath,  they  were  furnished 
with  a  suitable  supply  of  new  clothing,  and  received  all  those  other  at- 
tentions which  their  sad  condition  demanded.  Of  the  whole  number, 
there  are  perhaps  fitty  to  one  hundred  who,  in  a  week  or  ten  days,  will  be 
in  a  convalescent  state,  but  the  others  will  very  slowly  regain  their  lost 
health. 

"That  our  soldiers,  when  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  are  starved  to 
death,  cannot  be  denied.  Every  return  of  the  flag-of-truce  boat  from 
City  Point  brings  us  too  many  living  and  dying  witnesses  to  admit  of  a 
doubt  of  this  terrible  fact.  I  am  informed  that  the  authorities  at  Rich- 
mond admit  the  fact,  but  excuse  it  on  the  plea  that  they  give  the  prison- 
ers the  same  rations  they  give  their  own  men.  But  can  this  be  so  ?  Can 
an  army  keep  the  field,  and  be  active  and  efficient,  on  the  same  fare  that 
kills  prisoners  of  war  at  a  frightful  percentage  ?  I  think  not ;  no  man 
can  believe  it ;  and  while  a  practice  so  shocking  to  humanity  is  persisted 
in  by  the  rebel  authorities,  I  would  very  respectfully  urge  that  retalia- 
tory measures  be  at  once  instituted  by  subjecting  the  officers  we  now 
hold  as  prisoners  of  war  to  a  similar  treatment. 

"I  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  which  this  visit  to  Annapolis 
gave  me  to  make  a  hasty  inspection  of  Camp  Parole,  and  I  am  happy  to 
report  that  I  found  it  in  every  branch  in  a  most  commendable  condition. 
The  men  all  seemed  to  be  cheerful  and  in  fine  health,  and  the  police  inside 
and  out  was  excellent.  Colonel  Root,  the  commanding  officer,  deserves 
much  credit  for  the  very  satisfactory  condition  to  which  he  has  brought 
his  command. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  HOFFMAN, 
"Colonel  3rd  Infantry,  Commissary  General  of  Prisoners. 

"Hon.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C" 

This  report  does  not  refer  to  the  treatment  of  the  sol- 
diers of  the  Phalanx  who  were  taken  by  the  confederates 
in  battle,*  after  the  surrender  of  Fort  Pillow,  Lawrence 

*  General  Brisbin,  in  his  account  of  the  expedition  which,  in  the  Winter  of  1864,  left 
Bean  Station,  Tenn.,  under  command  of  General  Stoneman,  for  the  purpose  of  destroy- 
ing the  confederate  Salt  Works  in  West  Virginia,  says  the  confederates  after  capturing 
some  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Sixth  Phalanx  Cavalry  Regiment,  butchered  them.  His 
statement  is  as  follows : 

"For  the  last  two  days  a  force  of  Confederate  cavalry,  under  Witcher,  had  been  fol- 
lowing our  command  picking  up  stragglers  and  worn-out  horses  in  our  rear.  Part  of 
our  troops  were  composed  of  negroes  and  these  the  Confederates  killed  as  fast  as  they 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  329 

and  Plymouth,  and  at  several  other  places.  It  is  inserted 
to  enable  the  reader  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  what  the 
negro  soldier's  treatment  must  have  been.  The  same  com- 
mittee also  published  as  a  part  of  their  report,  the  testi- 
mony of  a  number,— mostly  black,  soldiers,  who  escaped 
death  at  Fort  Pillow ;  a  few  of  their  statements  are  given : 

38TH  CONGRESS,\  /  REP.  COM. 

1st  Session.    /  \No.  63  &  68. 

IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Report  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct  and  Expenditures  of 
the  War  to  whom  was  Referred  the  Resolution  of  Congress  Instruct- 
ing them  to  Investigate  the  late  Massacre  at  Fort  Pillow. 

"Deposition  of  John  Nelson  in  relation  to  the  capture  of  Fort  Pillow. 
"John  Nelson,  being  duly  sworn,  deposeth  and  saith : 
" '  At  the  time  of  the  attack  on  and  capture  of  Fort  Pillow,  April  12, 
1864, 1  kept  a  hotel  within  the  lines  at  Fort  Pillow,  and  a  short  distance 
from  the  works.    Soon  after  the  alarm  was  given  that  an  attack  on  the 
fort  was  imminent,  I  entered  the  works  and  tendered  my  services  to 
Major  Booth,  commanding.    The  attack  began  in  the  morning  at  about 
5%  o'clock,  and  about  1  o'clock  p.  M.  a  flag  of  truce  approached.    During 


caught  them,  laying  the  dead  bodies  by  the  roadside  with  pieces  of  paper  pinned  to 
their  clothing,  on  which  were  written  such  warnings  as  the  following :  '  This  is  the  way 
we  treat  all  nigger  soldiers,'  and,  'This  is  the  fate  of  nigger  soldiers  who  fight  against 
the  South.'  We  did  not  know  what  had  been  going  on  in  our  rear  until  we  turned 
about  to  go  back  from  Wytheville,  when  we  found  the  dead  colored  soldiers  along  the 
road  as  above  described.  General  Burbridge  was  very  angry  and  wanted  to  shoot  a 
Confederate  prisoner  for  every  one  of  his  colored  soldiers  he  found  murdered,  and 
would  undoubtedly  have  done  so  had  he  not  been  restrained.  As  it  was,  the  whole 
corps  was  terribly  excited  by  the  atrocious  murders  committed  by  Witcher's  men,  and 
if  Witcher  had  been  caught  he  would  have  been  shot." 

This  gallant  soldier, (?)  twenty  years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  writes  about  the 
incidents  and  happenings  during  the  march  of  the  army  to  Saltville,  and  says : 

"  Before  we  reached  Marion  we  encountered  Breckenridge's  advance  and  charged  it 
vigorously  driving  it  back  in  confusion  along  the  Marion  and  Saltville  road  for  several 
miles.  In  one  of  these  charges  (for  there  were  several  of  them  and  a  sort  of  running 
fight  for  several  miles)  one  of  Witcher's  men  was  captured  and  brought  in.  He  was  re- 
ported to  me  and  I  asked  him  what  his  name  was  and  to  what  command  he  belonged. 
He  gave  me  his  name  and  said  'Witcher's  command.'  Hardly  were  the  words  out  of 
his  mouth  before  a  negro  soldier  standing  near  raised  his  carbine  and  aimed  at  the 
Confederate  soldier's  breast.  I  called  out  and  sprang  forward,  but  was  too  late  to 
catch  the  gun.  The  negro  fired  and  the  poor  soldier  fell  badly  wounded.  Instantly  the 
negro  was  knocked  down  by  our  white  soldiers,  disarmed  and  tied.  I  drew  my  revolver 
to  blow  his  brains  out  for  his  terrible  crime,  but  the  black  man  never  flinched.  All  he 
said  was,  pointing  to  the  Confederate  soldier,  'He  killed  my  comrades;  I  have  killed 
him.'  The  negro  was  taken  away  and  put  among  the  prisoners.  The  Provost  Mar- 
shal had  foolishly  changed  the  white  guard  over  the  prisoners  and  placed  them  under 
some  colored  troops,  An  officer  came  galloping  furiously  to  the  front  and  said  the  ne- 
groes were  shooting  the  prisoners.  General  Burbridge  told  me  to  go  back  quickly  and 
do  whatever  I  pleased  in  his  name  to  restore  order.  It  was  a  lively  ride,  as  the  prisoners 
were  more  than  four  miles  back,  being  forced  along  the  road  as  rapidly  as  possible 
toward  Marion.  All  the  prisoners,  except  a  few  wounded  men,  were  on  foot,  and  of 
course  they  could  not  keep  up  with  the  cavalry.  I  soon  reached  them  and  never  shall  I 
forget  that  sight  while  I  live.  Men  with  sabres  were  driving  the  poor  creatures  along 
the  road  like  beasts.  I  halted  the  motley  crew  and  scolded  the  officer  for  his  inhuman- 
ity. He  said  he  had  orders  to  keep  the  prisoners  up  with  the  column  and  he  was  simply 
trying  to  obey  his  orders.  As  I  was  General  Burbridge's  chief  of  staff  and  all  orders  were 
supposed  to  emanate  from  my  office,  I  thought  I  had  better  not  continue  the  conversa- 
tion. As  it  was,  I  said  such  orders  were  at  an  end  and  I  would  myself  take  charge  of 
the  prisoners." 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  parley  which  ensued,  and  while  the  firing  ceased  on  both  sides,  the 
rebels  kept  crowding'  up  to  the  works  on  the  side  near  Cold  Creek,  and 
also  approached  nearer  on  the  south  side,  thereby  gaining  advantages 
pending  the  conference  under  the  flag  of  truce.  As  soon  as  the  flag  of 
truce  was  withdrawn  the  attack  began,  and  about  five  minutes  after  it 
began  the  rebels  entered  the  fort.  Our  troops  were  soon  overpowered, 
arid  broke  and  fled.  A  large  number  of  the  soldiers,  bla.ck  and  white,  and 
also  a  few  citizens,  myself  among  the  number,  rushed  down  the  bluff 
toward  the  river.  I  concealed  myself  as  well  as  I  could  in  a  position, 
where  I  could  distinctly  see  all  that  passed  below  the  bluff,  for  a  consider- 
able distance  up  and  down  the  river. 

"'A  large  number,  at  least  one  hundred,  were  hemmed  in  near  the 
river  bank  by  bodies  of  the  rebels  coming  from  both  north  and  south. 
Most  all  of  those  thus  hemmed  in  were  without  arms.  I  saw  many  sol- 
diers, both  white  and  black,  throw  up  their  arms  in  token  of  surrender, 
and  call  out  that  they  had  surrendered.  The  rebels  would  reply,  '  G — d 
<1 — nyou,  why  didn't  you  surrender  before?'  and  shot  them  down  like 
dogs. 

"  '  The  rebels  commenced  an  indiscriminate  slaughter.  Many  colored 
soldiers  sprang  into  the  river  and  tried  to  escape  by  swimming,  but  these 
were  invariably  shot  dead. 

"'A  short  distance  from  me,  and  within  view,  a  number  of  our 
wounded  had  been  placed,  and  near  where  Major  Booth's  body  lay;  and 
a  small  red  flag  indicated  that  at  ^hat  place  c;ir  wounded  were  placed. 
The  rebels  however,  as  they  passed  these  wounded  men,  fired  right  into 
them  and  struck  them  with  the  butts  of  their  muskets.  The  cries  for 
mercy  and  groans  which  arose  from  the  poor  fellows  were  heartrending. 

" '  Thinking  that  if  I  should  be  discovered,  I  would  be  killed,  I  emerged 
from  my  hiding  place,  and,  approaching  the  nearest  rebel,  I  told  him  I 

was  a  citizen.    He  said,  '  You  are  in  bad  company,  G— d  d n  you ;  out 

with  your  greenbacks,  or  I'll  shoot  you.'  I  gave  him  all  the  money  I 
had,  and  under  his  convoy  I  went  up  into  the  fort  again. 

" '  When  I  re-entered  the  fort  there  was  still  some  shooting  going  on. 
I  heard  a  rebel  officer  tell  a  soldier  not  to  kill  any  more  of  those  negroes. 
He  said  that  they  would  all  be  killed,  any  way,  when  they  were  tried. 

"  'After  I  entered  the  fort,  and  after  the  United  States  flag  had  been 
taken  down,  the  rebels  held  it  up  in  their  hands  in  the  presence  of  their 
officers,  and  thus  gave  the  rebels  outside  a  chance  to  still  continue  their 
slaughter,  and  I  did  not  notice  that  any  rebel  officer  forbade  the  holding 
of  it  up.  I  also  further  state,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  informa- 
tion, that  there  were  not  less  than  three  hundred  and  sixty  negroes 
killed  and  two  hundred  whites.  This  I  give  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge 
and  belief.  JOHN  NELSON. 

"Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me  this  2nd  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1864. 

"J.  D.  LLOYD, 
"Capt.  llth  Inf.,  Mo.  Vote.,  and  Ass't.  Provost  Mar.,  Dist.  of  Memphis." 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  331 

"Henry  Christian,  (colored),  private,  company  B,  6th  United  States 
Jteavy  artillery,  sworn  and  examined.  By  Mr.  Gooch: 

'Question.     Where  were  you  raised?     'Answer.     In  East  Tennessee. 

'Question.    Have  you  been  a  slave ?    'Answer.    Yes,  sir. 

'Question.    Where  did  you  eniibt?   'Answer.  At  Corinth,  Mississippi. 

*  Question.    Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow  ?  'Answer.  Yes,,  sir. 

'Question.  When  were  you  wounded?  'Answer.  A  little  before  we 
surrendered. 

'Question.  What  happened  to  you  afterwards?  'Answer.  Nothing; 
I  got  but  one  shot,  and  dug  right  out  over  the  hill  to-  the  river,  and 
never  was  bothered  any  more. 

'  Did  you  see  any  men  shot  after  the  place  was  taken?  'Answer.  Yes, 
sir. 

'Question.    Where?    'Answer.    Down  to  the  river. 

'  Question.  How  many  ?  'Answer.  A  good  many ;  I  dont  know  how 
many. 

'Question.  By  whom  were  they  shot ?  'Answer.  By  secesh  soldiers; 
secesh  officers  shot  some  up  on  the  hill. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  those  on  the  hill  shot  by  the  officers?  'An- 
swer. I  saw  two  of  them  shot. 

'Question.  What  officers  were  they?  'Answer.  I  don't  know  whether 
he  was  a  lieutenant  or  captain. 

'Question.  Did  the  men  who  were  shot  after  they  had  surrendered 
have  arms  in  their  hands  ?  'Answer.  No,  sir;  they  threw  down  their  arms. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  any  shot  the  next  morning?  'Answer.  I 
•saw  two  shot;  one  was  shot  by  an  officer— he  was  standing,  holding  the 
officer's  horse,  and  when  the  officer  came  and  got  his  horse  he  shot  him 
dead.  The  officer  was  setting  fire  to  the  houses. 

'  Question.  Do  you  say  the  man  was  holding  the  officer's  horse,  and 
when  the  officer  came  and  took  his  horse  he  shot  the  man  down?  'Answer. 
Yes,  sir;  I  saw  that  with  my  own  eyes;  and  then  I  made  away  into 
the  river,  right  off. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  any  buried?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  a  great 
many,  black  and  white. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  any  buried  alive?  'Answer.  I  did  not  see 
any  buried  alive. 

"Jacob  Thompson,  (colored),  sworn  and  examined.     By  Mr.  Gooch: 

'  Question.  Were  you  a  soldier  at  Fort  Pillow  ?  'Answer.  No,  sir,  I 
was  not  a  soldier ;  but  I  went  up  in  the  fort  and  fought  with  the  rest.  I 
was  shot  in  the  hand  and  the  head. 

'Question.    When  were  you  shot?    'Answer.    After  I  surrendered. 

'Question.  How  many  times  were  you  shot?  'Answer.  I  was  shot 
but  once ;  but  I  threw  my  hand  up,  and  the  shot  went  through  my  hand 
and  my  head. 

'Question.    Who  shot  you?    'Answer.    A  private. 

'Question.    What  did  he  say?    'Answer.    He  said,  'G — dd — n  you, 


332  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

I  will  shoot  you,  old  friend.' 

'Question.  Did  you  see  anybody  else  shot ?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  they 
just  called  them  out  like  dogs,  and  shot  them  down.  I  reckon  they  shot 
about  fifty,  white  and  black,  right  there.  They  nailed  some  black  ser- 
geants to  the  logs,  and  set  the  logs  on  fire. 

'Question.  When  did  you  see  that?  'Answer.  When  I  went  there 
in  the  morning  I  saw  them ;  they  were  burning  all  together. 

'Question.  Did  they  kill  them  before  they  burned  them?  'Answer. 
No,  sir,  they  nailed  them  to  the  logs;  drove  the  nails  right  through 
their  hands. 

'Question.  How  many  did  you  see  in  that  condition?  'Answer. 
Some  four  or  five ;  I  saw  two  white  men  burned. 

'  Question.  Was  there  any  one  else  there  who  saw  that?  Answer.  I 
reckon  there  was ;  I  could  not  tell  who. 

'  Question.  When  was  it  that  you  saw  them  ?  'Answer.  I  saw  them 
in  the  morning  after  the  fight ;  some  of  them  were  burned  almost  in  two. 
I  could  tell  they  were  white  men,  because  they  were  whiter  than  the  col- 
ored men. 

'Question.  Did  you  notice  how  they  were  nailed?  'Answer.  I  saw 
one  nailed  to  the  side  of  a  house;  he  looked  like  he  was  nailed  right 
through  his  wrist.  I  was  trying  then  to  get  to  the  boat  when  I  saw  it. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  them  kill  any  white  men ?  'Answer.  They 
killed  some  eight  or  nine  there.  I  reckon  they  killed  more  than  twenty 
after  it  was  all  over;  called  them  out  from  under  the  hill,  and  shot  them 
down.  They  would  call  out  a  white  man  and  shoot  him  down,  and  call 
out  a  colored  man  and  shoot  him  down ;  do  it  just  as  fast  as  they  could 
make  their  guns  go  off. 

'  Question.  Did  you  see  any  rebel  officers  about  there  when  this  was 
going  on  ?  '  Answer.  Yes,  sir ;  old  Forrest  was  one. 

'Question.  Did  you  know  Forrest?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  he  was  a 
little  bit  of  a  man.  I  had  seen  him  before  at  Jackson. 

'Question.  Are  you  sure  he  was  there  when  this  was  going  on?  'An- 
swer. Yes,  sir. 

' Question.  Did  you  see  any  other  officers  that  you  knew?  'Answer. 
I  did  not  know  any  other  but  him.  There  were  some  two  or  three  more 
officers  came  up  there. 

'  Question  did  you  see  any  buried  there  ?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir ;  they 
buried  right  smart  of  them.  They  buried  a  great  many  secesh,  and  a 
great  many  of  our  folks.  I  think  they  buried  more  secesh  than  our  folks. 

'Question.  How  did  they  bury  them?  'Answer.  They  buried  the 
secesh  over  back  of  the  fort,  all  except  those  on  Fort  hill ;  them  they 
buried  up  on  top  of  the  hill  where  the  gunboats  shelled  them. 

'Question.  Did  they  bury  any  alive?  'Answer.  I  heard  the  gun* 
boat  men  say  they  dug  two  out  who  were  alive. 

'Question.    You  did  not  see  them?    'Answer.    No,  sir. 

'What  company  did  you  fight  with?  'Answer.  I  went  right  into- 
the  fort  and  fought  there. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  333 

'Question.  Were  you  a  slave  or  a  free  man?  'Answer.  I  was  a 
slave. 

'Question.    Where  were  you  raised ?    'Answer.    In  old  Virginia. 

'Question.    Who  was  your  master?    'Answer.    Colonel  Hardgrove. 

'Question.  Where  did  you  live?  'Answer.  I  lived  three  miles  the 
other  side  of  Brown's  mills. 

'Question.  How  long  since  you  lived  with  him?  'Answer.  I  went 
home  once  and  staid  with  him  a  while,  but  he  got  to  cutting  up  and  I 
came  away  again. 

'Question.  What  did  you  do  before  you  went  into  the  fight?  'An- 
swer. I  was  cooking  for  Co.  K,  of  Illinois  cavalry ;  I  cooked  for  that 
company  nearly  two  years. 

'Question.  What  white  officers  did  you  know  in  our  army?  'An- 
swer. I  knew  Captain  Meltop  and  Colonel  Ransom ;  and  I  cooked  at  the 
hotel  at  Fort  Pillow,  and  Mr.  Nelson  kept  it.  I  and  Johnny  were  cook- 
ing together.  After  they  shot  me  through  the  hand  and  head,  they  beat 
up  all  this  part  of  my  head  (the  side  of  his  head)  with  the  breach  of  their 
guns. 

"Ransome  Anderson,  (colored),  Co.  B,  6th  United  States  heavy  ar- 
tillery, sworn  and  examined.  By  Mr.  Gooch  : 

'  Question.    Where  were  you  raised  ?    'Answer.    In  Mississippi. 

'Question.    Were  you  a  slave?    'Answer.    Yes,  sir. 

4  Question.    Where  did  you  enlist?    'Answer.    At  Corinth. 

'Question.  Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow?  'Answer.  Yes,, 
sir. 

'Question.  Describe  what  you  saw  done  there.  'Answer.  Most  all 
the  men  that  were  killed  on  our  side  were  killed  after  the  fight  was  over. 
They  called  them  out  and  shot  them  down.  Then  they  put  some  in  the 
houses  and  shut  them  up,  and  then  burned  the  houses. 

'Question.    Did  you  see  them  burn?    'Answer.    Yes,  sir. 

'Question.  Were  any  of  them  alive?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  they  were 
wounded,  and  could  not  walk.  They  put  them  in  the  houses,  and  then 
burned  the  houses  down. 

'Question.  Do  you  know  they  were  in  there?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  I 
went  and  looked  in  there. 

'Question.  Do  you  know  they  were  in  there  when  the  house  wa» 
burned?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  I  heard  them  hallooing  there  when  the 
houses  were  burning. 

'Question.  Are  you  sure  they  were  wounded  men,  and  not  dead, 
when  they  were  put  in  there?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  they  told  them  they 
were  going  to  have  the  doctor  see  them,  and  then  put  them  in  there  and 
shut  them  up,  and  burned  them. 

'Question.  Who  set  the  house  on  fire?  'Answer.  I  saw  a  rebel  sol- 
dier take  some  grass  and  lay  it  by  the  door,  and  set  it  on  fire.  The  door 
was  pine  plank,  and  it  caught  easy. 

'Question.  Was  the  door  fastened  up?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir;  it  was 
barred  with  one  of  those  wide  bolts. 


334  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  JameH  Walls,  sworn  and  examined.    By  Mr.  Gooch: 

'Question.  To  what  company  did  you  belong?  'Answer.  Company 
E,  13th  Tennessee  cavalry. 

'Question.  Under  what  officers  did  you  serve?  'Answer.  I  was  un- 
der Major  Bradford  and  Captain  Potter. 

'Question.  Were  you  in  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow?  'Answer.  Yes, 
sir. 

'  Question.  State  what  you  saw  there  of  the  fight,  and  what  was 
done  after  the  place  was  captured.  'Answer.  We  fought  them  for  some 
six  or  eight  hours  in  the  fort,  and  when  they  charged,  our  men  scattered 
•and  ran  under  the  hill;  some  turned  back  and  surrendered,  and  were 
shot.  After  the  flag  of  truce  came  in  I  went  down  to  get  some  water. 
As  I  was  coming  back  I  turned  sick,  and  laid  down  behind  a  log.  The  se- 
<cesh  charged,  and  after  they  came  over  I  saw  one  go  a  good  ways  ahead 
of  the  others.  One  of  our  men  made  to  him  and  threw  down  his  arms. 
"The  bullets  were  flying  so  thick  there  I  thought  I  could  not  live  there,  so 
I  threw  down  my  arms  and  surrendered.  He  did  not  shoot  me  then,  but 
as  I  turned  around  he  or  some  other  one  shot  me  in  the  back. 

'Question.  Did  they  say  anything  while  they  were  shooting?  'An- 
swer. All  I  heard  was,  'Shoot  him,  shoot  him!'  'Yonder  goes  one!' 
*  Kill  him,  kill  him ! '  That  is  about  all  I  heard. 

'  Question.  How  many  do  you  suppose  you  saw  shot  after  they  sur- 
rendered? 'Answer.  I  did  not  see  but  two  or  three  shot  around  me. 
Oue  of  the  boys  of  our  company,  named  Taylor,  ran  up  there,  and  I  saw 
him  shot  and  fall.  Then  another  way  shot  just  before  me,  like— shot 
down  after  he  threw  down  his  arms. 

'Question.  Those  were  white  men ?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir.  I  saw  them 
make  lots  of  niggers  stand  up,  and  then  they  shot  them  down  like  hogs. 
The  next  morning  I  was  lying  around  there  waiting  for  the  boat  to  come 
up.  The  secesh  would  be  prying  around  there,  and  would  come  to  a 
nigger  and  say,  '  You  ain't  dead  are  you  ?'  They  would  not  say  any- 
thing, and  then  the  secesh  would  get  down  off  their  horses,  prick  them 

in  their  sides,  and  say,  '  I) n  you,  you  aint  dead ;  get  up.'  Then  they 

would  make  them  get  up  on  their  knees,  when  they  would  shoot  them 
down  like  hogs. 

'Question.  Do  you  know  of  their  burning  any  buildings?  'Answer. 
I  could  hear  them  tell  them  to  stick  torches  all  around,  and  they  fired  all 
the  buildings. 

'Question.  Do  you  know  whether  any  of  our  men  were  in  the  build- 
ings when  they  were  burned  ?  'Answer.  Some  of  pur  men  said  some 
were  burned ;  I  did  not  see  it,  or  know  it  to  be  so  myself. 

'Question.  How  did  they  bury  them— white  and  black  together? 
''Answer.  I  don't  know  about  the  burying;  I  did  not  see  any  buried. 

'  Question.  How  many  negroes  do  you  suppose  were  killed  after  the 
surrender?  'Answer.  There  were  hardly  any  killed  before  the  surrender. 
I  reckon  as  many  as  200  were  killed  after  the  surrender,  out  of  about 
300  that  were  there. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG  335 

Question.  Did  you  see  any  rebel  officers  about  while  this  shooting 
was  going  on?  'Answer.  I  do  not  know  as  I  saw  any  officers  about 
when  they  were  shooting  the  negroes.  A  captain  came  to  me  a  few  min- 
utes after  I  was  shot ;  he  was  close  by  me  when  I  was  shot. 

'Question.  Did  he  try  to  stop  the  shooting?  'Answer.  I  did  not 
hear  a  word  of  their  trying  to  stop  it.  After  they  were  shot  down,  he 
told  them  not  to  shoot  them  any  more.  I  begged  him  not  to  let  them 
shoot  me  again,  and  he  said  they  would  not.  One  man,  after  he  was  shot 
down,  was  shot  again.  After  I  was  shot  down,  the  man  I  surrendered  to 
went  around  the  tree  I  was  against  and  shot  a  man,  and  then  came 
around  to  me  again  and  wanted  my  pocket-book.  I  handed  it  up  to 
him,  and  he  saw  my  watch-chain  and  made  a  grasp  at  it,  and  got  the 
watch  and  about  half  the  chain.  He  took  an  old  Barlow  knife  I  had  in 
my  pocket.  It  was  not  worth  five  cents;  was  of  no  account  at  all,  only  to 
cut  tobacco  with." 

"  Nathan  G.  Fulks,  sworn  and  examined.    By  Mr.  Gooch : 

'Question.  To  what  company  and  regiment  do  you  belong?  'An- 
swer. To  Company  D,  13th  Tennessee  cavalry. 

"Question.  Where  are  you  from?  'Answer.  About  twenty  miles 
from  Columbus,  Tennessee. 

'  Question.  How  long  have  you  been  in  the  service?  'Answer.  Five 
months,  the  1st  of  May. 

'  Question.  Were  you  at  Fort  Pillow  at  the  time  of  the  fight  there? 
Answer..  Yes,  sir. 

'Question.  Will  you  state  what  happened  to  you  there ?  'Answer.  I 
was  at  the  corner  of  the  fort  when  they  fetched  in  a  flag  for  a  surrender. 
Some  of  them  said  the  major  stood  a  while,  and  then  said  he  would  not 
surrender.  They  continued  to  fight  a  while ;  and  after  a  time  the  major 
started  and  told  us  to  take  care  of  ourselves,  and  I  and  twenty  more 
men  broke  for  the  hollow.  They  ordered  us  to  halt,  and  some  of  them 

said,  'God  d n  'em,  kill  'em!'  I  said,  'I  have  surrendered.'  I  had 

thrown  my  gun  away  then.  I  took  off  my  cartridge-box  and  gave  it  to 
one  of  them,  and  said,  'Don't  shoot  me;'  but  they  did  shoot  me,  and  hit 
just  about  where  the  shoe  comes  up  on  my  leg.  I  begged  them  not  to 

shoot  me,  and  he  said,  '  God  d n  you,  you  fight  with  the  niggers,  and 

we  will  kill  the  last  one  of  you ! '  Then  they  shot  me  in  the  thick  of  the 
thigh,  and  I  fell ;  and  one  set  out  to  shoot  me  again,  when  another  one 
said,  'Don't  shoot  the  white  fellows  any  more.' 

'Question.  Did  you  see  any  person  shot  besides  yourself?  'Answer. 
I  didn't  see  them  shot.  I  saw  one  of  our  fellows  dead  by  me. 

'Question.  Did  you  see  any  buildings  burned?  'Answer.  Yes,  sir. 
"While  I  was  in  the  major's  headquarters  they  commenced  burning  the 
buildings,  and  I  begged  one  of  them  to  take  me  out  and  not  let  us  burn 
"there;  and  he  said,  '  I  am  hunting  up  a  piece  of  yellow  flag  for  you.'  I 
think  we  would  have  whipped  them  if  the  flag  of  truce  had  not  come  in. 
We  would  have  whipped  them  if  we  had  not  let  them  get  the  dead-wood 
on  us.  I  was  told  that  they  made  their  movement  while  the  flag  of  truce 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

was  in.    I  did  not  see  it  myself,  because  I  had  sat  down,  as  I  had  been 
working  so  hard. 

'Question.  How  do  you  know  they  made  their  movement  while  the 
flag  of  truce  was  in?  'Answer.  The  men  that  were  above  said  so.  The 
rebs  are  bound  to  take  every  advantage  of  us.  I  saw  two  more  white 
men  close  to  where  I  was  lying.  That  makes  three  dead  ones,  and  my- 
self wounded." 

Later  on  during  the  war  the  policy  of  massacring  was 
somewhat  abated,  that  is  it  was  not  done  on  the  battle- 
field. The  humanity  of  the  confederates  in  Virginia  per- 
mitted them  to  take  their  black  prisoners  to  the  rear. 
About  a  hundred  soldiers  belonging  to  the  7th  Phalanx 
Kegiment,  with  several  of  their  white  officers,  were  cap- 
tured at  Fort  Gilmer  on  the  James  Kiver,  Va.,  and  taken 
to  Richmond  in  September,  1864.  The  following  account 
is  given  of  their  treatment  in  the  record  of  the  Regiment : 

"  The  following  interesting  sketches  of  prison-life,  as  experienced  by 
two  officers  of  the  regiment,  captured  at  Fort  Gilmer,  have  been  kindly 
furnished.  The  details  of  the  sufferings  of  the  enlisted  men  captured 
with  them  we  shall  never  know,  for  few  of  them  ever  returned  to  tell  the 
sad  story. 

"  'An  escort  was  soon  formed  to  conduct  the  prisoners  to  Richmond, 
some  seven  or  eight  miles  distant,  and  the  kinder  behavior  of  that  part  of 
the  guard  which  had  participated  in  the  action  was  suggestive  of  the  free- 
masonry that  exists  between  brave  fellows  to  whatever  side  belonging. 
On  the  road  the  prisoners  were  subjected  by  every  passer-by,  to  petty  in- 
sults, the  point  in  every  case,  more  or  less  obscene,  being  the  color  of 
their  skin.  The  solitary  exception,  curiously  enough,  being  a  nymph  du 
pave  in  the  suburbs  of  the  town.* 

"  'About  dusk  the  prisoners  reached  the  notorious  Libby,  where  the 
officers  took  leave  of  their  enlisted  comrades— from  most  of  them  for- 
ever. The  officers  were  then  searched  and  put  collectively  in  a  dark  hole, 
whose  purpose  undoubtedly  was  similar  to  that  of  the  '  Ear  of  Uionys- 
ius.'  In  the  morning,  after  being  again  searched,  they  were  placed 
among  the  rest  of  the  confined  officers,  among  whom  was  Capt.  Cook,  of 
the  Ninth,  taken  a  few  weeks  previously  at  Strawberry  Plains.  Some 
time  before,  the  confederates  had  made  a  great  haul  on  the  Weldon  Rail- 
road, and  the  prison  was  getting  uncomfortably  full  of  prisoners  and— 
vermin.  After  a  few  days  sojourn  in  Libby,  the  authorities  prescribed  a 
change  of  air,  and  the  prisoners  were  packed  into  box  and  stock  cars 
and  rolled  to  Salisbury,  N.  C.  The  comforts  of  this  two  day's  ride  are 

*  "When  the  successful  attempt  was  made,  by  tunneling,  to  escape  from  Libby 
Prison  in  1862,  many  of  the  fugitives  were  honorably  harbored  by  this  unfortunate- 
class  till  a  more  quiet  opportunity  occurred  for  leaving  the  city.  This  I  have  from  on& 
of  the  escaped  officers." 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  337 

remembered  as  strikingly  similar  to  those  of  Mr.  Hog  from  the  West  to 
the  Eastern  market  before  the  invention  of  the  S.  F.  P.  C.  T.  A. 

"  'At  Salisbury  the  prisoners  were  stored  in  the  third  story  of  an 
abandoned  tobacco  factory,  occupied  on  the  lower  floors  by  political 
prisoners,  deserters,  thieves  and  spies,  who  during  the  night  made  an  at- 
tempt on  the  property  of  the  new-comers,  but  were  repulsed  after  a 
pitched  battle.  In  the  morning  the  Post-Commandant  ordered  the  pris- 
oners to  some  unusued  negro  quarters  in  another  part  of  the  grounds, 
separated  from  the  latter  by  a  line  of  sentries.  During  the  week  train- 
loads  of  prisoners— enlisted  men— arrived  and  were  corralled  in  the  open 
grounds.  The  subsequent  sufferings  of  these  men  are  known  to  the 
country,  a  parallel  to  those  of  Andersonville,  as  the  eternal  infamy  of 
Wirtz  is  shared  by  his  confrere  at  Salisbury— McGee. 

"  *  The  weakness,  and  still  more,  the  appalling  ferocity  of  the  guards, 
stimulated  the  desire  to  escape;  but  when  this  had  become  a  plan  it  was 
discovered,  and  the  commissioned  prisoners  were  at  once  hurried  off  to 
Danville,  Va.,  and  there  assigned  the  two  upper  floors  of  an  abandoned 
tobacco  warehouse,  which  formed  one  side  of  an  open  square.  Here  an 
organization  into  messes  was  effected,  from  ten  to  eighteen  in  each— to 
facilitate  the  issue  of  rations.  The  latter  consisted  of  corn-bread  and 
boiled  beef,  but  gradually  the  issues  of  meat  became  like  angels'  visits, 
and  then  for  several  months  ceased  altogether.  It  was  the  art  of  feeding 
as  practised  by  the  Hibernian  on  his  horse — only  their  exchange  deprived 
the  prisoners  of  testing  the  one  straw  per  day. 

"Among  the  democracy  of  hungry  bellies  there  were  a  few  aristocrats, 
with  a  Division  General  of  the  Fifth  Corps  as  Grand  Mogul,  whose  Ma- 
sonic or  family  connections  in  the  South  procured  them  special  privileges. 
On  the  upper  floor  these  envied  few  erected  a  cooking  stove,  around 
which  they  might  be  found  at  all  hours  of  the  day,  preparing  savory 
dishes,  while  encircled  by  a  triple  and  quadruple  row  of  jealous  noses, 
eagerly  inhailing  the  escaping  vapors,  so  conducive  to  day-dreams  of 
future  banquets.  The  social  equilibrium  wras,  however,  bi-diurnally  re- 
stored by  a  common  pursuit— a  general  warfare  under  the  black  flag 
against  a  common  enemy,  as  insignificant  individually  as  he  was  collect- 
ively formidable— an  insect,  in  short,  whose  domesticity  on  the  human 
body  is,  according  to  some  naturalists,  one  of  the  differences  between 
our  species  and  the  rest  of  creation.  This  operation,  technically,  'skir- 
mishing,' happened  twice  a  day,  according  as  the  sun  illumined  the 
east  or  west  sides  of  the  apartments,  along  which  the  line  was  deployed 
in  its  beams. 

"Eating,  sleeping,  smelling  and  skirmishing  formed  the  routine  of 
prison-life,  broken  once  in  a  while  by  a  walk,  under  escort,  to  the  Dan 
river,  some  eighty  yards  distant,  for  a  water  supply.  Generally,  some 
ten  or  twelve  prisoners  with  buckets  were  allowed  to  go  at  once,  and  this 
circumstance,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  guard  for  all  the  prisons  in 
town  were  mounted  in  the  open  square  in  front,  excited  the  first  idea  of 
escape.  According  to  high  diplomatic  authority,  empty  stomachs  are 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

conducive  to  ingenuity,  so  the  idea  soon  became  a  plan  and  a  conspiracy. 
While  the  new  guard  had  stacked  arms  in  the  open  square  preparatory 
to  mounting,  some  ten  or  twelve  officers,  under  the  lead  of  Col.  Ralston, 
the  powerful  head  of  some  New  York  regiment,  were  to  ask  for  exit  under 
pretense  of  getting  water,  and  then  to  overpower  the  opposing  sentries, 
while  the  balance  of  the  prisoners,  previously  drawn  up  in  line  at  the 
head  of  the  short  staircase  leading  direct  to  the  exit  door,  were  to  rush 
down  into  the  square,  seize  the  stacked  arms  and  march  through  the 
Confederacy  to  the  Union  lines— perhaps ! 

'•'  'Among  the  ten  or  twelve  psuedo-water-carriers — the  forlorn  hope — 
were  Col.  Ralston,  Capt.  Cook,  of  the  Ninth,  and  one  or  two  of  the 
Seventh— Capt.  Weiss  and  Lieut.  Spinney.  On  the  guard  opening  the 
door  for  egress,  Col.  Ralston  and  one  of  the  Seventh  threw  themselves  on 
the  first  man,  a  powerful  six-footer,  and  floored  him.  At  the  same  mo- 
ment, however,  another  guard  with  great  presence  of  mind,  slammed  the 
door  and  turned  the  key,  and  that  before  five  officers  could  descend  the 
short  staircase.  The  attempt  was  now  a  failure.  One  of  the  guards  on 
the  outside  of  the  building  took  deliberate  aim  throngh  the  open  window 
at  Col.  Ralston,  who  was  still  engaged  with  the  struggling  fellow,  and 
shot  him  through  the  bowels.  Col.  Ralston  died  a  lingering  and  painful 
death  after  two  or  three  days.  Less  true  bravery  than  his  has  been 
highly  sung  in  verse. 

"'This  attempt  could  not  but  sharpen  the  discipline  of  the  prison, 
but  soon  the  natural  humanity  of  the  commandant,  Col.  Smith,  now  be- 
lieved to  be  Chief  Engineer  of  the  Baltimore  Bridge  Company,  asserted 
itself,  and  things  went  on  as  before.  Two  incidents  may,  however,  be 
mentioned  in  this  connection,  whose  asperities  time  has  removed,  leav- 
ing nothing  but  their  salient  grotesque  features. 

"  'Immediately  after  the  occurrence,  an  unlimited  supply  of  dry -salted 
codfish  was  introduced.  This  being  the  first  animal  food  for  weeks,  was 
greedily  devoured  in  large  quantities,  mostly  raw— producing  a  raging 
thirst.  The  water  supply  was  now  curtailed  to  a  few  bucketsful,  but 
even  these  few  drops  of  the  precious  fluid  were  mostly  wasted  in  the  me- 
lee for  their  possession.  The  majority  of  the  contestants  retired  disap- 
pointed to  muse  on  the  comforts  of  the  Sahara  Desert,  and  as  the  stories 
about  tapping  camels  recurred  to  them,  suggestive  glances  were  cast  at 
the  more  fortunate  rivals.  After  a  few  days,  conspicuous  for  the  sparing 
enjoyment  of  salt  cod,  the  water  supply  was  ordered  unlimited.  An  im- 
mediate '  corner '  in  the  Newfoundland  staple  took  place,  the  stock  being 
actively  absorbed  by  bona  fide  investors,  who  found  that  it  bore  water- 
ing with  impunity. 


"  'At  the  beginning  of  February,  1865,  thirty  boxes  of  provisions, 
etc.,  from  friends  in  the  North  arrived  for  the  prisoners.  The  list  of  own- 
ers was  anxiously  scanned  and  the  lucky  possessor  would  not  have  ex- 
changed for  the  capital  prize  in  the  Havana  lottery.  The  poor  fellows  of 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  339 

the  Seventh  were  among  the  fortunate,  and  from  that  day  none  knew 
hunger  more. 

"'With  the  advent  of  the  boxes  came  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day. 
Cartels  of  exchange  were  talked  about,  and  by  the  middle  of  February 
the  captives  found  themselves  on  the  rail  for  Richmond.  The  old  Libby 
appeared  much  less  gloomy  than  on  first  acquaintance,  the  rays  of  hope 
throwing  a  halo  about  everywhere.  Many  asked  and  obtained  the  lib- 
erty of  the  town  to  lay  in  a  supply  of  those  fine  brands  of  tobacco  for 
which  Richmond  is  famous.  In  a  few  days  the  preliminaries  to  exchange 
were  completed,  and  on  the  22d  of  February— Washington's  birthday — 
the  captives  also  stepped  into  a  new  life  under  the  old  flag." 

"Captain  Sherman,  of  Co.  C.,  gives  the  following  account: 

"  *  Further  resistance  being  useless,  and  having  expressed  our  willing- 
ness to  surrender,  we  w7ere  invited  into  the  fort.  As  I  stepped  down  from 
the  parapet  I  was  immediately  accosted  by  one  of  the  so-called  F.  F. 
V.'s,  whose  smiling  countenance  and  extended  hand  led  me  to  think  I 
was  recognized  as  an  acquaintance.  My  mind  was  soon  disabused  of 
that  idea,  however,  for  the  next  instant  he  had  pulled  my  watch  from  its 
pocket,  with  the  remark,  'what  have  you  there?'  Quick'  as  thought, 
and  before  he  could  realize  the  fact,  I  had  seized  and  recovered  the  wratch, 
while  he  held  only  a  fragment  of  the  chain,  and  placing  it  in  an  inside 
pocket,  buttoned  my  coat  and  replied,  '  that  is  my  watch  and  you  can- 
not have  it.' 

"  'Just  then  I  discovered  Lieut.  Ferguson  was  receiving  a  good  deal 
of  attention — a  crowd  having  gathered  about  him — and  the  next  mo- 
ment saw  his  fine  new  hat  had  been  appropriated  by  one  of  the  rebel 
soldiers,  and  he  stood  hatless.  Seeing  one  of  the  rebel  officers  with  a 
Masonic  badge  on  his  coat,  Lieut.  F.  made  himself  known  as  a  brother 
Mason,  and  appealed  to  him  for  redress.  The  officer  quickly  responded 
and  caused  the  hat  to  be  returned  to  its  owner,  only  to  be  again  stolen, 
and  the  thief  made  to  give  it  up  as  before. 

"'In  a  little  while  we  (seven  officers  and  eighty-five  enlisted  men) 
were  formed  in  four  ranks,  and  surrounded  by  a  guard,  continued  the 
march  '  on  to  Richmond/  but  under  very  different  circumstances  from 
what  we  had  flattered  ourselves  would  be  the  case,  when  only  two  or  three 
hours  before  our  brigade-commander  had  remarked,  as  he  rode  by  the 
regiment,  that  we  would  certainly  be  in  Richmond  that  night.  We  met  a 
great  many  civilians,  old  and  young,  on  their  way  to  the  front,  as  a  gen- 
eral alarm  had  been  sounded  in  the  city,  and  all  who  could  carry  arms  had 
been  ordered  to  report  for  duty  in  the  intrenchments.  After  a  few  miles 
march  we  halted  for  a  rest,  but  were  not  allowed  to  sit  down,  as  I  pre- 
sume the  guards  thought  we  could  as  well  stand  as  they.  Here  a  squad 
of  the  Richmond  Grays,  the  elite  of  the  city,  came  up  and  accosted  us 
with  all  manner  of  vile  epithets.  One  of  the  most  drunken  and  boister- 
ous approached  within  five  or  six  feet  of  me,  and  with  the  muzzle  of  his 
rifle  within  two  feet  of  my  face  swore  he  would  shoot  me.  Fearless  of 
consequences,  and  feeling  that  immediate  death  even  could  not  be  worse 


340  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

than  slow  torture  by  starvation,  to  which  I  knew  that  so  many  of  our 
soldiers  had  been  subjected,  and  remembering  that  the  Confederate  Con- 
gress had  declared  officers  of  colored  troops  outlaws,  I  replied,  as  my 
eyes  met  his,  'shoot  if  you  dare.'  Instead  of  carrying  out  his  threat  he 
withdrew  his  aim  and  staggered  on.  Here  Lieut.  Ferguson  lost  his  hat, 
which  had  been  already  twice  stolen  and  recovered.  One  of  the  rebs 
came  up  behind  him  and  taking  the  hat  from  his  head  replaced  it  with 
his  own  and  ran  off.  The  lieutenant  consoled  himself  with  the  reflection 
that  at  last  he  had  a  hat  no  one  would  steal. 

"  'At  about  7  P.  M.  we  arrived  at  Libby  Prison  and  were  separated 
from  the  enlisted  men,  who,  we  afterward  learned,  suffered  untold  hard- 
ships, to  which  many  of  them  succumbed.  Some  were  claimed  as  slaves 
by  men  who  had  never  known  them;  others  denied  fuel  and  shelter 
through  the  winter,  and  sometimes  water  with  which  to  quench  their 
thirst;  the  sick  and  dying  neglected  or  maltreated  and  even  murdered 
by  incompetent  and  fiendish  surgeons;  without  rations  for  days  together; 
shot  at  without  the  slightest  reason  or  only  to  gratify  the  caprice  of  the 
guards,— all  of  which  harrowing  details  were  fully  corroborated  by  the 
few  emaciated  wrecks  that  survived. 

"( We  were  marched  inside  the  prison, -searched,  and  what  money  we 
liad  taken  from  us.  I  was  allowed  to  retain  pocket-book,  knife  and 
watch.  Our  names  were  recorded  and  we  were  told  to  follow  the  sergeant. 
Now,  I  thought,  the  question  will  be  decided  whether  we  are  to  go  up 
stairs  where  we  knew  the  officers  were  quartered,  or  be  confined  in  the 
cells  below.  As  we  neared  the  corner  of  the  large  room  and  I  saw  the 
sergeant  directing  his  steps  to  the  stairs  leading  down,  I  thought  it  had 
been  better  had  we  fallen  on  the  battle-field.  He  led  the  way  down  to  a 
cell,  and  as  we  passed  in  barred  and  locked  the  door  and  left  us  in  dark- 
ness. Here,  without  rations,  the  bare  stone  floor  for  a  bed,  the  damp- 
ness trickling  down  the  walls  on  either  side,  seven  of  us  were  confined  in 
a  close  room  about  seven  feet  by  nine.  It  was  a  long  night,  but  finally 
morning  dawned  and  as  a  ray  of  light  shone  through  the  little  barred 
window  above  our  heads  we  thanked  God  we  were  not  in  total  darkness. 
About  9  A.  M.  rations,  consisting  of  bread  and  meat,  were  handed  in, 
and  being  divided  into  seven  parts,  were  drawn  for  by  lot.  About  noon 
we  were  taken  from  the  cell  and  put  in  with  the  other  officers.  Here  we 
met  Capt.  Cook,  of  the  Ninth  Regiment,  who  had  been  captured  about  a 
month  previous  while  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  line. 

"  We  were  now  in  a  large  room,  perhaps  forty  by  ninety  feet,  with 
large  windows,  entirely  destitute  of  glass.  No  blankets  nor  anything  to 
sit  or  lie  upon  except  the  floor,  and  at  night  when  we  lay  down  the  floor 
was  literally  covered. 

"  'About  the  middle  of  the  second  night  we  were  all  hurriedly  marched 
out  and  packed  in  filthy  box-cars—like  sardines,  for  there  was  not  room 
for  all  to  sit  down— for  an  unknown  destination.  After  a  slow  and 
tedious  ride  we  arrived  at  Salisbury,  N.  C.  When  we  arrived  there  were 
but  few  prisoners,  and  for  two  or  three  days  we  received  fair  rations  of 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  341 

brea  _,  bean  soup  and  a  little  meat.  This  did  not  last  long,  for  as  the 
number  of  prisoners  increased  our  rations  were  diminished.  There  were 
four  old  log  houses  within  the  stockade  and  into  these  the  officers  were 
moved  the  next  day,  while  a  thousand  or  mor'e  prisoners,  brought  on 
from  Petersburg,  were  turned  into  the  pen  without  shelter  of  any  kind. 
From  these  we  were  separated  by  a  line  of  sentinels,  who  hacL  orders  to 
shoot  any  who  approached  within  six  paces  of  their  beat  on  either  side. 
This  was  called  the  '  dead-line,'  which  also  extended  around  the  enclosure 
about  six  paces  from  the  stockade. 

"'The  second  Sunday  after  our  arrival,  just  as  we  were  assembling 
to  hear  preaching,  an  officer  who  had  thoughtlessly  stepped  to  a  tree  on 
the  dead-line  was  shot  and  killed  by  the  sentry,  who  was  on  an  elevated 
platform  outside  the  fence,  and  only  about  two  rods  distant.  For  this 
fiendish  act  the  murderer  was  granted  a  sixty  days  furlough. 

"'Prisoners  were  being  brought  in  almost  daily,  and  at  this  time 
there  were  probably  six  thousand  within  the  enclosure.  A  pretence  of 
shelter  was  furnished  by  the  issue  of  a  few  Sibley  tents,  but  not  more 
than  a  third  of  the  prisoners  were  sheltered.  Many  of  them  built  mud 
hovels  or  burrowed  in  the  ground;  some  crawled  under  the  hospital 
building.  Very  few  had  blankets  and  all  were  thinly  clad,  and  the  rations 
were  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  life.  What  wonder  that  men  lost  their 
strength,  spirits,  and  sometimes  reason.  The  story  of  exposure,  sickness 
and  death  is  the  same  and  rivals  that  of  Andersonville. 

"  '  The  guard  was  strengthened,  a  portion  of  the  fence  taken  down  and 
a  piece  of  artillery  stationed  at  the  corners  to  sweep  down  the  crowd, 
should  an  outbreak  occur.  This  we  had  thought  of  for  some  time,  and 
a  plan  of  action  was  decided  upon.  At  a  given  signal  all  within  the  en- 
closure were  to  make  a  break  for  that  part  of  the  fence  nearest  them,  and 
then  scatter,  each  one  for  himself.  Of  course,  some  would  probably  be 
killed,  but  it  was  hoped  most  would  escape  before  the  guards  could  load 
and  fire  a  second  time.  This  plot,  which  was  to  have  been  carried  out 
at  midnight,  was  discovered  the  previous  afternoon.  The  inside  guard, 
separating  the  enlisted-men  from  the  officers,  had  become  more  vigilant, 
and  the  only  means  of  communication  was  to  attach  a  note  to  a  stone 
and  throw  it  across.  This  an  officer  attempted.  The  note  fell  short;  the 
sentry  picked  it  up,  called  the  corporal  of  the  guard,  who  took  it  to  the 
officer  of  the  guard,  and  in  less  than  five  minutes  the  whole  arrangement 
was  known.  Two  hours  afterward  we  were  formed  in  line  and  learned 
that  we  were  to  change  our  quarters.  We  had  then  been  in  Salisbury 
twenty  days.  Before  we  left  one  of  our  mess  found  and  brought  away  a 
bound  copy  of  Harper's  Magazine.  It  proved  a  boon  to  us,  as  it  served 
for  a  pillow  for  one  of  us  at  night,  and  was  being  read  by  some  one  from 
dawn  until  night,  until  we  had  all  read  it  through,  when  we  traded  it  off 
for  a  volume  of  the  Portland  Transcript. 

"'  We  were  packed  in  box  cars  and  started  North.    The  next  morn- 
ing we  arrived  at  Danville  and  were  confined  in  a  tobacco  warehouse, 
of  brick  and  about  eighty  feet  long,  forty  wide,  and  three  stories 
17 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

high.  When  we  first  entered  the  prison  the  ration  was  fair  in  quantity. 
We  had  from  twelve  to  sixteen  ounces  of  corn-bread,  and  from  two  to 
four  ounces  of  beef  or  a  cup  of  pea-soup,  but  never  beef  and  soup  the 
same  day.  True,  the  soup  would  have  an  abundance  of  worms  floating 
about  in  it,  but  these  we  would  skim  off,  and  trying  to  forget  we  had 
seen  them,  eat  with  a  relish.  Hunger  will  drive  one  to  eat  almost  any- 
thing, as  we  learned  from  bitter  experience.  About  the  1st  of  November 
the  soup  and  beef  ration  began  to  decrease,  and  from  the  middle  of  the 
month  to  the  20th  of  February,  when  I  was  paroled,  not  a  ration  of 
meat  or  soup  was  issued.  Nothing  but  corn-bread,  made  from  unbolted 
meal,  and  water,  and  that  growing  less  and  less.  Sometimes  I  would 
divide  my  ration  into  three  parts  and  resolve  to  make  it  last  all  day,  but 
invariably  it  would  be  gone  before  noon.  Generally  I  would  eat  the 
whole  ration  at  once,  but  that  did  not  satisfy  my  hunger,  and  I  had  to 
go  without  a  crumb  for  the  next  twenty-four  hours.  To  illustrate  how 
inadequate  the  ration  was,  I  can  say  that  I  have  seen  officers  picking 
potato-peelings  from  the  large  spittoons,  where  they  were  soaking  in  to- 
bacco spittle,  wash  them  off  and  eat  them. 

" '  We  had  an  abundance  of  good,  pure  water,  which  was  a  great 
blessing.  Pails  were  furnished,  and  when  five  or  six  men  were  ready,  the 
sentry  would  call  the  corporal  of  the  guard,  who  would  send  a  guard  of 
from  four  to  six  with  us  to  the  river,  about  two  hundred  yards  distant. 
Twice  a  day  an  officer  would  come  in  and  call  the  roll ;  that  is  form  us 
into  four  ranks  and  count  the  files.  If  any  had  escaped,  it  was  essential 
that  the  number  should  be  kept  good  for  some  days,  to  enable  them  to 
get  a  good  start,  and  for  this  purpose  various  means  were  used.  Some, 
times  one  of  the  rear  rank,  after  being  counted,  would  glide  along  unseen 
to  the  left  of  the  line  and  be  recounted.  A  hole  was  cut  in  the  upper 
floor,  and  while  the  officer  was  going  up  stairs,  sdme  would  climb  through 
the  hole  and  be  counted  with  those  on  the  third  floor.  This  created  some 
confusion,  as  the  number  would  occasionally  overrun. 

"As  the  season  advanced  we  suffered  more  and  more  from  the  cold, 
for  being  captured  in  September  our  clothing  was  not  sufficient  for  De- 
cember and  January.  Very  few  had  blankets,  and  the  rebel  authorities 
never  issued  either  blankets  or  clothing  of  any  kind.  The  windows  of 
the  lower  rooms  were  without  glass,  and  only  the  lower  half  of  each 
boarded  up;  the  wind  would  whistle  through  the  large  openings,  and 
drawing  up  through  the  open  floor,  upon  which  we  had  to  lie  at  night, 
would  almost  freeze  us.  I  finally  succeeded  in  trading  my  watch  with 
one  of  the  guard  for  an  old  bed-quilt  and  twenty  dollars  Confederate 
money.  The  money  came  in  very  good  time,  for  I  then  had  the  scurvy 
so  badly  that  my  tongue,  lips  and  gums  were  so  swollen  that  by  evening 
I  could  scarcely  speak.  In  the  morning  the  swelling  would  not  be  quite 
so  bad,  and  by  soaking  the  corn-bread  in  water,  could  manage  to  swal- 
low a  little.  The  surgeon,  who  visited  the  prison  every  day,  cauterized 
my  mouth,  but  it  continued  to  grow  worse,  until  at  last  I  could  not  eat 
the  coarse  bread.  Sometimes  I  would  have  a  chance  to  sell  it  for  from 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  34|> 

one  to  two  dollars,  which,  with  the  twenty,  saved  me  from  starvation. 
I  bought  rice  of  the  guard  for  two  dollars  the  half-pint,  and  good-sized 
potatoes  for  a  dollar  each.  These  were  cooked  usually  over  a  little  fire 
in  the  yard  with  wood  or  chips  picked  up  while  going  for  water.  Some- 
times, by  waiting  patiently  for  an  hour  or  more,  I  could  get  near  enough 
to  the  stove  to  put  my  cup  on.  The  heating  apparatus  was  a  poor  apol- 
ogy for  a  cylinder  coal-stove,  and  the  coal  the  poorest  I  ever  saw,  and 
gave  so  little  heat  that  one  could  stand  all  day  by  it  and  shiver. 

" '  The  bed-quilt  was  quite  narrow,  but  very  much  better  than  none. 

" '  Capt.  Weiss  and  I  would  spread  our  flannel  coats  on  the  floor,  use 
our  shoes  for  pillows,  spread  the  quilt  over  us,  and  with  barely  space  to 
turn  over,  would,  if  the  night  was  not  too  cold,  go  to  sleep ;  usually  to- 
dream  of  home  and  loved  ones ;  of  Christmas  festivities  and  banquets  j 
of  trains  of  army  wagons  so  overloaded  with  pies  and  cakes  that  they 
were  rolling  into  the  road ;  of  a  general  exchange ;  a  thirty  day's  leave 
of  absence,  and  a  thousand  things  altogether  unlike  that  which  we  were 
experiencing;  and  would  wake  oniy  to  find  ourselves  cold  and  hungry. 

" '  Our  mess  had  the  volume  of  Harper's  Magazine,  found  at  Salis- 
bury, and  we  each  could  have  it  an  hour  or  more  daily.  A  few  games  of 
checkers  or  cribbage,  played  sitting  on  the  floor,  tailor-fashion,  were 
always  in  order.  All  who  were  accustomed  to  smoking  would  manage  to 
secure  a  supply  of  tobacco  at  least  sufficient  for  one  smoke  per  day,  and, 
if  they  could  not  obtain  it  in  any  other  way,  would  sell  half  their  scanty 
ration,  and  perhaps  get  enough  to  last  a  week.  It  was  a  good  place  ta 
learn  how  to  economize.  I  have  known  some  to  refuse  a  light  from  the 
pipe,  for  fear  of  losing  a  grain  of  the  precious  weed.  Evenings  we  would 
be  in  darkness,  and  as  we  could  not  move  about  without  frequent  colli- 
sions, would  gather  in  little  groups  and  talk  of  home,  friends,  and  the 
good  time  coming,  when  we  would  have  one  good,  square  meal ;  arrange 
the  bill  of  fare,  comprising  all  the  delicacies  that  heart  could  wish,  or  a 
morbid  mind  prompted  by  a  starving  stomach  could  conceive ;  lay  plans 
for  escape  and  discuss  the  route  to  be  followed;  sing  a  few  hymns  and  the 
national  airs,  and  wind  up  with  '  We'll  Hang  Jeff  Davis  on  a  Sour  Apple- 
Tree.' 

"  *  There  were  with  us  two  officers  who,  when  we  arrived  at  Salisbury, 
had  been  in  solitary  confinement  and  whom  the  rebels  were  holding  as 
hostages  for  two  guerillas  whom  Gen.  Burnside  had  condemned  to  be 
shot.  When  the  removal  of  the  officers  to  Danville  occurred,  these  two 
were  released  from  close  confinement  and  sent  on  with  us,  and  it  was 
thought  they  were  no  longer  considered  as  hostages.  They  had  planned 
an  escape  and  well  nigh  succeeded.  They  had  dug  a  hole  through  the 
brick  wall,  and  passing  into  an  adjoining  unoccupied  building,  cut 
through  the  floor,  dug  under  the  stone  foundation  and  were  just  coming 
through  on  the  outside,  when  some  one  in  passing  stepped  on  the  thin 
crust  and  fell  in.  Whether  he  or  the  men  digging  were  the  most  fright- 
ened it  would  be  hard  to  tell.  The  next  morning  these  two  who  had 
worked  so  hard  to  regain  their  liberty  were  taken  out  and  probably 
placed  in  close  confinement  again. 


346  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"'After  this  attempt  to  escape,  the  rebel  authorities  made  an  effort 
to  rob  us  of  everything,  particularly  pocket-knives,  watches,  or  any- 
thing that  could  aid  us  to  escape.  In  this  they  were  foiled.  They  made 
us  all  go  to  one  end  of  the  room  and  placing  a  guard  through  the  mid- 
dle, searched  us  one  by  one  and  passed  us  to  the  other  side.  If  one  had 
a  knife,  watch  or  money,  he  had  only  to  toss  it  over  to  some  one  already 
searched,  and  when  his  turn  came  would  have  nothing  to  show. 

"'The  guards  would  not  allow  us  to  stand  by  the  windows,  and  on 
one  occasion,  without  warning,  fired  through  a  second-story  window  and 
badly  wounded  an  officer  on  the  third  floor. 

"'  My  shoes  were  nearly  worn  out  when  I  was  captured,  and  soon  be- 
came so  worn  that  I  could  only  keep  sole  and  body  together  by  cutting 
strings  from  the  edge  of  the  uppers  and  lacing  them  together.  These 
strings  would  wear  but  a  little  while,  and  frequent  cuttings  had  made 
the  shoes  very  low. 

"'Toward  the  last  of  January,  Capt.  Cook  received  intelligence  that 
a  special  exchange  had  been  effected  in  his  case  and  he  was  to  start  at 
once  for  the  North.  Here  was  an  opportunity  to  communicate  with  our 
comrades  and  friends,  for  up  to  this  time  we  did  not  know  whether  any 
of  our  letters  had  been  received.  Capt.  Cook  had  a  pair  of  good  stout 
brogans.  These  shoes  he  urged  me  to  take  in  exchange  for  my  dilapi- 
dated ones.  At  first,  I  felt  reluctant  to  do  so,  but  finally  made  the  ex- 
change and  he  left  us  with  a  light  heart,  but  his  anticipations  were  not 
realized,  for  instead  of  going  directly  North  he  was  detained  in  Libby 
Prison  until  just  before  the  rest  of  us  arrived,  and  when  we  reached  An- 
napolis he  was  still  there  awaiting  his  leave,  and  had  been  obliged  to 
wear  my  old  shoes  until  two  days  previous. 

" '  Rumors  of  a  general  exchange  began  to  circulate,  and  a  few  boxes 
of  provisions  and  clothing,  sent  by  Northern  friends,  were  delivered. 
Among  the  rest,  was  a  well-filled  box  from  the  officers  of  our  regiment, 
and  twelve  hundred  dollars  Confederate  money  (being  the  equivalent  of 
sixty  dollars  greenbacks)  which  they  had  kindly  contributed.  Could  we 
have  received  the  box  and  money  in  November,  instead  of  just  before  our 
release,  we  could  have  subsisted  quite  comfortably  all  winter.  As  it  was, 
we  lived  sumptuously  as  long  as  the  contents  of  the  box  lasted,  and 
when  about  a  week  later  we  started  for  Richmond  to  be  paroled,  we  had 
drawn  considerably  upon  the  twelve  hundred  dollars. 

"'February  17th,  we  left  Danville  for  Richmond  and  were  again 
quartered  in  Libby.  On  the  19th,  we  signed  the  parole  papers. 

'"The  second  morning  after  signing  the  rolls,  one  of  the  clerks  came 
in  and  said  that  for  want  of  transportation,  only  a  hundred  would  be 
sent  down  the  river  that  day,  and  the  rest  would  follow  soon ;  that  those 
whose  names  were  called  would  fall  in  on  the  lower  floor,  ready  to  start. 
As  he  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  there  was  a  death-like  stillness,  and  each 
listened  anxiously  to  hear  his  own  name.  Of  our  mess  only  one  name 
was  called.  As  he  stopped  reading  and  folded  his  rolls  and  turned  to 
leave,  I  thought,  what  if  our  army  should  commence  active  operations 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  347 

and  put  an  end  to  the  exchange,  and  resolved  to  go  with  the  party  that 
day,  if  possible.  I  had  noticed  that  the  clerk  had  not  called  the  names 
in  their  order  nor  checked  them,  and  knew  he  could  not  tell  who  had  been 
called.  I  therefore  hurried  down  to  the  lower  floor  and  fell  iq  with  the 
rest,  thinking  all  the  time  of  the  possibility  of  detection  and  the  conse- 
quent solitary  confinement,  and  although  my  conscience  was  easy  so  far 
as  the  papers  I  had  signed  were  concerned— for  I  had  only  agreed  not  to 
take  up  arms  until  duly  exchanged— I  did  not  breath  freely  until  I  had 
disembarked  from  the  boat  and  was  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  For- 
tunately, the  rest  of  the  party  came  down  on  the  boat  the  next  day. 

"  *  One  other  incident  and  I  am  done :  Sergt.  Henry  Jordan,  of  Com- 
pany C,  was  wounded  and  captured  with  the  rest  of  us,  but  on  account 
of  his  wounds  was  unable  to  be  sent  South  with  the  other  enlisted-men. 
After  his  recovery  he  was  kept  as  a  servant  about  the  office  of  Major  Tur- 
ner, the  commandant  of  the  prison,  and  when,  on  the  2d  of  April,  1865, 
the  rebels  evacuated  Richmond  and  paroled  the  prisoners,  he  remained 
until  our  forces  came  in  and  took  possession  of  the  city.  When,  a  few 
days  later,  Maj.  Turner  was  captured  by  our  troops  and  confined  in  the 
same  cell  we  had  occupied,  Sergt.  Jordan  was  detailed  to  carry  him  his 
rations,  and  although  he  was  not  of  a  vindictive  or  revengeful  disposi- 
tion, I  will  venture  to  say  that  the  rations  allowed  Turner  were  not 
much  better  than  had  been  given  the  sergeant  through  the  winter.  Had 
Turner  been  guarded  by  such  men  as  Henry  Jordan,  or  even  by  the  poor- 
est soldiers  of  the  regiment,  he  would  not  have  escaped  within  three  days 
of  his  capture,  as  was  the  case.' " 

Very  few  of  the  black  soldiers  were  exchanged,  though 
the  confederate  government  pretended  to  recognize  them 
and  treat  them  as  they  did  the  whites.  General  Taylor's 
reply  to  General  Grant,  was  the  general  policy  applied  to 
them  when  convenient.  In  the  latter  days  of  the  war,  when 
—in  June,  1864,  at  Guntown,  Miss., — the  confederate  Gen. 
Forrest  attacked  and  routed  the  Union  forces,  under  Stur- 
gis,  through  the  stupidity  of  the  latter,  (alluded  to  more 
at  length  a  few  pages  further  on,)  a  number  of  black 
soldiers  were  captured,  Sturgis  having  had  several  Pha- 
lanx regiments  in  his  command.  The  confederates  fought 
with  desperation,  and  with  their  usual  "  no  quarter, " 
because,  as  Forrest  alleges,  the  Phalanx  regiments  meant 
to  retaliate  for  his  previous  massacre  of  the  blacks  at 
Fort  Pillow.  Seeking  to  justify  the  inhuman  treatment 
of  his  black  prisoners,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  General 
Washburn,  commanding  the  District  of  West  Tennessee : 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"It  has  been  reported  to  me  that  all  of  your  colored  troops  sta- 
tioned in  Memphis  took,  on  their  knees,  in  the  presence  of  Major  General 
Hurlburt  and  other  officers  of  your  army,  an  oath  to  avenge  Fort  Pillow, 
and  that  they  would  show  my  toops  no  quarter.  Again  I  have  it  from 
indisputable  authority  that  the  troops  under  Brigadier  General  Sturgis 
on  their  recent  march  from  Memphis,  publicly,  and  in  many  places,  pro- 
claimed that  no  quarter  would  be  shown  my  men.  As  they  were  moved 
into  action  on  the  10th  they  were  exhorted  by  their  officers  to  remember 
Fort  Pillow.  The  prisoners  we  have  captured  from  that  command,  or  a 
large  majority  of  them,  have  voluntarily  stated  that  they  expected  us  to 
murder  them,  otherwise  they  would  have  surrendered  in  a  body  rather 
than  have  taken  to  the  bushes  after  being  run  down  and  exhausted." 

The  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  had  a  very  different  effect 
upon  the  black  soldiers  than  it  was  doubtless  expected  to 
have.  Instead  of  weakening  their  courage  it  stimulated 
them  to  a  desire  of  retaliation ;  not  in  the  strict  sense  of 
that  term,  but  to  fight  with  a  determination  to  subdue 
and  bring  to  possible  punishment,  the  men  guilty  of  such 
atrocious  conduct.  Had  General  Sturgis  been  competent 
of  commanding,  Forrest  would  have  found  himself  and 
his  command  no  match  for  the  Phalanx  at  Guntown  and 
Brice's  Cross  Roads.  Doubtless  Forrest  was  startled  by 
the  reply  of  General  Washburn,  who  justly  recognized  the 
true  impulse  of  the  Phalanx.  He  replied  to  Forrest,  June 
19,  1864,  as  follows : 

"You  say  in  your  letter  that  it  has  been  reported  to  you  that  all  the 
negro  troops  stationed  in  Memphis  took  an  oath,  on  their  knees,  in  the 
presence  of  Major  General  Hurlburt  and  other  officers  of  our  army,  to 
avenge  Fort  Pillow  and  that  they  would  show  your  troops  no  quarter. 
I  believe  it  is  true  that  the  colored  troops  did  take  such  an  oath,  but  not 
in  the  presence  of  General  Hurlburt.  From  what  I  can  learn  this  act  of 
theirs  was  not  influenced  by  any  white  officer,  but  was  the  result  of  their 
own  sense  of  what  was  due  to  themselves  and  their  fellows  who  had  been 
mercilessly  slaughtered." 

The  chief  of  Forrest's  artillery  writes  in  the  Philadel- 
phia Times,  in  September,  1883 : 

"Col.  Arthur  T.  Reeve,  who  commanded  the  Fifty-fifth  Colored  In- 
fantry in  this  fight,  tells  me  that  no  oath  was  taken  by  his  troops  that 
ever  he  heard  of,  but  the  impression  prevailed  that  the  black  flag  was 
raised,  and  on  his  side  was  raised  to  all  intents  and  purposes.  He  him- 
self fully  expected  to  be  killed  if  captured.  Impressed  with  this  notion  a 
double  effect  was  produced.  It  made  the  Federals  afraid  to  surrender 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  349 

and  greatly  exasperated  our  men,  and  in  the  break-up  the  affair  became 
more  like  a  hunt  for  wild  game  than  a  battle  between  civilized  men." 

In  his  description  of  the  battle  at  Brice's  Cross  Koads, 
he  says : 

"  The  entire  Confederate  force  was  brought  into  action  at  once.  We 
kept  no  reserves;  every  movement  was  quickly  planned  and  executed 
with  the  greatest  celerity.  A  potent  factor  which  made  the  battle  far 
bloodier  than  it  would  have  been,  was  it  being  reported,  and  with  some 
degree  of  truth,  that  the  negroes  had  been  sworn  on  their  knees  in  line 
before  leaving  Memphis  to  show  '  no  quarter  to  Forrest's  men,'  and 
badges  were  worn  upon  which  were  inscribed,  'Remember  Fort  Pillow/ 
General  Washburn,  commanding  the  district  of  West  Tennessee,  distinct- 
ly admits  that  the  negro  troops  with  Sturgis  had  gone  into  this  fight 
with  the  declared  intention  to  give  no  quarter  to  Forrest's  men." 

The  fate  of  the  black  soldiers  taken  in  these  fights  is 
unknown,  which  is  even  worse  than  of  those  who  are 
known  to  have  been  massacred. 

Tho  details  of  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  have  been 
reserved  for  this  portion  of  the  present  chapter  in  order  to 
state  them  more  at  length,  and  in  connection  w7ith  impor- 
tant movements  which  soon  after  took  place  against  the 
same  confederate  force. 

The  most  atrocious  of  all  inhuman  acts  perpetrated 
upon  a  brave  soldiery,  took  place  at  Fort  Pillow,  Ken- 
tucky, on  the  13th  of  April,  1864.  No  cause  can  be  as- 
signed for  the  shocking  crime  of  wanton,  indiscriminate 
murder  of  some  three  hundred  soldiers,  other  than  that 
they  were  "niggers,"  and  "fighting  with  niggers." 

On  the  12th,  General  Forrest  suddenly  appeared  be- 
fore Fort  Pillow  with  a  large  force,  and  demanded  its  sur- 
render. The  fort  was  garrisoned  by  5.57  men  in  command 
of  Major  L.  F.  Booth,  consisting  of  the  13th  Tennessee 
Cavalry,  Major  Bradford,  and  the  6th  Phalanx  Battery  of 
heavy  artillery,  numbering  262  men,  and  six  guns.  At 
sunrise  on  the  13th,  General  Forrest's  forces  advanced 
and  attacked  the  fort.  The  garrison  maintained  a  steady 
brisk  fire,  a.nd  kept  the  enemy  at  bay  from  an  outer  line  of 
intrenchments.  About  9  A.  M.  Major  Booth  was  killed, 
and  Major  Bradford  taking  command,  drew  the  troops 
back  into  the  Fort,  situated  on  a  high,  steep  and  partially 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

timbered  bluff  on  the  Mississippi  river,  with  a  ravine  on 
either  hand.  A  federal  gunboat,  the  "New  Era,"  assisted 
in  the  defence,  but  the  height  of  the  bluff  prevented  her 
giving  material  support  to  the  garrison.  In  the  after- 
noon both  sides  ceased  firing,  to  cool  and  clean  their  guns. 
During  this  time,  Forrest,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  sum- 
moned, the  federals  to  surrender  within  a  half  hour.  Major 
Bradford  refused  to  comply  with  the  demand.  Meantime 
the  confederates  taking  advantage  of  the  truce  to  secret 
themselves  down  in  a  ravine,  from  whence  they  could  rush 
upon  the  Fort  at  a  given  signal.  No  sooner  was  Brad- 
ford's refusal  to  surrender  received,  than  the  confederates 
rushed  simultaneously  into  the  Fort.  In  a  moment  almost 
the  place  was  in  their  possession.  The  garrison,  throwing 
away  their  arms  fled  down  the  steep  banks,  endeavoring 
to  hide  from  the  promised  "no  quarter/'  which  Forrest 
had  embodied  in  his  demand  for  surrender:  "If/  have  to 
storm  your  works,  you  may  expect  no  quarter"  The 
confederates  followed,  "butchering  black  and  white  sol- 
diers and  non-combatants,  men,  women  and  children. 
Disabled  men  were  made  to  stand  up  and  be  shot ;  others 
were  burned  within  the  tents  wherein  they  had  been  nailed 
to  the  floor."  This  carnival  of  murder  continued  until 
dark,  and  was  even  renewed  the  next  morning.  Major 
Bradford  was  not  murdered  until  he  had  been  carried  as  a 
prisoner  several  miles  on  the  retreat. 

It  is  best  that  the  evidence  in  this  matter,  as  given 
in  previous  pages  of  this  chapter,  should  be  read.  It  is 
unimpeachable,  though  Forrest,  S.  D.  Lee  and  Chalmers 
have  attempted  to  deny  the  infernal  work.  The  last 
named,  under  whose  command  these  barbarous  acts  were 
committed,  offered  on  the  floor  of  the  United  States  Con- 
gress, fifteen  years  afterward,  an  apologetic  denial  of 
what  appears  from  the  evidence  of  those  who  escaped, 
— taken  by  the  Congressional  Committee, — and  also  con- 
tradictory to  the  confederate  General  S.  D.  Lee's  report,  in 
which  he  fails  to  convince  himself  even  of  the  inaccuracy 
of  the  reports  of  brutality,  as  made  by  the  few  who  es- 
caped being  murdered.  Lee  says : 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  353 

"  The  garrison  was  summoned  in  the  usual  manner,  and  its  com- 
manding officer  assumed  the  responsibility  of  refusing  to  surrender  after 
having  been  informed  by  General  Forrest  of  his  ability  to  take  the  Fort, 
and  of  his  fears  of  what  the  result  would  be  in  case  the  demand  was  not 
complied  with.  The  assault  was  made  under  a  heavy  fire,  and  with  con- 
siderable loss  to  the  attacking  party.  Your  colors  were  never  lowered, 
and  your  garrison  never  surrendered,  but  retreated  under  cover  of  a 
gunboat,  with  arms  in  their  hands  and  constantly  using  them.  This  was 
true  particularly  of  your  colored  troops,  who  had  been  firmly  convinced 
by  your  teaching  of  the  certainty  of  slaughter,  in  case  of  capture.  Even 
under  these  circumstances,  many  of  your  men,  white  and  black,  were 
taken  prisoners." 

Continuing,  he  says : 

"The  case  under  consideration  is  almost  an  extreme  one.  You  had 
a  servile  race  armed  against  us.  I  assert  that  our  officers  with  all  the 
circumstances  against  them  endeavored  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood." 

This  is  an  admission  that  the  massacre  of  the  garri- 
son actually  occurred,  and  because  Phalanx  troops  were 
a  part  of  the  garrison.  That  the  black  soldiers  had  been 
taught  that  no  quarter  would  be  shown  them  if  cap- 
tured, or  if  they  surrendered,  is  doubtless  true.  It  is  also 
too  true  that  the  teaching  was  the  truth.  One  has  but  to 
read  the  summons  for  the  surrender  to  be  satisfied  of  the 
fact,  and  then  recollect  that  the  President  of  the  Confeder- 
ate States,  in  declaring  General  Butler  an  outlaw,  also  de- 
creed that  negroes  captured  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
their  officers  as  well,  should  be  turned  over  to  the  State 
authorities  wherein  they  were  captured,  to  be  dealt  with 
according  to  the  laws  of  that  State  and  the  Confederacy. 

The  sentiment  of  the  chief  confederate  commander  re- 
garding the  employment  of  negroes  in  the  Union  army, 
notwithstanding  the  Confederate  Government  was  the 
first  to  arm  and  muster  them  into  service,  as  shown  in 
previous  and  later  chapters,  is  manifested  by  the  following 
dispatch,  though  at  the  time  of  writing  it,  that  General 
had  hundreds  of  blacks  under  his  command  at  Charleston 
building  fortifications. 

"CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  Oct.  13th,  1862. 
"HoN.  WM.  P.  MILES,  RICHMOND,  VA. 

"  Has  the  bill  for  the  execution  of  abolition  prisoners,  after  January- 
next,  been  passed?  Do  it,  and  England  will  be  stirred  into  action.  It  is 
high  time  to  proclaim  the  black  flag  after  that  period;  let  the  execution 
be  with  the  garrote.  G.  T.  BEAUREGARD." 


354  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  confederate  thirst  for  "nigger"  blood  seemed  to 
have  been  no  stronger  in  Kentucky  than  in  other  Depart- 
ments, but  it  does  appear,  for  some  reason,  that  Kentucky 
and  northern  Mississippi  were  selected  by  the  confederate 
generals,  Pillow  and  Forrest,  as  appropriate  sections  in 
which  to  particularly  vent  their  spite.  The  success  of 
Forrest  at  Fort  Pillow  rather  strengthened  General  Beau- 
ford's  inhumanity.  He  commanded  a  portion  of  Pillow's 
forces  which  appeared  before  Columbus  the  day  after  the 
Fort  Pillow  massacre,  and  in  the  following  summons  de- 
manded its  surrender  : 

"  To  the  Commander  of  the  United  States  Forces,  Columbus,  Ky.: 

"Fully  capable  of  taking  Columbus  and  its  garrison, -I  desire  to 
avoid  shedding  blood.  I  therefore  demand  the  unconditional  surrender 
of  the  forces  under  your  command.  Should  you  surrender,  the  negroes 
in  arms  will  be  returned  to  their  masters.  Should  I  be  compelled  to  take 
the  place  by  force,  no  quarter  will  be  shown  negro  troops  whatever; 
white  troops  will  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 

"I  am,  sir,  yours, 

A.  BEAUFORD,  Brig.  Gen." 

Colonel  Lawrence,  of  the  34th  New  Jersey,  declined  to 
surrender,  and  drove  the  enemy  off,  who  next  appeared  in 
Paducah,  but  retired  without  making  an  assault  upon 
the  garrison. 

These  occurrences,  with  the  mysterious  surrender  of 
Union  City  to  Forrest,  on  the  16th  of  March,  so  incensed 
the  commander  of  the  Department  that  a  strong  force 
was  organized,  and  in  command  of  General  S.  D.  Sturgis, 
started,  on  the  30th  of  April,  in  pursuit  of  Forrest  and 
his  men,  but  did  not  succeed  in  overtaking  him.  A  few 
weeks  later,  General  Sturgis,  with  a  portion  of  his  former 
force,  combined  with  that  of  General  Smith's,— just  re- 
turning from  the  Ked  Eiver  (Banks)  fiasco, — again  went  in 
pursuit  of  General  Forrest.  At  Guntown,  on  the  10th  of 
June,  Sturgis'  cavalry,  under  General  Grierson,  came  up 
with  the  enemy,  charged  upon  them,  and  drove  them  back 
upon  their  infantry  posted  near  Brice's  Cross  Koads.  Gen- 
eral Grierson,  needing  support,  sent  back  for  the  infantry, 
which  was  several  miles  in  his  rear.  The  day  was  intense- 
ly hot,  and  the  roads,  from  constant  rains,  in  very  bad 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  355 

condition.  However,  Sturgis  marched  the  troops  up  at 
double-quick  to  the  position  where  General  Grierson  was 
holding  the  confederates  in  check.  The  infantry  had  be- 
come so  exhausted  when  they  reached  the  scene  of  action, 
that  they  were  unable  to  fight  as  they  otherwise  would 
have  done.  Sturgis,  either  ignorant  of  what  was  going 
on  or  incapacitated  for  the  work,  heightened  the  disorder 
at  the  front  by  permitting  his  train  of  over  two  hundred 
wagons  to  be  pushed  up  close  to  the  troops,  thus  blocking 
their  rear,  and  obstructing  their  manoeuvring ;  finally  the 
wagons  were  parked  a  short  distance  from  the  lines  and  in 
sight  of  the  foe.  The  troops  exhausted  by  the  rapid 
march,  without  proper  formation  or  commanders,  had 
been  brought  up  to  the  support  of  the  cavalry,  who  were 
hotly  engaged  with  the  enemy,  whose  desperation  was  in- 
creased at  the  sight  of  the  Phalanx  regiments.  General 
Beauford  had  joined  Forrest,  augmenting  his  force  4,000. 
Sturgis'  force  numbered  about  12, 000,  in  cavalry,  artillery 
and  infantry.  Forrest  was  well  provided  with  artillery, 
which  was  up  early  and  took  a  position  in  an  open  field 
enfilading  the  Federal  line,  which  fought  with  a  determi- 
nation worthy  of  a  better  fate  than  that  which  befel  it. 
A  confederate  writer  says : 

"  At  early  dawn  on  the  10th  Lyon  took  the  advance,  with  Morton's 
artillery  close  behind,  Rucker  and  Johnson  following.  Meanwhile,  Bell, 
as  we  have  stated,  at  Rienzi,  eight  miles  further  north,  was  ordered  to 
move  up  at  a  trot.  The  roads,  soaked  with  water  from  recent  continu- 
ous heavy  rains  and  so  much  cut  up  by  the  previous  passage  of  cavalry 
and  trains,  greatly  retarded  the  progress  of  the  artillery,  so  that  Rucker 
and  Johnson  soon  passed  us.  On  reaching  old  Carrollville,  five  miles 
northeast  of  Brice's  Cross  Roads,  heavy  firing  could  be  heard  just  on 
ahead.  Forrest,  as  was  his  custom,  had  passed  to  the  front  of  the  entire 
column  with  his  escort. 

"He  had,  however,  ordered  Lieutenant  R.  J.  Black,  a  dashing  young 
officer,  temporarily  attached  to  his  staff,  to  tal^  a  detachment  of  men 
from  the  Seventh  Tennessee  Cavalry  and  move  forward  and  develop  the 
enemy.  Black  soon  reported  that  he  had  met  the  advance  of  the  Federal 
cavalry  one  and  a  half  miles  from  Brice's  Cross  Roads  and  there  was 
skirmishing  with  them.  General  Forrest  ordered  Lyon  to  press  forward 
with  his  brigade.  A  courier  hastening  back  to  the  artillery  said :  '  Gen- 
eral Forrest  says, '  Tell  Captain  Morton  to  fetch  up  the  artillery  at  a  gal- 
lop.' Lyon  in  the  meantime  had  reached  the  enemy's  outposts,  dis- 


356  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

mounted  his  brigade  and  thrown  it  into  line  and  had  warmly  opposed  a 
strong  line  of  infantry  or  dismounted  cavalry,  which,  after  stubborn  re- 
sistance, had  been  driven  back  to  within  half  a  mile  of  Brice's  Cross 
Roads." 

The  columns  of  the  Federals  could  not  do  more  than 
retreat,  and  if  they  had  been  able  to  do  this  in  any  order, 
and  recover  from  their  exhaustion,  they  would  have  been 
ready  to  drive  the  foe,  but  they  were  hotly  pursued  by  the 
confederates,  who  were  continually  receiving  re-enforce- 
ments. It  was  soon  evident  that  the  confederates  intended 
to  gain  the  rear  and  capture  the  whole  of  the  Union 
troops.  The  Federals,  therefore,  began  to  retire  leisurely. 

Says  the  confederate  account : 

"General  Forrest  directed  General  Buford  to  open  vigorously  when 
he  heard  Bell  on  the  left,  and,  taking  with  him  his  escort  and  Bell's 
Brigade,  moved  rapidly  around  southeastward  to  the  Guntown-Ripley 
road.  He  formed  Wilson's  and  Russel's  Regiments  on  the  right  of  the 
road,  extending  to  Rucker's  left,  and  placed  Newsom's  Regiment  on  the 
left  of  the  road ;  Duff  s  Regiment,  of  Rucker's  Brigade,  was  placed  on  the 
left  of  Newsom ;  Captain  H.  A.  Tyler,  commanding  Company  A,  Twelfth 
Kentucky,  was  ordered  by  Lyon  and  subsequently  by  Forrest  to  take 
his  company,  with  Company  C,  Seventh  Kentucky,  and  keep  mounted  on 
the  extreme  left  of  the  line.  The  escort,  under  Captain  Jackson,  moved 
around  the  extreme  left  of  the  line,  and  on  striking  the  Baldwyn  and 
Pontotoc  road  about  two  miles  south  of  the  cross  roads  had  a  sharp 
skirmish  and  pressed  the  enemy's  cavalry  back  to  where  Tishamingo 
creek  crosses  that  road;  here  it  was  joined  by  Captain  Gartrell's  Georgia 
company  and  a  Kentucky  company.  By  mutual  agreement  Captain 
Jackson,  of  the  escort,  was  placed  in  command  of  the  three  companies 
and  Lieutenant  Geroge  L.  Cowan  in  command  of  the  escort.  Meanwhile 
General  Buford  had  ordered  Barteau's  Second  Tennessee  Cavalry  to 
move  across  the  country  and  gain  the  Federal  rear,  and  if  possible  des- 
troy their  trains  and  then  strike  them  in  flank." 

The  gallant  conduct  of  the  Federal  cavalry  inspired 
the  other  troops.  They  made  a  stand,  and  for  awhile  ad- 
vanced, driving  tjie  confederate  line  before  them  on  the 
right,  doubling  it  up  and  gaining  the  rear. 

The  same  writer  says : 

"It  was  at  this  critical  moment  an  officer  of  Bell's  staff  dashed  up  to 
General  Forrest,  very  much  excited,  and  said:  'General  Forrest,  the 
enemy  flanked  us  and  are  now  in  our  rear.  What  shall  be  done?'  For- 
rest, turning  in  his  saddle,  very  coolly  replied/  'We'll  whip  these  in  our 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  357 

front  and  then  turn  around,  and  wont  we  be  in  their  rear?  And  then 
we'll  whip  them  fellows ! '  pointing  in  the  direction  of  the  force  said  to  be 
ia  his  rear.  Jackson  and  Tyler,  charging  on  the  extreme  left,  drove  back 
two  colored  regiments  of  infantry  upon  their  main  line  at  the  cross 
roads.  In  this  charge  the  gallant  Captain  Tyler  was  severely  wounded. 
"  Meanwhile  the  Federals,  with  desperation,  hurled  a  double  line  of 
battle,  with  the  four  guns  at  Brice's  house  concentrated  upon  Kucker  and 
Bell,  which  for  a  moment  seemed  to  stagger  and  make  them  waver.  In 
this  terrible  onslaught  the  accomplished  Adjutant,  Lieutenant  W.  S. 
Pope,  of  the  Seventh  Tennessee,  was  killed,  and  a  third  of  his  regiment 
was  killed  and  wounded.  Soon  another  charge  was  sounded.  Lieutenant 
Tully  Brown  was  ordered,  with  his  section  of  three-inch  rifles,  close  on 
the  front  at  the  Porter  house,  from  which  position  he  hurled  a  thousand 
pounds  of  cold  iron  into  their  stubborn  lines.  A  section  of  twelve- 
pounder  howitzers,  under  Lieutenant  B.  F.  Haller,  pressed  still  further  to 
the  front  and  within  a  stone's  throw  almost  of  the  enemy's  line.  May- 
son's  section  of  three-inch  rifles  were  quickly  placed  in  line  with  Haller's. 
Just  then,  General  Buford,  riding  up  and  seeing  no  support  to  the  artil- 
lery, called  General  Forrest's  attention  to  the  fact,  when  Forrest  re- 
marked :  '  Support,  h— 1 ;  let  it  support  itseli ;  all  the  d n  Yankees  in 

the  country  can't  take  it." ' 

The  lines  were  now  closing  upon  each  other,  and  the 
confederates  began  to  feel  the  effect  of  the  Union  fire.  The 
dash  of  the  Phalanx,  charging  the  enemy's  flank,  gave  re- 
newed courage  to  the  troops,  now  pouring  deadly  volleys 
into  the  confederate's  faces,  and  their  guns  had  gained  a 
position,  from  which  they  began  to  sweep  the  enemy's 
lines. 

Says  the  same  account : 

"Now  rose  the  regular  incessant  volleys  of  musketry  and  artillery. 
The  lines  in  many  places  were  not  over  thirty  paces  apart  and  pistols 
were  freely  used.  The  smoke  of  battle  almost  hid  the  combatants. 
The  underbrush  and  dense  black-jack  thickets  impeded  the  advance  of 
the  dismounted  cavalry  as  the  awful  musketry  fire  blazed  and  gushed  in 
the  face  of  these  gallant  men.  Every  tree  and  brush  was  barked  or  cut 
to  the  ground  by  this  hail  of  deadly  missiles.  It  was  here  the  accom- 
plished and  gallant  William  H.  Porter,  brother  of  Major  Thomas  K.  and 
Governor  James  D.  Porter,  fell  mortally  wounded.  This  promising 
young  officer  had  not  attained  his  manhood.  He  was  a  cadet  in  the 
regular  Confederate  States  army  and  had  been  ordered  to  report  to  Gen- 
eral Bell,  who  assigned  him  to  duty  as  A.  D.  'C.  Captain  J.  L.  Bell,  Gen- 
eral Bell's  Assistant  Inspector-General,  had  just  been  killed  from  his 
horse,  and  almost  at  the  same  moment  young  Porter  lost  his  own  horse 
and  just  mounted  Captain  Bell's  when  he  received  the  fatal  shot.  Lieu- 
tenant Isaac  Bell,  aide-de-camp  of  Bell's  staff,  was  severely  wounded. 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  loss  in  officers  right  here  was  very  heavy;  sixteen  were  killed  and 
sixty-one  wounded.  Captain  Ab  Hust,  a  mere  boy,  who  commanded 
Bell's  escort,  rendered  most  efficient  service  at  this  critical  juncture,  and 
Major  Tom  Allison,  the  lighting  Quartermaster  of  Bell's  Brigade,  was 
constantly  by  the  side  of  his  fearless  commander,  and  in  this  terrible 
loss  in  staff  officers  his  presence  was  most  opportune. 

"  Like  a  prairie  on  fire  the  battle  raged  and  the  volleying  thunder  can 
be  likened  in  my  mind  to  nothing  else  than  the  fire  of  Cleburne's  Divi- 
sion at  Chickamauga,  on  that  terrible  Saturday  at  dusk.  At  length  the 
enemy's  lines  wavered,  Ilaller  and  Mayson  pressed  their  guns  by  hand 
to  within  a  short  distance  of  Brice's  house,  firing  as  they  advanced. 
Bell,  Lyon  and  Rucker  now  closed  in  on  the  cross  roads  and  the  Federals 
gave  way  in  disorder,  abandoning  three  guns  near  Brice's  house.  General 
Sturgis,  in  his  official  report  of  the  fight,  says :  *  We  had  four  pieces  of 
artillery  at  the  cross  roads.  *  *  *  Finding  our  troops  were  being 
hotly  pressed,  I  ordered  one  section  to  open  on  the  enemy's  reserves. 
The  enemy's  artillery  soon  replied,  and  with  great  accuracy,  every  shell 
bursting  over  and  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  our  guns.'  A  shell  from 
one  of  the  Confederate  guns  struck  the  table  in  Brice's  porch,  was  used 
by  General  Sturgis,  stunning  that  officer." 

The  terrible  struggle  which  now  ensued  was  not  sur- 
passed, according  to  an  eye-witness,  by  the  fighting  of  any 
troops.  The  Phalanx  were  determined,  if  courage  could 
do  it,  to  whip  the  men  who  had  so  dastardly  massacred 
the  garrison  of  Fort  Pillow.  This  fact  was  known  to  For- 
rest, Buford  and  their  troops,  who  fought  like  men  real- 
izing that  anything  short  of  victory  was  death,  and  well 
may  they  have  thus  thought,  for  every  charge  the  Phalanx 
made  meant  annihilation.  They,  too,  accepted  the  por- 
tentous fiat,  victory  or  death. 

Though  more  than  twenty  years  have  passed  since 
this  bloody  fight,  yet  the  chief  of  the  confederate  artillery 
portrays  the  situation  in  these  words : 

"Is  was  soon  evident  that  another  strongline  had  formed  behind  the 
fence  by  the  skirt  of  woods  just  westward  of  Phillips'  branch.  General 
Forrest  riding  up,  dismounted  and  approached  our  guns,  which  were 
now  plying  shell  and  solid  shot.  With  his  field  glasses  he  took  in  the 
situation.  The  enemy's  shot  were  coming  thick  and  fast;  leaden  balls 
were  seen  to  flatten  as  they  would  strike  the  axles  and  tires  of  our  gun 
carriages;  trees  were  barked  and  the  air  was  ladened  with  the  familiar 
but  unpleasant  sound  ol  these  death  messengers. 

Realizing  General  Forrest's  exposure,  we  involuntarily  ventured  the 
suggestion  that,  'You  had  better  get  lower  down  the  hill,  General.'  In- 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  359 

stantly  we  apologized,  as  we  expected  the  General  to  intimate  that  it 
was  none  of  our  business  where  he  went.  He,  however,  stepped  down  the 
hill  out  of  danger  and  seating  himself  behind  a  tree,  seemed  for  a  few 
moments  in  deep  study,  but  soon  the  head  of  our  cavalry  column  arriv- 
ing, he  turned  to  me  and  said :  '  Captain,  as  soon  as  you  hear  me  open 
on  the  right  and  flank  of  the  enemy  over  yonder,'  pointing  to  the  en- 
emy's position,  *  charge  with  your  artillery  down  that  lane  and  cross  the 
branch.'  The  genial  and  gallant  Captain  Rice  coming  up  at  this  time 
and  hearing  the  order,  turned  to  me  and  said :  '  By  G— d  I  whoever  heard 
of  artillery  charging?'  Captain  Brice's  Battery  had  been  stationed  at 
Columbus,  Miss.,  and  other  points  on  local  duty,  and  only  a  few  months 
previous  had  been  ordered  and  assigned  to  our  command.  He  accepted 
his  initiation  into  the  ways  and  methods  of  horse  artillery  with  much 
spirit  and  good  grace. 

"Meanwhile,  watching  Forrest  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry  moving 
through  the  woods  and  across  the  field  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy's 
right,  I  directed  Lieutenants  Tully,  Brown  and  H.  H.  Briggs,  whose  sec- 
tions had  been  held  in  the  road  below  the  Hadden  house  for  an  emer- 
gency, to  be  ready  to  move  into  action  at  a  moments  notice.  The 
enemy,  observing  our  cavalry  passing  to  their  right,  began  to  break  and 
retire  through  the  woods.  Forrest,  seeing  this,  dashed  upon  them  in 
column  of  fours.  At  the  same  moment  Lieutenant  Brown  pressed  his 
section  down  the  road,  even  in  advance  of  the  skirmish  line,  and  opened 
a  terrific  fire  upon  the  enemy,  now  breaking  up  and  in  full  retreat.  Lieu- 
tenant Briggs  also  took  an  advanced  position  and  got  in  a  few  well-di- 
rected shots.  Brown's  section  and  a  section  of  Rice's  Battery  were 
pushed  forward  across  Phillips'  branch  and  up  the  hill  under  a  sharp  fire, 
the  former  taking  position  on  the  right  of  the  road  and  the  latter  in  the 
road  just  where  the  road  turns  before  reaching  Dr.  Agnew's  house. 

"Our  skirmishers  had  driven  the  enemy's  skirmishers  upon  their 
main  line,  when  we  were  about  to  make  another  artillery  charge,  but  dis- 
tinctly hearing  the  Federal  officers  giving  orders  to  their  men  to  stand 
steady  and  yell,  'Remember  Fort  Pillow.'  'Charge!  charge!  charge!' 
ran  along  their  lines,  and  on  they  came.  Our  right  was  pressed  back  on 
the 'negro  avengers  of  Fort  Pillow.'  They  moved  steadily  upon  our 
guns  and  for  a  moment  their  loss  seemed  imminent.  Our  cannoneers, 
standing  firm  and  taking  in  the  situation,  drove  double-shotted  cannister 
into  this  advancing  line.  The  cavalry  rallying  on  our  guns  sent  death 
volleys  into  their  ranks,  which  staggered  the  enemy  and  drove  them 
back,  but  only  to  give  place  to  a  new  line  that  now  moved  down  upon  us 
with  wild  shouts  and  got  almost  within  hand-shaking  distance  of  our 
guns. 

"Lyon  coming  up  opportunely  at  this  moment  formed  his  brigade 
on  our  right,  and  springing  forward  with  loud  cheers,  hurled  them  back 
with  so  stormful  an  onset  that  their  entire  line  gave  way  in  utter  rout 
and  confusion.  Lieutenant  Brown's  horse  was  shot  under  him.  The 
gallant  young  soldier,  Henry  King,  of  Rice's  Battery,  fell  with  his  ram 


360  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

mer  staff  in  hand,  mortally  wounded.  His  grave  now  marks  the  spot 
where  he  fell.  Several  members  of  the  artillery  were  wounded  and  a  great 
many  battery  horses  were  killed.  The  reason  for  this  desperate  stand 
was  soon  discovered.  The  road  was  filled  with  their  wagons,  ambu- 
lances and  many  caissons,  the  dying  and  wounded.  Cast-away  arms, 
accoutrements,  baggage,  dead  animals  and  other  evidences  of  a  routed 
army  were  conspicuous  on  every  side.  The  sun  had  set,  but  the  weary 
and  over-spent  Confederates  maintained  the  pursuit  for  some  five  or  six 
miles  beyond  and  until  it  became  quite  too  dark  to  go  further.  A  tempor- 
ary halt  was  ordered,  when  a  section  from  each  battery  was  directed  to  be 
equipped  with  ammunition  and  the  best  horses  from  their  respective  bat- 
teries and  be  ready  to  continue  the  pursuit  at  daylight." 

The  rout  was  all  the  enemy  could  desire,  the  Federals 
fought  with  a  valor  creditable  to  any  troops,  but  were 
badly  worsted,  through  the  incompetency  of  Sturgis. 
They  were  driven  back  to  Ripley,  in  a  most  disastrously 
confused  state,  leaving  behind  their  trains,  artillery,  dead 
and  wounded.  But  for  the  gallantry  of  the  Phalanx,  the 
enemy  would  have  captured  the  entire  force. 

The  same  writer  describes  the  rout : 

"Johnson,  pressing  his  brigade  forward  upon  the  enemy's  position 
at  Brice's  Quarter,  with  Lyon  supporting  the  artillery  in  the  road  below 
Brice's  house,  the  position  was  soon  captured  with  many  prisoners  and 
three  pieces  of  artillery.  Hallers  and  Mayson's  sections  were  moved  up 
at  a  gallop  and  established  on  the  hill  at  Brice's  Quarter  and  opened  a 
destructive  fire  with  double-shotted  cannister  upon  the  enemy's  fleeing 
columns  and  wagon  trains.  The  bridge  over  Tishamingo  creek,  still 
standing,  was  blocked  up  with  wagons,  some  of  whose  teams  had  been 
killed.  Finding  the  bridge  thus  obstructed  the  enemy  rushed  wildly  into 
the  creek,  and  as  they  emerged  from  the  water  on  the  opposite  bank  in 
an  open  field,  our  artillery  played  upon  them  for  half  a  mile,  killing  and 
disabling  large  numbers.  Forrests  escort,  under  the  dashing  Lieutenant 
Cowan,  having  become  detached  in  the  meantime,  had  pressed  around  to 
the  west  side  of  the  creek  and  south  of  the  Ripley  road,  and  here  made 
one  of  its  characteristic  charges  across  an  open  field  near  the  gin  house, 
upon  the  enemy's  wagon  train,  capturing  several  wagons. 

"Meanwhile  Barteau  was  not  idle.  He  had  moved  his  regiment,  as 
we  have  stated,  across  to  get  in  the  enemy's  rear,  and  in  his  own  lan- 
guage says:  'I  took  my  regiment  across  the  country  westward,  to 
reach  the  Ripley  road,  on  which  the  enemy  was  moving,  and  being  de- 
layed somewhat  in  passing  through  a  swampy  bottom,  I  did  not  reach 
that  road,  at  Lyon's  gin,  three  miles  from  Brice's  Cross  Roads,  until 
probably  1  o'clock.  I  then  learned  that  the  last  of  the  Federal  regiments, 
with  all  their  train,  had  passed  b.y  rapid  march,  and  as  there  was  now  a 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  361 

lull  in  the  engagement  (for  I  had  been  hearing  sharp  firing  in  front),  I 
greatly  feared  that  Forrest  was  defeated  and  that  the  Federals  were 
pushing  him  back,  so  I  moved  rapidly  down  the  road  till  I  reached  the 
open  field  near  the  bridge.' 

"This  could  not  have  been  the  Ripley  Guntown  road,  as  that  road 
was  filled  with  Federal  troops,  wagons  and  artillery  from  Dr.  Agnew's 
house  to  the  cross  roads,  a  distance  of  two  miles.  '  Having  placed  some 
sharpshooters,  whose  sole  attention  was  to  be  directed  to  the  bridge,'  he 
continues,  '  I  extended  my  line  nearly  half  a  mile,  and  began  an  attack 
by  scattering  shots  at  the  same  time.  Sounding  my  bugle  from  various 
points  along  the  line,  almost  immediately  a  reconnoitering  force  of  the 
enemy  appeared  at  the  bridge,  and  being  fired  upon  returned.  This  was 
followed,  perhaps,  by  a  regiment,  and  then  a  whole  brigade  came  down 
to  the  creek.  My,  men,  taking  good  aim,  fired  upon  them  coolly  and 
steady.  Soon  I  saw  wagons,  artillery,  etc.,  pushing  for  the  bridge. 
These  were  shot  at  by  my  sharpshooters.  I  now  began  to  contract  my 
line  and  collect  my  regiment,  for  the  Federals  came  pouring  in  immense 
numbers  across  the  creek.  Your  artillery  was  doing  good  work.  Even 
the  bullets  from  the  small  arms  of  the  Confederates  reached  my  men.  I 
operated  upon  the  flank  of  the  enemy  until  after  dark.' 

"The  wagons  blockading  the  bridge  were  soon  removed  by  being 
thrown  into  the  stream  and  a  section  from  each  battery  was  worked 
across  by  hand,  supported  by  the  escort,  and  brought  to  bear  upon  a 
negro  brigade  with  fearful  loss ;  the  other  two  sections  were  quickly  to 
the  front,  ahead  of  any  support  for  the  moment,  and  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  ridge  back  of  Holland's  house  across  Dry  creek.  The  cavalry 
in  the  meantime  had  halted,  reorganized  and  soon  joined  in  the  pursuit. 
The  road  was  narrow,  with  dense  woods  on  each  side,  so  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  use  more  than  four  pieces  at  a  time,  but  that  number  were 
kept  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  retreating  enemy  and  a  murderous  fire 
prevented  them  from  forming  to  make  a  stand. 

"The  ridge  extending  southward  from  the  Hadden  house  offered  a 
strong  natural  position  for  defensive  operations.  Upon  this  ridge  the 
Federals  had  established  a  line  of  battle,  but  a  few  well  directed  shots 
from  the  artillery  stationed  near  the  Holland  house  and  a  charge  by  our 
cavalry  across  Dry  creek  readily  put  them  to  flight.  A  section  of  each 
battery  was  ordered  at  a  gallop  to  this  ridge,  which  was  reached  in  time 
to  open  with  a  few  rounds  of  double-shotted  cannister  upon  their  demor- 
alized ranks  as  they  hastily  retreated  through  the  open  fields  on  either 
side  of  Phillips  branch.  Our  cannoneers  were  greatly  blown  and  well 
nigh  exhausted  from  excessive  heat  and  continuous  labor  at  their  guns 
for  full  five  hours.  We  noticed  a  number  drink  with  apparant  relish  the 
black  powder  water  from  the  sponge  buckets." 

The  enemy  followed  the  fleeing  column,  capturing  and 
wounding  many  at  the  town  of  Ripley.    Next  morning  the 
Federals  made  a   stand.     Again  the  Phalanx  bore  the 
18 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

brunt  of  the  battle,  and  when  finally  the  troops  stam- 
peded,   held   the   confederates   in  check  until  the   white 
troops  were  beyond  capture.    But  this  was  all  they  could 
do,  and  this  was  indeed  an  heroic  act. 
The  confederate  says : 

"Long  before  daylight  found  us  moving  rapidly  to  overtake  the  fly- 
ing foe.  We  had  changed  positions.  The  cavalry  now  being  in  advance, 
overtook  the  enemy  at  Stubb's  farm;  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  when 
they  broke,  leaving  the  remainder  of  their  wagon  train.  Fourteen 
pieces  of  artillery  and  some  twenty -five  ambulances,  with  a  number  of 
wounded,  were  left  in  Little  Hatchie  bottom,  further  on.  The  discom- 
fited Federals  were  badly  scattered  throughout  the  country.  Forrest, 
therefore,  threw  out  his  regiment  on  either  side  of  the  roads  to  sweep  the 
vicinity.  A  number  were  killed  and  many  prisoners  captured  before 
reaching  Ripley,  twenty-five  miles  from  Brice's  Cross  Roads.  At  this 
point  two  strong  lines  were  formed  across  the  road.  After  a  spirited 
onset  the  Federals  broke,  leaving  one  piece  of  artillery,  two  caissons, 
two  ambulances.  Twenty-one  killed  and  seventy  wounded  were  also  left 
on  the  field.  Colonel  G.  M.  McCraig,  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Twentieth 
Illinois  Infantry,  was  among  the  killed;  also  Captain  W.  J. Tate,  Seventh 
Tennessee  Cavalry.  This  was  accomplished  just  as  the  artillery  reached 
the  front. 

"Lieutenant  Frank  Rodgers,  of  Rucker's  staff,  the  night  previous, 
with  a  small,  select  detachment  of  men,  assisted  by  Captain  Gooch.  with 
the  remnant  of  his  company,  hung  constantly  upon  the  Federal  rear, 
with  a  daring  never  surpassed.  Their  seiries  of  attacks  greatly  harrassed 
and  annoyed  the  enemy,  numbers  of  whom  were  killed  and  wounded. 
The  artillery  followed  to  Salem,  twenty-five  miles  distant  from  Ripley." 

The  Phalanx  regiments  would  not  consent  to  be 
whipped,  even  with  the  black  flag  flying  in  their  front,  and 
deserted  by  their  white  comrades.  A  correspondent  of  the 
Cleveland  Leader,  in  giving  an  account  of  this  "miserable 
affair,"  writes: 

"About  sunrise,  June  11,  the  enemy  advanced  on  the  town  of  Ripley, 
and  threatened  our  right,  intending  to  cut  us  off  from  the  Salem  Road. 
Again  the  colored  troops  were  the  only  ones  that  could  be  brought  into 
line ;  the  Fifty-ninth  being  on  the  right,  and  the  Fifty-fifth  on  the  left, 
holding  the  streets.  At  this  time,  the  men  had  not  more  than  ten 
rounds  of  ammunition,  and  the  enemy  were  crowding  closer  and  still 
closer,  when  the  Fifty-ninth  were  ordered  to  charge  on  them,  which  they 
did  in  good  style,  while  singing, 

" '  We'll  rally  round  the  flag,  boys. ' 

"This  charge  drove  the  enemy  back,  so  that  both  regiments  retreated 
to  a  pine  grove  about  two  hundred  yards  distant. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  363 

"  By  this  time,  all  the  white  troops,  except  one  squadron  of  cavalry, 
that  formed  in  the  rear,  were  on  the  road  to  Salem  •  and,  when  this  brig- 
ade came  up,  they,  too,  wheeled  and  left,  and  in  less  than  ten  minutes 
this  now  little  band  of  colored  troops  found  themselves  flanked.  They 
then  divided  themselves  into  three  squads,  and  charged  the  enemy's  lines; 
one  squad  taking  the  old  Corinth  Road,  then  a  by-road,  to  the  left. 
After  a  few  miles,  they  came  to  a  road  leading  to  Grand  Junction.  After 
some  skirmishing,  they  arrived,  with  the  loss  of  one  killed  and  one 
wounded. 

"Another  and  the  largest  squad  covered  the  retreat  of  the  white 
troops,  completely  defending  them  by  picking  up  the  ammunition  thrown 
away  by  them,  and  with  it  repelling  the  numerous  assaults  made  by  the 
rebel  cavalry,  until  they  reached  Collierville,  a  distance  of  sixty  miles. 
When  the  command  reached  Dan's  Mills,  the  enemy  attempted  to  cut  it 
oif  by  a  charge ;  but  the  colored  boys  in  the  rear  formed,  and  repelled 
the  attack,  allowing  the  whole  command  to  pass  safely  on,  when  they 
tore  up  the  bridge.  Passing  on  to  an  open  country,  the  officers  halted, 
and  re-organized  the  brigade  into  an  effective  force.  They  then  moved 
forward  until  about  four,  p.  M.  ;  when  some  Indian  flank  skirmishers  dis- 
covered the  enemy,  who  came  up  to  the  left,  and  in  the  rear,  and  halted. 
Soon  a  portion  advanced,  when  a  company  faced  about  and  fired,  empty- 
ing three  saddles.  From  this  time  until  dark,  the  skirmishing  was 
constant. 

"  A  corporal  in  Company  C,  Fifty-ninth,  was  ordered  to  surrender. 
He  let  his  would-be  captor  come  close  to  him ;  when  he  struck  him  with 
the  butt  of  his  gun. 

"While  the  regiment  was  fighting  in  a  ditch,  and  the  order  came  to 
retreat,  the  color-bearer  threw  out  the  flag,  designing  to  jump  out  and 
get  it;  but  the  rebels  rushed  for  it,  and  in  the  struggle  one  of  the  boys 
knocked  down  with  his  gun  the  reb  who  had  the  flag,  caught  it,  and  ran. 

"  A  rebel,  with  an  oath,  ordered  one  of  our  men  to  surrender.  He, 
thinking  the  reb's  gun  was  loaded,  dropped  his  gun ;  but,  on  seeing  the 
reb  commence  leading,  our  colored  soldier  jumped  for  his  gun,  and  with 
it  struck  his  captor  dead. 

"  Capt.  H.,  being  surrounded  by  about  a  dozen  rebels,  was  seen  by 
one  of  his  men,  who  called  several  of  his  companions;  they  rushed  for- 
ward and  fired,  killing  several  of  the  enemy,  and  rescued  their  captain. 

"A  rebel  came  up  to  one,  and  said,  'Come  my  good  fellow,  go  with 
me  and  wait  on  me.'  In  an  instant,  the  boy  shot  his  would-be  master 
dead.  , 

"  Once  when  the  men  charged  on  the  enemy,  they  rushed  forth  with 
the  cry,  'Remember  Fort  Pillow.'  The  rebs  called  back,  and  said,  'Lee's 
men  killed  no  prisoners.' 

"One  man  in  a  charge  threw  his  antagonist  to  the  ground,  and 
pinned  him  fast ;  and,  as  he  attempted  to  withdraw  his  bayonet,  it  came 
off  his  gun,  and,  as  he  was  very  busy  just  then,  he  left  him  transfixed  to 
mother  earth. 


364  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  One  man  killed  a  rebel  by  striking  him  with  the  butt  of  his  gun, 
which  he  broke;  but,  being  unwilling  to  stop  his  work,  he  loaded  and 
fired  three  times  before  he  could  get  a  better  gun;  the  first  time  not  being 
cautious,  the  rebound  of  his  gun  badly  cut  his  lip. 

''When  the  troops  were  in  the  ditch,  three  rebels  came  to  one  man, 
and  ordered  him  to  surrendei.  His  gun  being  loaded,  he  shot  one  and 
bayoneted  another;  and,  forgetting  he  could  bayonet  the  third,  he  turned 
the  butt  of  his  gun,  and  knocked  him  down.'' 

General  Sturgis  was  severely  criticised  by  the  press  im- 
mediately after  the  affair.  Historians  since  the  war  have 
followed  up  these  criticisms.  He  has  been  accused  of  in- 
competency ,  rashness  and  drunkenness,  none  of  which  it  is 
the  purpose  of  this  volume  to  endorse.  Possibly  his  re- 
ports furnish  a  sufficient  explanation  for  the  disaster, 
which  it  is  hoped  they  do,  inasmuch  as  he  is  not  charged 
with  either  treason  or  cowardice. 

[General  Sturgis'  Report,  No.  I.] 

"HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  FORCES, 

COLLIERSVILLE,  TENN.,  June  12, 1864. 

"  GENERAL  : — I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  we  met  the  enemy  in 
position  and  in  heavy  force  about  10  A.  M.  on  the  10th  instant  at  Brice's 
Cross-Roads  on  the  Ripley  and  Fulton  road  and  about  six  miles  north- 
west of  Guntown,  Miss.  A  severe  battle  ensued  which  lasted  until  about 
4  P.  M.,  when  I  regret  to  say  my  lines  were  compelled  to  give  way  before 
the  overwhelming  numbers  by  which  they  were  assailed  at  every  point. 
To  fall  back  at  this  point  was  more  than  ordinarily  difficult  as  there  was 
a  narrow  valley  in  our  rear  through  which  ran  a  small  creek  crossed  by 
a  single  narrow  bridge.  The  road  was  almost  impassable  by  reason  of 
the  heavy  rains  which  had  fallen  for  the  previous  ten  days  and  the  con- 
sequence was  that  the  road  soon  became  jammed  by  the  artillery  and 
•ordnance  wagons.  This  gradually  led  to  confusion  and  disorder. 

"In  a  few  minutes,  however,  I  succeeded  in  establishing  two  colored 
regiments  in  line  of  battle  in  a  wood  on  this  side  of  the  little  valley. 
These  troops  stood  their  ground  well  and  checked  the  enemy  for  a  time. 
The  check,  however,  was  only  temporary  and  this  line  in  turn  gave  way. 
My  troops  were  seized  with  a  panic  and  became  absolutely  uncontrolla- 
ble. One  and  a  half  miles  in  rear  by  dint  of  great  exertion  and  with  pis- 
tol in  hand,  I  again  succeeded  in  checking  up  the  flying  column  and  plac- 
ing it  in  line  of  battle. 

"This  line  checked  the  enemy  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  only,  when  it 
again  gave  way  and  my  whole  army  became  literally  an  uncontrollable 
mob.  Nothing  now  remained  to  do  but  allow  the  retreat  to  continue  and 
endeavor  to  force  it  gradually  into  some  kind  of  shape.  The  night  was 
exceedingly  dark,  the  roads  almost  impassable  and  the  hope  of  saving 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  365 

my  artillery  and  wagons  altogether  futile,  so  I  ordered  the  artillery  and 
wagons  to  be  destroyed.  The  latter  were  burned  and  the  former  dis- 
mantled and  spiked,  that  is  all  but  six  pieces  which  we  succeeded  in  bring- 
ing off  in  safety.  By  7  A.  M.  next  morning  we  reached  Ripley  (nineteen 
miles).  Here  we  re-organized  and  got  into  very  respectable  shape.  The 
retreat  was  continued,  pressed  rapidly  by  the  enemy.  Our  ammunition 
soon  gave  out ,  this  the  enemy  soon  discovered  and  pressed  the  harder. 
Our  only  hope  now  lay  in  continuing  the  retreat  .which  we  did  to  this 
place,  where  we  arrived  about  7  o'clock  this  morning. 

"My  losses  in  material  of  war  was  severe,  being  16  guns  and  some 
130  wagons.  The  horses  of  the  artillery  and  mules  of  the  train  we 
brought  away.  As  my  troops  became  very  greatly  scattered  and  are 
constantly  coming  in  in  small  parties,  I  am  unable  to  estimate  my  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded.  I  fear,  however,  it  will  prove  severe,  probably 
ten  or  twelve  hundred.  While  the  battle  lasted  it  was  well  contested  and 
I  think  the  enemy's  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  will  not  fall  short  of  our 
own. 

"This,  general,  is  a  painful  record,  and  yet  it  was  the  result  of  a  se- 
ries of  unfortunate  circumstances  over  which  human  ingenuity  could 
have  no  control. 

The  unprecedented  rains  so  delayed  our  march  across  a  desert  coun- 
try that  the  enemy  had  ample  time  to  accumulate  an  overwhelming 
force  in  our  front)  and  kept  us  so  long  in  an  exhausted  region  as  to  so 
starve  and  weaken  our  animals  that  they  were  unable  to  extricate  the 
wagons  and  artillery  from  the  mud. 

"So  far  as  I  know  every  one  did  his  duty  well,  and  while  they  fought 
no  troops  ever  fought  better.  The  colored  troops  deserve  great  credit 
for  the  manner  in  which  they  stood  to  their  work. 

"This  is  a  hasty  and  rather  incoherent  outline  of  our  operations, 
but  I  will  forward  a  more  minute  account  as  soon  as  the  official  reports 
can  be  received  from  division  commanders. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"S.  D.  STURGIS, 

"To  Maj.-Gen.  C.  C.  WASHBURN,  "Brig.~Gen.  Commanding. 

Commanding  District  W.  Term." 

An  extract  from  a  letter  from  Colonel  Arthur  T.  Reeve, 
who  commanded  the  55th  Colored  Infantry  in  this  fight, 
reads : 

"Our  (the  Federal)  command  having  been  moved  up  on  double- 
quick— a  distance  of  about  five  miles-  -immediately  before  their  arrival 
on  the  field  and  the  consequent  fact  that  this  arm  of  our  force  went  into 
the  engagement  very  seriously  blown,  in  fact,  very  nearly  exhausted  by 
heat  and  fatigue,  with  their  ranks  very  much  drawn  out,  were  whipped 
in  detail  and  overwhelmed  by  the  very  brilliant  and  vigorous  assaults  of 
your  forces.  When  the  engagement  first  began  I  was  at  the  rear  of  the 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Federal  column,  in  command  of  the  train  guard,  and  hence  passed  over 
the  ground  on  the  way  to  the  battle-field  after  the  balance  of  the  army 
had  passed,  and  am  able  to  speak  advisedly  of  the  extreme  exhaustion 
of  the  infantry,  as  I  passed  large  numbers  entirely  prostrated  by  heat 
and  fatigue,  who  did  not  reach  the  field  of  battle  and  must  have  fallen 
into  your  hands  after  the  engagement." 

[General  Sturgis*  Report,  No.  2.} 

"MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  June  24, 1864. 

"  Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the  opera- 
tions of  the  expedition  which  marched  from  near  La  Fayette,  Tenn., 
under  my  command  on  the  2nd  instant.  This  expedition  was  organized 
and  fitted  out  under  the  supervision  of  the  major  general  commanding 
the  District  of  West  Tennessee  and  I  assumed  command  of  it  on  the 
morning  of  the  2nd  of  June,  near  the  town  of  La  Fayette,  Tenn.,  in  pur- 
suance of  Special  Orders,  No.  38,  dated  Headquarters,  District  of  West 
Tennessee,  Memphis,  May  31,  1864,  and  which  were  received  by  me  on 
the  1st  inst.  The  strength  of  the  command  in  round  numbers  was  about 
8,000  men,'  (which  included  the  following  Phalanx  regiments:  59th 
Kegt.,  61st  Regt.,  68th  Regt.,  Battery  1, 2nd  Artillery,  (Light,)  2  pieces.) 

"  My  supply  train,  carrying  rations  for  18  days,  consisted  of  1.81 
wagons,  which  with  the  regimental  wagons  made  up  a  train  of  some  250 
•wagons.  My  instructions  were  substantially  as  follows,  viz:  To  pro- 
ceed to  Corinth,  Mississippi  by  way  of  Salem  and  Ruckersville,  capture 
any  force  that  might  be  there,  then  proceed  south,  destroying  the  Mobile 
and  Ohio  Railroad  to  Tupelo  and  Okolona  and  as  far  as  possible 
towards  Macon  and  Columbus  with  a  portion  of  my  force,  thence  to 
Grenada  and  back  to  Memphis.  A  discretion  was  allowed  me  as  to  the 
details  of  the  movement  where  circumstances  might  arise  which  could 
not  have  been  anticipated  in  my  instructions.  Owing  to  some  misunder- 
standing on  the  part  of  the  quartermaster,  as  to  the  point  on  the  Mem- 
phis and  Charleston  Railroad  at  which  some  forage  was  to  have  been 
deposited  from  the  cars,  there  was  some  little  delay  occasioned  in  getting 
the  column  in  motion. 

"The  following  incidents  of  the  march  are  taken  from  the  journal 
kept  from  day  to  day  by  one  of  my  staff,  Capt.  W.  C.  Rawolle,  A.  D.  C. 
and  A.  A.  A.  G. : 

"Wednesday,  June  1st.- Expedition  started  from  Memphis  and 
White's  Station  toward  LaFayette. 

4 'Thursday,  June  2nd.— The  general  and  staff  left  Memphis  on  the 
5  o'clock  A.  M.  train  and  established  headquarters  at  Leaks'  House,  near 
LaFayette,  and  assumed  command.  Cavalry  moved  to  the  intersection  of 
State  line  and  Early  Grove  roads,  six  miles  from  La  Fayette.  It  rained 
at  intervals  all  day  and  part  of  the  night. 

"'Friday,  June  3rd.— Ordered  the  cavalry  to  move  to  within  three 
four  miles  of  Salem.  Infantry  marched  to  Lamar,  18  miles  from  LaFay- 
ette. Owing  to  the  heavy  rains  during  the  day  and  the  bad  condition  ol 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  367 

the  roads  and  bridges,  the  train  could  only  move  to  within  four  miles  of 
Lainar,  and  did  not  get  into  park  until  11  o'clock  P.M.,  the  colored  brig- 
age  remaining  with  the  train  as  a  guard. 

"  'Saturday,  June  4th. — Informed  General  Grierson  that  the  infantry 
and  train  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances  could  only  make  a  few 
miles  beyond  Salem  and  to  regulate  his  march  accordingly.  Train 
arrived  at  Lamar  about  noon,  issued  rations  to  the  infantry  and  rested 
the  animals  It  rained  heavily  until  1  o'clock  p.  M.,  making  the  roads 
almost  impassable.  Moved  headquartersto  the  Widow  Spright's  house, 
two  miles  west  of  Salem,  and  Colonel  Hoge's  brigade  of  infantry  to  Rob- 
inson's house,  four  miles  from  Salem. 

" '  Sunday,  June  5th.— Infantry  and  train  started  at  half  past  four 
o'clock  A.  M.,  and  joined  the  cavalry,  two  miles  east  of  Salem.  At  10 
o'clock  A.  M.,  issued  rations  to  the  cavalry  and  fed  the  forage  collected 
by  them.  Infantry  remained  in  camp  during  the  day ;  cavalry  moved  to 
the  intersection  of  the  LaGrange  and  Ripley  and  the  Salem  and  Ruckers- 
ville roads.  Col.  Joseph  Karge,  2nd  New  Jersey,  with  400  men,  started 
at  6  P.  M.,  with  instructions  to  move  via  Ripley  to  Rienzi,  to  destroy  the 
railroad;  to  proceed  north,  destroy  bridge  over  Tuscumbia  and  to  join 
General  Grierson  at  Ruckersville.  Heavy  showers  during  the  afternoon. 
"'Monday,  Jnne  7th.— Infantry  and  train  moved  at  4  o'clock  A.  M., 
on  the  Ruckersville  road.  Commenced  raining  at  5  A.  M.,  and  continued 
at  intervals  all  day.  Progress  very  slow ,  marched  13  miles  and  made 
headquarters  at  Widow  Childers,  at  intersection  of  the  Saulsbury  and 
Ripley  and  the  Ruckersville  and  Salem  roads.  Cavalrjr  moved  to  Ruck- 
ersville. The  advance  guard  of  the  infantry  encountered  a  small  party 
of  rebels  about  noon  and  chased  them  towards  Ripley  on  La  Grange 
and  Ripley  roads. 

"' Tuesday,  June  7th. — Upon  information  received  from  General  Grier- 
son that  there  was  no  enemy  near  Corinth,  directed  him  to  move  toward 
Ellistown,  on  direct  road  from  Ripley,  and  instruct  Colonel  Karge  to  join 
him  by  way  of  Blackland  or  Carrollsville.  Infantry  moved  to  Ripley 
and  cavalry  encamped  on  New  Albany  road  two  miles  south.  Encoun- 
tered a  small  party  of  rebels  near  Widow  Childers  and  drove  them 
toward  Ripley.  In  Ripley,  met  an  advance  of  the  enemy  and  drove 
them  on  New  Albany  road.  Cavalry  encountered  about  a  regiment  of 
rebel  cavalry  on  that  road  and  drove  them  south.  Several  showers  dur- 
ing the  afternoon,  and  the  roads  very  bad. 

"Wednesday,  June  8th.— Received  information  at  4  o'clock  A.  M. 
that  Colonel  Karge  was  on  an  island  in  the  Hatchie  River  and  sent  him 
500  men  and  two  howitzers  as  re-inforcements.  Winslow's  brigade  of 
cavalry  moved  6  miles  on  the  Fulton  Road.  Infantry  and  train  moved 
five  miles  on  same  road.  Colonel  Waring's  brigade  remained  in  Ripley 
awaiting  return  of  Colonel  Karge,  who  joined  him  at  5  o'clock  P.  M.,  hav- 
ing swam  the  Hatchie  River.  Rained  hard  during  the  night. 

"'Thursday,  June  9th.— Sent  back  to  Memphis  400  sick  and  wounded 
men  and  41  wagons.  Cavalry  and  infantry  moved  to  Stubbs',  fourteen, 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

miles  from  Ripley ;  issued  five  days'  rations  (at  previous  camp.)    Rained 
two  hours  in  the  evening. 

"'Friday,  June  10th.— Encountered  the  enemy  at  Brice's  Cross- 
Roads,  23  miles  from  Ripley  and  six  miles  from  Guntown.' 

"At  Ripley  it  became  a  serious  question  in  my  mind  as  to  whether 
or  not  I  should  proceed  any  farther.  The  rain  still  fell  in  torrents ;  the 
artillery  and  wagons  were  literally  mired  down,  and  the  starved  and  ex- 
hausted animals  could  with  difficulty  drag  them  along.  Under  these 
circumstances,  I  called  together  my  division  commanders  and  placed 
before  them  my  views  of  our  condition.  At  this  interview,  one  brigade 
commander  and  two  members  of  iny  staff  were,  incidentally,  present 
also.  I  called  their  attention  to  the  great  delay  we  had  undergone  on 
account  of  the  continuous  rain  and  consequent  bad  condition  of  the 
roads ;  the  exhausted  condition  of  our  animals ;  the  great  probability 
that  the  enemy  would  avail  himself  of  the  time  thus  afforded  him  to 
concentrate  an  overwhelming  force  against  us  in  the  vicinity  of  Tupelo 
and  the  utter  hopelessness  of  saving  our  train  or  artillery  in  case  of  de- 
feat, on  account  of  the  narrowness  and  general  bad  condition  of  the  roads 
and  the  impossibility  of  procuring  supplies  of  forage  for  the  animals ; 
all  agreed  with  me  in  the  probable  consequences  of  defeat.  Some 
thought  our  only  safety  lay  in  retracing  our  steps  and  abandoning  the 
expedition.  It  was  urged,  however,  (and  with  some  propriety,  too,) 
that  inasmuch  as  I  had  abandoned  a  similar  expedition  only  a  few  weeks 
before  and  given  as  my  reasons  for  so  doing, the  "utter  and  entire  desti- 
tution of  the  country,"  and  that  in  the  face  of  this  we  were  again  sent 
through  the  same  country,  it  would  be  ruinous  on  all  sides  to  return 
again  without  first  meeting  the  enemy.  Moreover,  from  all  the  informa- 
tion General  Washburn  had  acquired,  there  could  be  no  considerable 
force  in  our  front  and  all  my  own  information  led  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion. To  be  sure  my  information  was  exceedingly  meagre  and  unsatis- 
factory and  had  I  returned  I  would  have  been  totally  unable  to  present 
any  facts  to  justify  my  cause,  or  to  show  why  the  expedition  might  not 
have  been  successfully  carried  forward.  All  I  could  have  presented 
would  have  been  my  conjectures  as  to  what  the  enemy  would  naturally 
do  under  the  circumstances  and  these  would  have  availed  but  little 
against  the  idea  that  the  enemy  was  scattered  and  had  no  considerable 
force  in  our  front. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  "and  with  a  sad  forboding  of  the  con- 
sequences, I  determined  to  move  forward ;  keeping  my  force  as  compact 
as  possible  and  ready  for  action  at  all  times ;  hoping  that  we  might  suc- 
ceed, and  feeling  that  if 'we  did  not,  yet  our  losses  might  at  most  be  in- 
significant in  comparison  with  the  great  benefits  which  might  accrue  to 
General  Sherman  by  the  depletion  of  Johnson's  army  to  so  large  an 
extent. 

"On  the  evening  of  the  8th,  one  day  beyond  Ripley  ,1  assembled  the  com 
manders  of  infantry  brigades  at  the  headquarters  of  Colonel  McMillen, 
and  cautioned  them  as  to  the  necessity  of  enforcing  rigid  discipline  in 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  369 

their  camps ;  keeping  their  troops  always  in  hand  and  ready  to  act  on  a 
moment's  notice.  That  it  was  impossible  to  gain  any  accurate  or  reli- 
able information  of  the  enemy,  and  that  it  behooved  us  to  move 
and  act  constantly  as  though  in  his  presence.  That  we  were  now  where 
we  might  encounter  him  at  any  moment,  and  that  we  must  under  no 
circumstances  allow  ourselves  to  be  surprised.  On  the  morning  of  the 
10th,  the  cavalry  marched  at  half-past  5  o'clock  and  the  infantry  at 
seven,  thus  allowing  the  infantry  to  follow  immediately  in  rear  of  the 
cavalry  as  it  would  take  the  cavalry  a  full  hour  and  a  half  to  clear 
their  camp  The  habitual  order  of  march  was  as.  follows,  viz :  Cavalry 
with  its  artillery  in  advance;  infantry  with  its  artillery;  next,  and  lastly, 
the  supply  train,  guarded  by  the  rear  brigade  with  one  of  its  regiments- 
at  the  head,  one  near  the  middle  and  one  with  a  section  of  artillery  in 
the  rear.  A  company  of  pioneers  preceded  the  infantry  for  the  purpose 
of  repairing  the  roads,  building  bridges,  &c.,  &c. 

"On  this  morning,  I  had  preceded  the  head  of  the  infantry  column 
and  arrived  at  a  point  some  five  miles  from  camp,  when  I  found  an  un- 
usually bad  place  in  the  road  and  one  that  would  require  considerable 
time  and  labor  to  render  practicable.  While  halted  here  to  await  the 
head  of  the  column,  I  received  a  message  from  General  Grierson  that  he 
had  encountered  a  portion  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  In  a  few  minutes 
more  I  received  another  message  from  him,  saying  the  enemy  numbered 
some  600  and  were  on  the  Baldwyn  road.  That  he  was  himself  at 
Brice's  Cross-Roads  and  that  his  position  was  a  good  one  and  he  would 
hold  it.  He  was  then  directed  to  leave  600  or  700  men  at  the  cross- 
roads, to  precede  the  infantry  on  its  arrival,  on  its  march  towards  Gun- 
town,  and  with  the  remainder  of  his  forces  to  drive  the  enemy  toward 
Baldwyn  and  there  rejoin  the  main  body  by  way  of  the  line  of  the  rail- 
road, as  I  did  not  intend  being  drawn  from  my  main  purpose.  Colonel 
McMillen  arrived  at  this  time  and  I  rode  forward  toward  the  cross-roads. 
Before  proceeding  far,  however,  I  sent  a  staff  officer  back  directing  Colo- 
nel McMillen  to  move  up  his  advance  brigade  as  rapidly  as  possible 
without  distressing  his  troops.  When  I  reached  the  cross-roads,  found 
nearly  all  the  cavalry  engaged  and  the  battle  growing  warm,  but  no- 
artillery  had  yet  opened  on  either  side.  We  had  four  pieces  of  artillery 
at  the  cross-roads,  but  they  had  not  been  placed  in  position,  owing  to 
the  dense  woods  on  all  sides  and  the  apparent  impossibility  of  using- 
them  to  advantage.  Finding,  however,  that  our  troops  were  being 
hotly  pressed,  I  ordered  one  section  to  open  on  the  enemy's  reserves. 
The  enemy's  artillery  soon  replied,  and  with  great  accuracy,  every  shell 
bursting  over  and  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  our  guns. 

"  Frequent  calls  were  now  made  for  re-enforcements,  but  until  the  in- 
fantry should  arrive,  I  had  none  to  give  Colonel  Winslow,  4th  Iowa 
Cavalry,  commanding  a  brigade  and  occupying  a  position  on  the  Gun- 
town  road  a  little  in  advance  of  the  cross-roads,  was  especially  clamor- 
ous to  be  relieved  and  permitted  to  carry  his  brigade  to  the  rear.  Fear- 
ing that  Colonel  Winslow  might  abandon  his  position  without  authority, 


370  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

and  knowing  the  importance  of  the  cross-roads  to  us,  I  directed  him  in 
case  he  should  be  overpowered/  to  fall  back  slowly  toward  the  cross- 
roads, thus  contracting  his  line  and  strengthening  his  position.  I  was 
especially  anxious  on  this  point  because  through  some  misunderstand- 
ing, that  I  am  yet  unable  to  explain,  the  cavalry  had  been  withdrawn 
without  my  knowledge  from  the  left,  and  I  was  compelled  to  occupy  the 
line,  temporarily,  with  my  escort,  consisting  of  about  100  of  the  19th 
Peun.  Cavalry.  This  handful  of  troops  under  the  gallant  Lieut-Colonel 
Hess,  behaved  very  handsomely  and  held  the  line  until  the  arrival  of  the 
infantry.  About  half-past  1  p.  m.  the  infantry  began  to  arrive.  Col. 
Hodge's  brigade  was  the  first  to  reach  the  field  and  was  placed  in  posi- 
tion by  Colonel  McMilleu,  when  the  enemy  was  driven  a  little.  General 
Grierson  now  requested  authority  to  withdraw  the  entire  cavalry  as  it 
was  exhausted  and  well  nigh  out  of  ammunition.  This  I  authorized  as 
soon  as  sufficient  infantry  was  in  position  to  permit  it  and  he  was 
directed  to  reorganize  his  command  in  the  rear  and  hold  it  ready  to 
operate  on  the  flanks.  In  the  mean  time  I  had  ordered  a  section  of 
artillery  to  be  placed  in  position  on  a  knoll  near  the  little  bridge,  some 
three  or  four  hundred  yards  in  the  rear,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing 
any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  turn  our  left.  I  now  went  to  this  point 
to  see  that  my  orders  had  been  executed  and  also  to  give  directions  for 
the  management  and  protection  of  the  wagon-train.  I  found  the  sec- 
tion properly  posted  and  supported  by  the  72nd  Ohio  Infantry,  with  two 
companies  thrown  forward  as  skirmishers,  and  the  whole  under  the 
superintendence  of  that  excellent  officer,  Colonel  Wilkins,  of  the  9th 
Minn.  While  here,  the  head  of  the  wagon  train,  which  had  been  reported 
still  a  mile  and  a  half  in  rear,  arrived.  It  was  immediately  ordered  into 
an  open  field  near  where  the  cavalry  were  reorganizing,  there  to  be 
turned  round  and  carried  farther  toward  the  rear.  The  pressure  on  the 
right  of  the  line  was  now  becoming  very  great  and  General  Grierson 
was  directed  to  send  a  portion  of  his  cavalry  to  that  point.  At  this 
time  I  received  a  message  from  Colonel  Hodge  that  he  was  satisfied  that 
the  movement  on  the  right  was  a  feint  and  that  the  real  attack  was 
being  made  on  the  left.  Another  section  of  artillery  was  now  placed  in 
position  a  little  to  the  rear  of  Colonel  Wilkins,  but  bearing  on  the  left  of 
our  main  line,  and  a  portion  of  the  cavalry  was  thrown  out  as  skirmish- 
ers. The  cavalry  which  had  been  sent  to  the  extreme  right  began  now 
to  give  way,  and  at  the  same  time  the  enemy  began  to  appear  in  force  in 
rear  of  the  extreme  left,  while  Colonel  McMillen  required  re-enforcements 
in  the  centre.  1  now  endeavored  to  get  hold  of  the  colored  brigade 
which  formed  the  guard  to  the  train.  While  traversing  the  short  dis- 
tance to  where  the  head  of  that  brigade  should  be  found,  the  main  line 
began  to  give  way  at  various  points;  order  soon  gave  way  to  confusion 
and  confusion  to  panic.  I  sent  an  aid  to  Col.  McMillen  informing  him 
that  I  was  unable  to  render  him  any  additional  assistance, -and  that  he 
must  do  all  in  his  power  with  what  he  had  to  hold  his  position  until  I 
could  form  a  line  to  protect  his  retreat.  On  reaching  the  head  of  the 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  371 

supply  tram,  Lieut. -Colonel  Hess  was  directed  to  place  in  position  in  a 
wood  the  first  regiment  of  colored  troops  I  could  find.  This  was  done, 
and  it  is  due  to  those  troops  to  say  here  that  they  stood  their  ground 
well  and  rendered  valuable  aid  to  Colonel  McMillen,  who  was  soon  after 
compelled  to  withdraw  from  hjs  original  line  and  take  up  new  positions 
in  rear.  It  was  now  5  o'clock  p.  M.  For  seven  hours,  these  gallant 
officers  and  men  had  held  their  ground  against  overwhelming  numbers, 
but  at  last  overpowered  and  exhausted  they  were  compelled  to  abandon 
not  only  the  field,  but  many  of  their  gallant  comrades  who  had  fallen 
to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy  Everywhere  the  army  now  drifted  toward 
the  rear  and  was  soon  altogether  beyond  control.  I  requested  General 
Grierson  to  accompany  me  and  to  aid  in  checking  the  fleeing  column 
and  establishing  a  new  line.  By  dint  of  entreaty  and  force  and  the  aid 
of  several  officers,  whom  I  called  to  my  assistance,  with  pistols  in  their 
hands  we  at  length  succeeded  in  checking  some  1200  or  1500  and  estab- 
lishing them  in  a  line  of  which  Colonel  Wilkins,  9th  Minnesota,  was 
placed  in  command.  About  this  time  it  was  reported  to  me  that  Col 
McMillen  was  driving  the  enemy.  I  placed  but  little  faith  in  this  report, 
yet  disseminated  it  freely  for  the  good  effect  it  might  produce  upon  the 
troops.  In  a  few  minutes,  however,  the  gallant  Colonel  McMillen,  sad 
and  disheartened,  arrived  himself,  and  reported  his  lines  broken  and  in 
confusion.  The  new  line  under  Colonel  Wilkins  also  gave  way  soon  after 
and  it  was  now  impossible  to  exercise  any  further  control.  The  road 
became  crowded  and  jammed  with  troops ;  the  wagons  and  artillery 
sinking  into  the  deep  mud  became  inextricable  and  added  to  the  general 
confusion  which  now  prevailed.  No  power  could  now  check  or  control 
the  panic-stricken  mass  as  it  swept  toward  the  rear,  led  off  by  Colonel 
Winslow  at  the  head  of  his  brigade  of  cavalry,  and  who  never  halted 
until  he  had  reached  Stubbs',  ten  miles  in  rear.  This  was  the  greater 
pity  as  his  brigade*  was  nearly,  if  not  entirely,  intact,  and  might  have 
offered  considerable  resistance  to  the  advancing  foe.  About  10  o'clock 
p.  M.,  I  reached  Stubbs'  in  person,  where  I  found  Colonel  Winslow  and 
his  brigade.  I  then  informed  him  that  his  was  the  only  organized  body 
of  men  I  had  been  able  to  find,  and  directed  him  to  add  to  his  own 
every  possible  force  he  could  rally,  as  they  passed,  and  take  charge  of 
the  rear,  remaining  in  position  until  all  should  have  passed.  I  also  in- 
formed him  that  on  account  of  the  extreme  darkness  of  the  night  and 
the  wretched  condition  of  the  road,  I  had  little  hope  of  saving  any- 
thing more  than  the  troops,  and  directed  him  therefore  to  destroy  all 
wagons  and  artillery  which  he  might  find  blocking  up  the  road  and  pre- 
venting the  passage  of  the  men.  In  this  way  about  200  wagons  and  14 
pieces  of  artillery  were  lost,  many  of  the  wagons  being  burned  and  the 
artillery  spiked  and  otherwise  mutilated;  the  mules  and  horses  were 
brought  away.  By  7  oclock  A.  M.,  of  the  llth,  we  had  reorganized  at 
Ripley,  and  the  army  presented  quite  a  respectable  appearance,  and 
would  have  been  able  to  accomplish  an  orderly  retreat  from  that  point 
but  for  the  unfortunate  circumstances  that  the  cartridge  boxes  were  well 


372  HlSTOKY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

nigh  exhausted.  At  7  o'clock  the  column  was  again  put  in  motion  on 
the  Salem  road,  the  cavalry  in  advance,  followed  by  the  infantry.  The 
enemy  pressed  heavily  on  the  rear,  and  there  was  now  nothing  left  but 
to  keep  in  motion  so  as  to  prevent  the  banking  up  of  the  rear,  and  to 
pass  all  cross-roads  before  the  enemy  could  reach  them,  as  the  command 
was  in  no  condition  to  offer  determined  resistance,  whether  attacked  in 
the  front  or  the  rear.  At  8  o'clock  a.  m.  on  the  12th,  the  column  reached 
Colliersville,  worn  out  and  exhausted  by  the  fatigues  of  fighting  and 
marching  for  two  days  and  two  nights  without  rest  and  without  eating. 
About  noon  of  the  same  day  a  train  arrived  from  Memphis,  bringing 
some  2,000  infantry,  commanded  by  Colonel  Wolf,  and  supplies  for  my 
suffering  men,  and  I  determined  to  remain  here  until  next  day  for  the 
purpose  of  resting  and  affording  protection  to  many  who  had  dropped 
by  the  wayside,  through  fatigue  and  other  causes.  Learning,  however, 
toward  evening,  that  the  commander  at  White's  Station  had  informa- 
tion of  a  large  force  of  the  enemy  approaching  that  place  from  the 
southeast,  and  knowing  that  my  men  were  in  no  condition  to  offer  seri- 
ous resistance  to  an  enemy  presenting  himself  across  my  line  of  march, 
I  informed  the  general  commanding  the  district,  by  telegraph,  that  I 
deemed  it  prudent  to  continue  my  march  to  White's  Station.  Accord- 
ingly, at  9  p  m.,  the  column  marched  again,  and  arrived  at  White's 
Station  at  daylight  next  morning.  This  report  having  already  become 
more  circumstantial  than  was  anticipated,  I  have  purposely  omitted  the 
details  of  our  march  from  Ripley  to  White's  Station,  as  they  would  ex- 
tend it  to  a  tiresome  length,  but  would  respectfully  refer  you  for  these 
to  the  sub-reports  herewith  enclosed.  Casualties  are  as  follows : 

"  Killed,  223 ,  wounded,  394 ;  missing,  1623 ;  total,  2240.  That  our 
loss  was  great,  is  true ;  yet  that  it  was  not  much  greater  is  due  in  an 
eminent  degree  to  the  personal  exertions  of  that  model  soldier,  Col.  W. 
L.  McMillen,  of  the  95th  Ohio  Infantry,  who  commanded  the  infantry, 
and  to  the  able  commanders  under  him. 

"  The  strength  of  the  enemy  is  variously  estimated  by  my  most  intel- 
ligent officers  at  from  15, 000  to  20,000  men.  A  very  intelligent  sergeant 
who  was  captured  and  remained  five  days  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
reports  the  number  of  the  enemy  actually  engaged,  to  have  been  12,000, 
and  that  two  divisions  of  infantry  were  held  in  reserve.  It  may  appear 
strange  that  so  large  a  force  of  the  enemy  could  be  in  our  vicinity  and 
we  be  ignorant  of  the  fact,  but  the  surprise  will  exist  only  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  are  not  familiar  with  the  difficulty,  (I  may  even  say  impos- 
sibility) of  acquiring  reliable  information  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's 
country.  Our  movements  and  numbers  are  always  known  to  the 
enemy,  because  every  woman  and  child  is  one  of  them,  but  we,  as  every- 
body knows  who  has  had  any  experience  in  this  war,  can  only  learn  the 
movements  of  the  enemy  and  his  numbers  by  actually  fighting  for  the 
information ;  and  in  that  case  the  knowledge  often  comes  too  late. 

"  While  I  will  not  prolong  this  already  extended  report  by  recording 
individual  acts  of  good  conduct,  and  the  names  of  many  brave  officers 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  373 

and  men  who  deserve  mention,  but  will  respectfully  refer  you  for  these  to 
the  reports  of  division  and  brigade  commanders,  yet  I  cannot  refrain 
from  expressing  my  high  appreciation  of  the  valuable  services  rendered 
by  that  excellent  and  dashing  officer,  Col.  Joseph  Karge,  of  the  2nd 
New  Jersey  Vols.,  in  his  reconnoissance  to  Corinth  and  his  subsequent 
management  of  the  rear-guard,  during  a  part  of  the  retreat,  fighting 
and  defending  the  rear  during  one  whole  afternoon  and  throughout  the 
entire  night  following. 

"To  the  officers  of  my  staff,— Lieut. -Col.  J.  C.  Hess,  19th  Pa.  Cav- 
alry, commanding  escort,  Capt.  W.  C.  Rawolle,  A.  D.  C.  and  A.  A.  A.  G.; 
Capt.  W.  C.  Belden,  2nd  Iowa  Cavalry,  A.  D.  C. ;  Lieut.  E.  Caulkins  7th 
Indiana  Cavalry,  A.  D.  C  ;  Lieut.  Samuel  (name  illegible)  19th' Penn. 
Cavalry,  A.  D.  C. ;  Lieut.  Dement,  A.  A.  Q.  M. ;  Lieut.  W.  H.  Stratton, 
7th  Ills.  Cavalry,  A.  A.  C.  S., — -whose  names  appear  in  no  other  report,  I 
am  especially  grateful,  for  the  promptness  and  zeal  with  which  my  orders 
were  executed  at  all  times  and  often  under  trying  and  hazardous  circum- 
stances. 

"I  am,  major,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  D.  STURGIS, 

MAJ.  W.  H.  MORGAN,  A.  A.  G.,  Brig.-Gen.  Commanding. 

Hdqrs.  Dist.  West  Tenn.,  Memphis,  Tenn. 

"Amid  these  scenes  we  noted  the  arrival  of  95  more  men ;  those  who 
had  belonged  to  a  raid  sent  from  Memphis,  Tenn.,  under  command  of 
General  Sturgis,  and  were  attacked  and  badly  defeated  by  the  rebel 
General  Forrest,  at  a  place  in  Mississippi.  General  Sturgis  is  said  to 
have  been  intoxicated  during  the  engagement,  and  that  just  as  soon  as 
he  saw  things  were  likely  to  go  against  him,  he  turned  away  with  a  por- 
tion of  his  cavalry,  and  sought  to  save  himself  from  capture. — '  Life  and 
Death  in  Eebel  Prisons.' " 

Notwithstanding  the  arrangements  usually  and  speed- 
ily entered  into  by  two  belligerent  powers  for  the  exchange 
of  prisoners  of  war,  it  proved  a  most  difficult  task  for 
the  Federal  Government  to  consummate  an  arrangement 
with  the  confederates,  and  much  suffering  was  caused 
among  the  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  latter  while  nego- 
tiations were  in  progress.  The  agreement  entered  into  by 
the  commissioners,  after  a  long  delay,  did  not  anticipate 
there  being  any  black  soldiers  to  exchange;  nor  would 
the  confederate  authorities  thereafter  allow  the  terms  of 
the  cartel  to  apply  to  the  blacks,  because  Jefferson  Davis 
and  the  confederate  Congress  regarded  it  as  an  outrage 
against  humanity,  and  the  rules  of  civilized  wrarfare  to 
arm  the  negroes  against  their  masters. 


374  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

It  was  a  year  after  the  black  soldiers  had  become  a 
part  of  the  Union  forces  before  even  a  quasi  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  rights  as  prisoners  was  noted  in  Kichmond. 
The  grounds  upon  which  the  greatest  difficulty  lingered 
was  the  refusal  of  the  Federal  government  at1  first  to 
accord  belligerent  rights  to  the  confederates  but  this  diffi- 
culty was  finally  overcome  in  July,  1862,  and  the  ex- 
change of  prisoners  proceeded  with  until  the  confederate 
authorities  refused  to  count  the  black  soldiers  captured 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  cartel.  But  the  time  arrived 
when  Grant  assumed  command  of  the  armies,  when  it  was 
no  longer  an  open  question,  for  the  confederate  Congress 
began  devising  plans  for  arming  the  slaves. 

However,  the  inhuman  treatment  did  not  cease  with 
"irresponsible  parties,"  whose  conduct  was  doubtless  ap- 
proved by  the  rebel  authorities,  Jefferson  Davis  having 
declared  General  Butler  an  outlaw,  and  committed  him 
and  his  officers  and  black  soldiers  to  the  mercy  of  a  chiv- 
alry which  affected  to  regard  them  as  mercenaries.  With 
this  spirit  infused  in  the  confederate  army,  what  else  than 
barbarity  could  be  expected? 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  377 


CHAPTEE  XI. 

THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA. 

The  laurels  won  by  the  Phalanx  in  the  Southern  States, 
notwithstanding  the  "no  quarter "  policy,  was  proof  of 
its  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the  Old  flag, 
which  latter,  until  within  a  short  period  had  been  but  a 
symbol  of  oppression  to  the  black  man ;  Caillpux  had  red- 1 
dened  it  with  his  life's  blood,  and  Carneyv.in  a  seething 
fire  had  planted  it  on  the  ramparts  of  Wagner.  The  « 
audacious  bravery  of  the  Phalanx  had  wrung  from 
enerals  Banks  and  Gillmorej  congratulatory  orders, 
while  the  loyal  people  of  the  nation  poured  out  unstinted 
praises.  Not  a  breach  of  discipline  marred  the  negro  sol- 
dier's record ;  not  one  cowardly  act  tarnished  their  fame. 
Grant  pronounced  them  gallant  and  reliable,  and  Weitzel 
was  willing  to  command  them. 

In  New  York  City,  where  negroes  had  been  hung  to 
lamp  posts,  and  where  a  colored  orphan  asylum  had  been 
sacked  and  burned,  crowds  gathered  in  Broadway  and 
cheered  Phalanx  regiments  on  their  way  to  the  front. 
General  Logan,  author  of  the  Illinois  Black  Code,  greeted 
them  as  comrades,  and  Jefferson  Davis  finally  accorded 
to  them  the  rights  due  captured  soldiers  as  prisoners  of 
war.  Congress  at  last  took  up  the  question  of  pay,  and 
placed  the  black  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  white  sol- 
diers. Their  valor,  excelled  by  no  troops  in  the  field,  had 
finally  won  full  recognition  from  every  quarter,  and  hence- 
forth they  were  to  share  the  full  glory  as  well  as  the  toils 
of  their  white  comrades-in-arms.  Not  until  those  just 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

rights  and  attentions  were  attained,  was  the  Phalanx 
allowed,  to  any  great  extent,  to  show  its  efficiency  and 
prowess  in  the  manoeuvres  in  Virginia  and  vicinity,  where 
that  magnificent  "Army  of  Northern  Virginia,"  the  hope 
and  the  pride  of  the  Confederacy,  was  operating  against 
the  Federal  government.  But  when  General  Grant  came 
to  direct  the  movements  of  the  Eastern  armies  of  the 
United  States,  there  was  a  change.  He  had  learned  from 
his  experience  at  Vicksburg  and  other  places  in  his  west- 
ern campaigns,  that  the  negro  soldiers  were  valuable; 
that  they  could  be  fully  relied  upon  in  critical  times,  and 
their  patriotic  zeal  had  made  a  deep  impression  upon  him. 
Therefore,  as  before  stated,  there  were  changes,  and  quite 
a  good  many  Phalanx  regiments — numbering  about 
20,000  men— were  taken  from  Southern  and  Western 
armies  and  transferred  to  the  different  armies  in  Virginia. 
The  19th  Army  Corps  sent  one  brigade.  General  Gill- 
more  brought  a  brigade  from  the  Tenth  Army  Corps.  At 
(teast  ten  thousand  of  them  were  veterans/  and  had  driven 
many  confederates  out  of  their  breastworks. 

The  world  never  saw  such  a  spectacle  as  America 
presented  in  the  winter  and  early  spring  of  1864.  The 
attempt  to  capture  Richmond  and  Petersburg  had  failed. 
The  Army  of  the  Potomac  lay  like  a  weary  lion  under 
cover,  watching  its  opponent.  Bruised,  but  spirited  and 
defiant,  it  had  driven,  and  in  turn  had  been  driven  time 
and  again,  by  its  equally  valient  foe.  It  had  advanced 
and  retreated  until  the  soldiers  were  foot-sore  from 
marching  and  counter-marching,  crossing  and  re-crossing 
the  now  historic  streams  of  the  Old  Dominion.  Of  all 
this,  the  loyal  people  were  tired  and  demanded  of  the 
Administration  a  change.  The  causes  of  the[failures)to 
take  the  confederate  capitol  were  not  so  much  the  fault  of 
the  commanders  of  the  brave  army  as  that  of  the  author- 
ities at  Washington,  whose  indecision  and  interference 
had  entailed  almost  a  disgrace  upon  McClellan,  Hooker, 
Burnside  and  Meade.  But  finally  the  people  saw  the 
greatest  of  the  difficulties,  and  demanded  its  removal, 
which  the  Administration  signified  its  willingness  to  do. 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  381 

Then  began  an  activity  at  the  North,  East  and  West, 
such  as  was  never  before  witnessed.  The  loyal  heart  was 
again  aroused  by  the  President's  call  for  troops,  and  all 
realized  the  necessity  of  a  more  sagacious  policy,  and  the 
importance  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  close.  The  lion  of 
the  South  must  be  bearded  in  his  lair,  and  forced  to 
surrender  Kichmond,  the  Confederate  Capitol,  that  had 
already  cost  the  Government  millions  of  dollars,  and  the 
North  thousands  of  lives.  The  cockade  city, — Petersburg, 
— like  the  Gibralter  of  the  Mississippi,  should  haul  down 
the  confederate  banner  from  her  breastworks ;  in  fact,  Lee 
must  be  vanquished.  That  was  the  demand  of  the  loyal 
nation,  and  right  well  did  they  enter  into  preparations  to 
consummate  it ;  placing  brave  and  skillful  officers  in  com- 
mand. 

The  whole  North  became  a  recruiting  station.  Sum- 
ner,  Wilson,  Stevens  and  Sherman,  in  Congress,  and 
Greeley,  Beecher,  Philips  and  Curtis,  with  the  press,  had 
succeeded  in  placing  the  fight  upon  the  highest  plane  of 
civilization,  and  linked  freedom  to  the  cause  of  the  Union 
thus  making  the  success  of  one  the  success  of  the  other, — 
"Liberty  and  Union,  one  and  inseparable."  What  patri- 
otism should  fail  in  accomplishing,  bounties— National, 
State,  county,  city  and  township— were  to  induce  and 
effect.  The  depleted  ranks  of  the  army  were  filled  to 
its  maximum,  and  with  a  hitherto  victorious  and  gallant 
leader  would  be  hurled  against  the  fortifications  of  the 
Confederacy  with  new  energy  and  determination. 

Early  in  January,  General  Burnside  was  ordered  again  N* 
to  take  command  of  the  Ninth  Army  Corps,  and  to  re- 
cruit its  strength  to  fifty  thousand  effective  men,  which  he 
immediately  began  to  do.    General  Butler,  then  in  com-  * 
mand  of  the  Department  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, 
began  the  organization  of  the  Ar^nyof  the  James,  collect- 
ing at  Norfolk,  Portsmouth  a~nd  on  the  "Peninsula,  the 
forces  scattered  throughout  his  Department,  and  to  re- 
cruit Phalanx  regiments.    In  March,  General  Grant  was ^ 
called  to  Washington,  and  received  the  appointment  of 
Lieutenant  General,  and  placed  in  command  of  the  armies 
19 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  the  Kepublic.  He  immediately  began  their  reorganiza- 
tion, as  a  preliminary  to  attacking  Lee's  veteran  army  of 
northern  Virginia. 

As  has  before  been  stated,  the  negro  had,  up  to  this 
•  time,  taken  no  very  active  part  in  the  battles  fought  in 
j  Virginia.  The  seed  of  prejudice  sown  by  Generals  Mc- 
Dowell and  McClellan  at  the  beginning  of  hostilities,  had 
ripened  into  productive  fruit.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac 
being  early  engaged  in  apprehending  and  returning  run- 
away slaves  to  their  presumed  owners,  had  imbibed  a 
bitter,  unrelenting  hatred  for  the  poor,  but  ever  loyal, 
negro.  To  this  bitterness  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion gave  a  zest,  through  the  pro-slavery  press  at  the 
North,  which  taunted  the  soldiers  with  "fighting  to  free 
I  the  negroes/'  This  feeling  had  served  to  practically  keep 
the  negro,  as  a  soldier,  out  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
General  Burnside,  upon  assuming  his  command,  asked 
for  and  obtained  permission  from  the  War  Department  to 
raise  and  unite  a  division  of  Negro  troops  to  the  9th 
Army  Corps.  Annapolis,  Md.,  was  selected  as  the  "  depot 
and  rendezvous,"  and  very  soon  Camp  Stanton  had  re- 
ceived its  allowance  of  Phalanx  regiments  for  the  Corps. 
Early  in  April,  the  camp  was  broken,  and  the  line  of 
inarch  taken  for  Washington.  It  was  rumored  through- 
out the  city  that  the  9th  Corps  would  pass  through  there, 
and  that  about  6,000  Phalanx  men  would  be  among  the 
troops.  The  citizens  were  on  the  qui  vive\  members  of 
Congress  and  the  President  were  eager  to  witness  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Corps. 

At  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  April, 
the  head  of  the  column  entered  the  city,  and  at  eleven  the 
troops  were  marching  down  New  York  Avenue.  Halting 
a  short  distance  from  the  corner  of  14th  street,  the  col- 
umn closed  up,  and  prepared  to  pay  the  President  a 
inarching  salute,  who,  with  General  Burnside  and  a  few 
friends,  was  awaiting  their  coming.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his 
party  occupied  a  balcony  over  the  entrance  of  Willard's 
Hotel.  The  scene  was  one  of  great  beauty  and  anima- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  383 

tion.  The  day  was  superbly  clear ;  the  soft  atmosphere  of 
the  early  spring  was  made  additionally  pleasant  by  a 
cool  breeze ;  rain  had  fallen  the  previous  night,  and  there 
was  no  dust  to  cause  discomfort  to  the  soldiers  or  spec- 
tators. The  troops  marched  and  appeared  well;  their 
soiled  and  battered  flags  bearing  inscriptions  of  battles 
of  six  States.  The  corps  had  achieved  almost  the  first 
success  of  the  war  in  North  Carolina ;  it  had  hastened  to 
the  Potomac  in  time  to  aid  in  rescuing  the  Capitol,  when 
Lee  made  his  first  Northern  invasion;  it  won  glory  at 
South  Mountain,  and  made  the  narrow  bridge  at  Antie- 
tam,  forever  historic;  it  had  likewise  reached  Kentucky  in 
time  to  aid  in  driving  the  confederates  from  that  State. 
Now  it  appeared  with  recruited  ranks,  and  new  regiments 
of  as  good  blood  as  ever  was  poured  out  in  the  cause 
of  right ;  and  with  a  new  element— those  whom  they  had 
helped  set  free  from  the  thraldom  of  slavery— whom  they 
were  proud  to  claim  as  comrades. 

Their  banners  were  silent,  effective  witnesses  of  their 
valor  and  their  sacrifices;  Bull's  Run,  Ball's  Bluff,  Ro- 
anoke,  Newburn,  Games'  Mills,  Mechanicsville,  Seven 
Pines,  Savage  Station,  Glendale,  Malvern,  Fredericksburg, 
Chancellorsville,  Antietam,  South  Mountain,  Knoxville, 
Vicksbnrg,  Port  Hudson  and  Gettysburg,  were  embla- 
zoned in  letters  of  gold.  The  firm  and  soldierly  bearing 
of  the  veterans,  the  eager  and  expectant  countenances  of 
the  men  and  officers  of  the  new  regiments,  the  gay  trap- 
pings of  the  cavalry,  the  thorough  equipment  and  fine 
condition  of  the  artillery,  the  clattering  of  hoofs,  the 
clanking  of  sabres,  the  drum-beat,  the  bugle  call,  and  the 
music  of  the  bands  were  all  subjects  of  interest.  The 
President  beheld  the  scene.  Pavement,  sidewalks,  win- 
dows and  roofs  were  crowded  with  people.  A  division  of 
veterans  passed,  saluting  the  President  and  their  com- 
mander with  cheers.  And  then,  with  full  ranks — platoons 
extending  from  sidewalk  to  sidewalk — brigades  which  had 
never  been  in  battle,  for  the  first  time  shouldered  arms  for 
their  country ;  they  who  even  then  were  disfranchised  and 
were  not  American  citizens,  yet  they  were  going  out  to 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

fight  for  the  flag.  Their  country  was  given  them  by  the 
tall,  pale,  benevolent  hearted  man  standing  upon  the  bal- 
cony. For  the  first  time,  they  beheld  their  benefactor. 
They  were  darker  hued  than  their  veteran  comrades,  but 
they  cheered  as  lustily,  "hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah  for 
Massa  Linkun!  Three  cheers  for  the  President !"  They 
swung  their  caps,  clapped  their  hands  and  shouted  their 
joy.  Long,  loud  and  jubilant  were  the  rejoicings  of  these 
redeemed  sons  of  Africa.  Regiment  after  regiment  of 
stalwart  men,— slaves  once,  but  freemen  now,— with  steady 
step  and  even  ranks,  passed  down  the  street,  moving  on 
to  the  Old  Dominion.  It  was  the  first  review  of  the 
negro  troops  by  the  President.  Mr.  Lincoln  himself 
seemed  greatly  pleased,  and  acknowledged  the  plaudits 
and  cheers  of  the  Phalanx  soldiers  with  a  dignified  kind- 
ness and  courtesy.  It  was  a  spectacle  which  made  many 
eyes  grow  moist,  and  left  a  life-long  impression.  Thus 
the  corps  that  had  never  lost  a  flag  or  a  gun,  marched 
through  the  National  Capitol,  crossed  long  bridge  and 
went  into  camp  near  Alexandria,  where  it  remained  until 
the  4th  of  May. 

The  Phalanx  regiments  composing  the  [4th  division] 
were  the  19th,  23rd,  27th,  28th,  29th,  30th,  31st,  39th 
and  43rd (commanded  by  General  E.  Ferrero?) 

The  Army  of  the  James,  under  General  Butler,  which 
was  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
under  Meade,  was  composed  of  the  10th  and  18th  Corps.\ 
The  10th  Corps  had  two  brigades  of  the  Phalanx,  con-! 
sisting  of  the  7th,  9th,  29th,  16th,  8th,  41st,  45th  and 
127th  Regiments,  commanded  by  Colonels  James  Shaw, 
Jr.,  and  Ulysses  Doubleday,  and  constituted  the  3rd  divis- 
ion of  that  Corps  commanded  by  Brigadier-General  Wm. 
Birney. 

The  3rd  division  of  the  18th  Corps,  commanded  by 
Brigadier-General  Charles  G.  Paine,  was  composed  of  the 
1st,  22nd,  37th?  5th,  36th,  38th,  4th,  6th,  10th,  107th, 
117th,  118th  and  2nd  Cavalry,  with  Colonels  Elias 
Wright,  Alonzo  G.  Draper,  John  W.  Ames  and  E.  Martin- 
dale  as  brigade  commanders  of  the  four  brigades.  A  cav- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  385 

airy  force  numbering  about  two  thousand,  comprising 
the  1st  and  2nd,  was  under  command  of  Colonel  West,* 
making  not  less  than  20,000  of  the  Phalanx  troops,  in- 
cluding the  4th  Division  with  the  Ninth  Corps,  and  aug- 
menting Butler's  force  to  47,000,  concentrated  at  York- 
town  and  Gloucester  Point. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  Butler  received  his  final  orders, 
and  on  the  night  of  the  4th  of  May  embarked  his  troops 
on  transports,  descended  the  York  river,  passed  Fortress 
Monroe  and  ascended  the  James  Kiver.  Convoyed  by  a 
fleet  of  armored  war  vessels  and  gunboats,  his  transports 
reached  Bermuda  Hundreds  on  the  afternoon  of  the  5th. 
General  Wilde,  with  a  brigade  of  the  Phalanx,  occupied 
Fort  Powhatan,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  and 
Wilson's  Wharf,  about  five  miles  below  on  the  north  side 
of  the  James,  with  the  remainder  of  his  division  of  5,000 
of  the  Phalanx.  General  Hinks  landed  at  City  Point,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Appomattox.  The  next  morning  the 
troops  advanced  to  Trent's,  with  their  left  resting  on  the 
Appomattox,  near  Walthall,  and  the  right  on  the  James, 
and  intrenched.  In  the  meantime,  Butler  telegraphed 
Grant : 

'OFF  CITY  POINT,  VA.,  May  5th. 

"  LIEUT.  GEN.  GRANT,  Commanding  Armies  of  the  United  States, 
Washington,  D.  C. : 

"We  have  seized  Wilson's  Wharf  Landing;  a  brigade  of  Wilde's 
colored  troops  are  there;  at  Fort  Powhatan  landing  two  regiments  of 
the  same  brigade  have  landed.  At  City  Point,  Hinks'  division,  with  the 
remaining  troops  and  battery,  have  landed.  The  remainder  of  both  the 
18th  and  10th  Army  Corps  are  being  landed  at  Bermuda  Hundreds, 
above  Appomattox.  No  opposition  experienced  thus  far,  the  movement 
was  comparatively  a  complete  surprise.  Both  army  corps  left  York- 
town  during  last  night.  The  monitors  are  all  over  the  bar  at  Harri- 
son's landing  and  above  City  Point.  The  operations  of  the  fleet  have 
been  conducted  to-day  with  energy  and  success.  Gens.  Smith  and  Gill- 
more  are  pushing  the  landing  of  the  men.  Gen.  Graham  with  the  army 
gunboats,  lead  the  advance  during  the  night,  capturing  the  signal  sta- 
tion of  the  rebels.  Colonel  West,  with  1800  cavalry,  made  several  dem- 
onstrations from  Williamsburg  yesterday  morning.  Gen.  Rantz  left 


*  The  leader  will  bear  in  mind  that  there  were  several  changes  in  the  command  of 
these  troops  during  the  campaiprn,  on  account  of  promotions,  but  the  troops  re- 
mained in  the  Department  and  Army  of  the  James.  See  Roster,  for  changes. 


386  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Suffolk  this  morning  with  his  cavalry,  for  the  service  indicated  during  the 
conference  with  the  Lieut.-General.  The  New  York  flag-of-truce  boat 
was  found  lying  at  the  wharf  with  four  hundred  prisoners,  whom  she 
had  not  time  to  deliver.  She  went  up  yesterday  morning.  We  are 
landing  troops  during  the  night,  a  hazardous  service  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy.  "BENJ.  F.  BUTLER, 

"A  F.  PUFFER,  Capt.  and  A.  D.  C.  Maj.-Gen.  Commanding. 

About  two  miles  in  front  of  their  line  ran  the  Rich- 
mond •&  Petersburg  Railroad,  near  which  the  enemy  was 
encountered.  Butler's  movements  being  in  concert  with 
that  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  the  9th  Corps,— the 
latter  as  yet  an  independent  organization. 

General  Meade,  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  num- 
bering 120,000  effective  men,  crossed  the  Rapidan  en 
route  for  the  Wilderness,  each  soldier  carrying  fifty 
rounds  of  ammunition  and  three  days  rations.  The  sup- 
ply trains  were  loaded  with  ten  days  forage  and  subsis- 
tence. The  advance  was  in  two  columns,  General  Warren 
being  on  the  right  and  General  Hancock  on  the  left. 
Sedgwick  followed  closely  upon  Warren  and  crossed  the 
Rapidan  at  Germania  Ford.  The  ^"rth  Corps  received 
its  orders  on  the  4th,  whereupon  General  Burnside  imme- 
diately put  the  Corps  in  motion  toward  the  front.  Biv- 
ouacking at  midnight,  the  line  of  march  was  again  taken 
up  at  daylight,  and  at  night  the  Rapidan  was  crossed  at 
Germania  Ford.  The  corps  marched  on  a  road  parallel 
to  that  of  its  old  antagonist,  General  Longstreet's  army, 
which  was  hastening  to  assist  Lee,  who  had  met  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  in  the  entanglements  of  the  wilderness, 
where  a  stubborn  and  sanguinary  fight  raged  for  two 
days.  General  Ferrero's  division,  composed  of  the  Pha- 
lanx regiments,  reached  Germania  Ford  on  the  morning 
of  the  6th,  with  the  cavalry,  and  reported  to  General 
Sedgwick,  of  the  6th  Corps,  who  had  the  care  of  the 
trains.  The  enemy  was  projecting  an  attack  upon  the 
rear  of  the  advancing  columns.  Gen.  Ferrero  was  ordered 
to  guard  with  his  Phalanx  division,  the  bridges,  roads 
and  trains  near  and  at  the  Rapidan  river.  That  night 
the  confederates  attacked  Sedgwick  in  force;  wisely  the 
immense  supply  trains  had  been  committed  to  the  care  of 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  387 

the  Phalanx,  and  the  enemy  was  driven  back  before  day- 
light, while  the  trains  were  securely  moved  up  closer  to 
the  advance.  General  Grant,  finding  that  the  confeder- 
ates were  not  disposed  to  continue  the  battle,  began  the 
movement  toward  Spottsylvania  Court  House  on  the 
night  of  the  7th.  The  9th  Corps  brought  up  the  rear, 
with  the  Phalanx  division  and  cavalry  covering  the 
trains. 

Butler  and  his  Phalanx  troops,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
within  six  miles  of  Petersburg,  and  on  the  7th,  Generals 
Smith  and  Gillmore  reached  the  railroad  near  Port  Walt- 
hall  Junction,  and  commenced  destroying  it ;  the  confed- 
erates attacked  them,  but  were  repulsed.  Col.  West,  on 
the  north  side  of  the  James  Eiver,  forded  the  Chickahom- 
iny  with  the  Phalanx  cavalry,  and  arrived  opposite  City 
Point,  having  destroyed  the  railroad  for  some  distance 
on  that  side. 

Leaving  General  Hinks  with  his  Phalanx  division  to 
hold  City  Point,  on  the  9th  Butler  again  moved  forward 
to  break  up  the  railroad  which  the  forces  under  Smith 
and  Gillmore  succeeded  in  doing,  thus  separating  Beaure- 
guard's  force  from  Lee's.  He  announced  the  result  of  his 
operation's  in  the  following  message  to  Washington : 

"May  9th,  1864. 

"Our  operations  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words.  With  one 
thousand  and  seven  hundred  cavalry  we  have  advanced  up  the  Penin- 
sula, forced  the  Chickahominy  and  have  safely  brought  them  to  our 
present  position.  These  were  colored  cavalry,  and  are  now  holding  our 
advanced  pickets  toward  Richmond.  General  Kautz,  with  three  thou- 
sand cavalry  from  Suffolk,  on  the  same  day  with  our  movement  up 
James  river,  forced  the  Blackwater,  burned  the  railroad  bridge  at  Stony 
Creek,  below  Petersburg,  cutting  in  two  Beauregard's  force  at  that 
point.  We  have  landed  here,  intrenched  ourselves,  destroyed  many 
miles  of  railroad,  and  got  possession,  which,  with  proper  supplies,  we 
can  hold  out  against  the  whole  of  Lee's  army.  I  have  ordered  up  the 
supplies.  Beauregard,  with  a  large  portion  of  his  force,  was  left  south, 
by  the  cutting  of  the  railroad  by  Kautz.  That  portion  which  reached 
Petersburg  under  Hill,  I  have  whipped  to-day,  killing  and  wounding 
many,  and  taking  many  prisoners,  after  a  well  contested  fight.  General 
Grant  will  not  be  troubled  with  any  further  re-inforcements  to  Lee  from 
Beaureguard's  force.  «  BENJ.  F.  BUTLER, 

Major-General. " 


388  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

But  for  having  been  misinformed  as  to  Lee's  retreat- 
ing on  Bichmond, — which  led  him  to  draw  his  forces  back 
into  his  intrenchments, — Butler  would  have  undoubtedly 
marched  triumphantly  into  Petersburg.  The  mistake 
gave  the  enemy  holding  the  approaches  to  that  city  time 
to  be  re-enforced,  and  Petersburg  soon  became  well  forti- 
fied and  garrisoned.  Beaureguard  succeeded  in  a  few 
days  time  in  concentrating  in  front  of  Butler  25,000 
troops,  thus  checking  the  latter's  advance  toward  Bich- 
mond and  Petersburg ,  on  the  south  side  of  the  James, 
though  skirmishing  went  on  at  various  points. 

General  Grant  intended  to  have  Butler  advance  and 
capture  Petersburg,  while  General  Meade,  with  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  advanced  upon  Bichmond  from  the 
north  bank  of  the  James  river.  Gen.  Butler  failed  to  ac- 
complish more  than  his  dispatches  related,  though  his 
forces  entered  the  city  of  Petersburg,  captured  Chester 
Station,  and  destroyed  the  railroad  connection  between 
Petersburg  and  Bichmond.  Failure  to  support  his  troops 
and  to  intrench  lost  him  all  he  had  gained,  and  he  re- 
turned to  his  intrenchments  at  Bermuda  Hundreds. 
The  Phalanx  (Hinks  division)  held  City  Point  and  other 
stations  on  the  river,  occasionally  skirmishing  with  the 
enemy,  who,  ever  mindful  of  the  fact  that  City  Point  was 
the  base  of  supplies  for  the  Army  of  the  James,  sought 
every  opportunity  to  raid  it,  but  they  always  found  the 
Phalanx  ready  and  on  the  alert. 

After  the  battle  of  Drewry's  Bluff,  May  16th,  Butler 
thought  to  remain  quiet  in  his  intrenchments,  but  Grant, 
on  the  22nd,  ordered  him  to  send  all  his  troops,  save 
enough  to  hold  City  Point,  to  join  the  Army  of  the  Po- 
tomac; whereupon  General  W.  F.  Smith,  with  16,000  men, 
embarked  for  the  White  House,  on  the  Pamunky  river, 
Butler  retaining  the  Phalanx  division  and  the  Cavalry. 
Thus  ended  the  operations  of  the  Army  of  the  James, 
until  Grant  crossed  the  river  with  the  army  of  the  Po- 
tomac. 

On  the  13th  of  May,  Grant  determined  upon  a  flank 
movement  toward  Bowling  Green,  with  a  view  of  making 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  391 

Port  Royal,  instead  of  Fredericksburg,  his  depot  for  sup- 
plies. Sending  his  reserve  artillery  to  Belle  Plain,  he  pre- 
pared to  advance.  It  was  in  this  manoeuvre  that  Lee,  for 
the  last  time,  attacked  the  Federal  forces,  outside  of 
cover,  in  any  important  movement.  The  attempt  to 
change  the  base  of  supply  was  indeed  a  hazardous  move 
for  Grant;  it  necessitated  the  moving  of  his  immense 
train,  numbering  four  thousand  wagons,  used  in  carrying 
rations,  ammunition  and  supplies  for  his  army,  and 
transportation  of  the  badly  wounded  to  the  rear,  where 
they  could  be  cared  for. 

Up  to  this  time  the  Wilderness  campaign  had  been  a 
continuous  fight  and  march.  The  anxiety  which  Grant 
felt  for  his  train,  is  perhaps  best  told  by  himself: 

"  My  movements  are  terribly  embarrassed  by  our  immense  wagon 
train.  It  could  not  be  avoided,  however." 

It  was  the  only  means  by  which  the  army  could  ob- 
tain needful  supplies,  and  wras  consequently  indispensable. 
It  was  the  near  approach  to  the  train  that  made  the  con- 
federates often  fight  so  desperately,  for  they  knew  if  they 
could  succeed  in  capturing  a  wragon  they  would  probably 
get  something  to  eat.  Soon  after  the  advance  began,  it 
was  reported  to  Grant,  that  the  confederate  cavalry  was 
in  the  rear,  in  search  of  the  trains.  On  the  14th  he  or- 
dered General  Ferrero  to  "keep  a  sharp  lookout  for  this 
cavalry,  and  if  you  can  attack  it  with  your  (Phalanx)  in- 
fantry and  (white)  cavalry,  do  so."  On  the  19th  Ferrero, 
with  his  Phalanx  division,  (4th  division,  9th  Corps)  was 
on  the  road  to  Fredericksburg,  in  rear  of  and  to  the 
right  of  General  Tyler's  forces,  in  the  confederates'  front. 
The  road  formed  Grant's  direct  communication  with  his 
ba-se,  and  here  the  confederates,  under  Ewell  attacked  the 
Federal  troops.  Grant  sent  this  dispatch  to  Ferrero : 

"  The  enemy  have  crossed  the  Ny  on  the  right  of  our  lines,  in  consid- 
erable force,  and  may  possibly  detach  a  force  to  move  on  Fredericks- 
burg. Keep  your  cavalry  pickets  well  out  on  the  plank  road,  and  all 
other  roads  leading  west  and  south  of  you.  If  you  find  the  enemy  mov- 
ing infantry  and  artillery  to  you,  report  it  promptly.  In  that  case  take 
up  strong  positions  and  detain  him  all  you  can,  turning  all  your  trains 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

back  to  Fredericksburg,  and  whatever  falling  back  you  may  be  forced 
to  do,  do  it  in  that  direction." 

The  confederates  made  a  dash  for  the  train  and  cap- 
tured twenty-seven  wagons,  but  before  they  had  time  to 
feast  off  of  their  booty  the  Phalanx  was  upon  them. 
The  enemy  fought  with  uncommon  spirit ;  it  was  the  first 
time  "F.  F.  T's,"  the  chivalry  of  the  South, — composing 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, — had  met  the  negro  sol- 
diers, and  true  to  their  instinctive  hatred  of  their  black 
brothers,  they  gave  them  the  best  they  had  ;  lead  poured 
like  rain  for  a  while,  and  then  came  a  lull.  Ferrero  knew 
what  it  meant,  and  prepared  for  their  coming.  A  moment 
more  and  the  accustomed  yell  rang  out  above  the  roar  of 
the  artillery.  The  confederates  charged  down  upon  the 
Phalanx,  but  to  no  purpose,  save  to  make  the  black  line 
more  stable.  They  retaliated,  and  the  confederates  were 
driven  as  the  gale  drives  chaff,  the  Phalanx  recapturing 
the  wagons  and  saving  Grant's  line  of  communication. 
General  Badeau,  speaking  of  their  action,  in  his  military 
history  of  Grant,  says  : 

"  It  was  the  first  time  at  the  East  when  colored  troops  had  been  en- 
gaged in  any  important  battle,  and  the  display  of  soldierly  qualities 
won  a  frank  acknowledgment  from  both  troops  and  commanders,  not 
all  of  whom  had  before  been  willing  to  look  upon  negroes  as  comrades. 
But  after  that  time,  white  soldiers  in  the  army  of  the  Potomac  were  not 
displeased  to  receive  the  support  of  black  ones;  they  had  found  the  sup- 
port worth  having." 

Ferrero  had  the  confidence  of  his  men,  who  were  ever 
ready  to  follow  where  Grant  ordered  them  to  be  led. 

But  this  was  not  the  last  important  battle  the  Pha- 
lanx took  part  in.  Butler,  after  sending  the  larger  por- 
tion of  his  forces  to  join  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  was 
not  permitted  to  remain  quiet  in  his  intrenchments.  The 
confederates  felt  divined  to  destroy,  if  not  capture,  his 
base,  and  therefore  were  continually  striving  to  break 
through  the  lines.  On  the  24th  of  May,  General  Fitzhugh 
Lee  made  a  dash  with  his  cavalry  upon  Wilson's  Wharf, 
Butler's  most  northern  outpost,  held  by  two  Phalanx 
Regiments  of  General  Wilde's  brigade.  Lee's  men  had 
been  led  to  believe  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  yell  at 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  393 

the  "niggers"  in  order  to  make  them  leave  the  Post,  but 
in  this  affair  they  found  a  foe  worthy  of  their  steel.  They 
fought  for  several  hours,  when  finally  the  confederate 
troops  beat  a  retreat.  An  eye  witness  of  the  fight  says : 

"The  chivalry  of  Fitzhugh  Lee  and  his  cavalry  division  was  badly 
worsted  in  the  contest  last  Tuesday  with  negro  troops,  composing  the 
garrison  at  Wilson's  Landing;  the  chivalry  made  a  gallant  fight,  how- 
ever. The  battle  began  at  half-past  twelve  P.  M.,  and  ended  at  six 
o'clock,  when  the  chivalry  retired,  disgusted  and  defeated.  Lee's  men 
dismounted  far  in  the  rear,  and  fought  as  infantry ;  they  drove  in  the 
pickets  and  skirmishers  to  the  intrenchments,  and  made  several  valiant 
charges  upon  our  works.  To  make  an  assault,  it  was  necessary  to  come 
across  an  opening  in  front  of  our  position,  up  to  the  very  edge  of  a  deep 
and  impassable  ravine.  The  rebels,  with  deafening  yells,  made  furious 
onsets,  but  the  negroes  did  not  flinch,  and  the  mad  assailants,  discom- 
forted, returned  to  cover  with  shrunken  ranks.  The  rebels'  fighting  was 
very  wicked;  it  showed  that  Lee's  heart  was  bent  on  taking  the  negroes 
at  any  cost.  Assaults  on  the  center  having  failed,  the  rebels  tried  first 
the  left,  and  then  the  right  flank,  with  no  greater  success.  When  the 
battle  was  over,  our  loss  footed  up,  one  man  killed  outright,  twenty 
wounded,  and  two  missing.  Nineteen  rebels  were  prisoners  in  our 
hands.  Lee's  losses  must  have  been  very  heavy;  the  proof  thereof  was 
left  on  the  ground.  Twenty-five  rebel  bodies  lay  in  the  woods  unburied, 
and  pools  of  blood  unmistakably  told  of  other  victims  taken  away. 
The  estimate,  from  all  the  evidence  carefully  considered,  puts  the  en- 
my's  casualties  at  two  hundred.  Among  the  corpses  Lee  left  on  the 
field,  was  that  of  Major  Breckenridge,  of  the  2nd  Virginia  Cavalry. 
There  is  no  hesitation  here  in  acknowledging  the  soldierly  qualities 
•which  the  colored  men  engaged  in  the  fight  have  exhibited.  Even  the 
officers  who  have  hitherto  felt  no  confidence  in  them  are  compelled  to 
express  themselves  mistaken.  General  Wilde,  commanding  the  Post, 
says  that  the  troops  stood  up  to  their  work  like  veterans." 

Newspaper  correspondents  were  not  apt  to  overstate 
the  facts,  nor  to  give  too  much  favorable  coloring  to  the 
Phalanx  in  those  days.  Very  much  of  the  sentiment  in 
the  army — East  and  West — was  manufactured  by  them. 
The  Democratic  partizan  press  at  the  North,  especially  in 
New  York  and  Ohio,  still  engaged  in  throwing  paper  bul- 
lets at  the  negro  soldiers,  who  were  shooting  lead  bullets 
at  the  country's  foes. 

The  gallantry  and  heroic  courage  of  the  Phalanx  in 
the  Departments  of  the  Gulf  and  South,  and  their  bloody 
sacrifices,  had  not  been  sufficient  to  stop  the  violent 


394  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

clamor  and  assertions  of  those  journals,  that  the  "  nig- 
gers won't  fight!" 

Many  papers  favorable  to  the  Emancipation,  opposed 
putting  negro  troops  in  battle  in  Virginia.  But  to  all 
these  bomb-proof  opinions  Grant  turned  a  deaf  ear,  and 
when  and  where  necessity  required  it,  he  hurled  his  Pha- 
lanx brigades  against  the  enemy  as  readily  as  he  did  the 
white  troops.  The  conduct  of  the  former  was,  neverthe- 
less, watched  eagerly  by  the  correspondents  of  the  press 
who  were  with  the  army,  and  when  they  began  to  chroni- 
cle the  achievements  of  the  Phalanx,  the  prejudice  began 
to  give  way,  and  praises  were  substituted  in  the  place  of 
their  well-worn  denunciations.  A  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Herald  thus  wrote  in  May : 

"  The  conduct  of  the  colored  troops,  by  the  way,  in  the  actions  of 
the  last  few  days,  is  described  as  superb.  An  Ohio  soldier  said  to  me  to- 
day, '  I  never  saw  men  fight  with  such  desperate  gallantry  as  those 
negroes  did.  They  advanced  as  grim  and  stern  as  death,  and  when 
within  reach  of  the  enemy  struck  about  them  with  a  pitiless  vigor, 
that  was  almost  fearful.'  Another  soldier  said  to  me,  'These  negroes 
never  shrink,  nor  hold  back,  no  matter  what  the  order.  Through 
scorching  heat  and  pelting  storms,  if  the  order  comes,  they  march  with 
prompt,  ready  feet.'  Such  praise  is  great  praise,  and  it  is  deserved. 
The  negroes  here  who  have  been  slaves,  are  loyal,  to  a  man,  and  on  our 
occupation  of  Fredericksburg,  pointed  out  the  prominent  secessionists, 
who  were  at  once  seized  by  our  cavalry  and  put  in  safe  quarters.  In  a 
talk  with  a  group  of  faithful  fellows,  I  discovered  in  them  all  a  perfect 
understanding  of  the  issues  of  the  conflict,  and  a  grand  determination 
to  prove  themselves  worthy  of  the  place  and  privileges  to  which  they 
are  to  be  exalted." 

The  ice  was  thus  broken,  and  then  each  war  corres- 
pondent found  it  his  duty  to  write  in  deservedly  glowing 
terms  of  the  Phalanx. 

The  newspaper  reports  of  the  engagements  stirred  the 
blood  of  the  Englishman,  and  he  eschewed  his  professed 
love  for  the  freedom  of  mankind,  and  particularly  that  of 
the  American  negro.  The  London  Times,  in  the  following 
article,  lashed  the  North  for  arming  the  negroes  to 
shoot  the  confederates,  forgetting,  perhaps,  that  England 
em  ployed  negroes  against  the  colonist  in  1775,  and  at  New 
Orleans,  in  1814,  had  her  black  regiments  to  shoot  down 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  895 

the  fathers  of  the  men  whom  it  now  sought  to  uphold,  in 
rebellion  against  the  government  of  the  United  States : 
"THE  NEGRO  UNION  SOLDIERS. 

"Six  months  have  now  passed  from  the  time  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  his 
proclamation  abolishing  slavery  in  the  States  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy. To  many  it  may  seem  that  this  measure  has  failed  of  the  in- 
tended effect  and  this  is  doubtless  in  some  respects  the  case.  It  was  in- 
tended to  frighten  the  Southern  whites  into  submission,  and  it  has  only 
made  them  more  fierce  and  resolute  than  ever.  It  was  intended  to  raise  a 
servile  war,  or  produce  such  signs  of  it  as  should  compel  the  Confederates 
to  lay  down  their  arms  through  fear  for  their  wives  and  families;  and  it 
has  only  caused  desertion  from  some  of  the  border  plantations  and 
some  disorders  along  the  coast.  But  in  other  respects  the  consequences 
of  this  measure  are  becoming  important  enough.  The  negro  race  has 
been  too  much  attached  to  the  whites,  or  too  ignorant  or  too  sluggish 
to  show  any  signs  of  revolt  in  places  remote  from  the  presence  of  the 
federal  armies:  but  on  some  points  where  the  federals  have  been  able 
to  maintain  themselves  in  force  in  the  midst  of  a  large  negro  popula- 
tion, the  process  of  enrolling  and  arming  black  regiments  has  been  car- 
ried on  in  a  manner  which  must  give  a  new  character  to  the  war.  It  is  \ 
in  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  under  the  command  of  General  Banks,  I 
that  this  use  of  negro  soldiers  has  been  most  extensive.  The  great  city  ' 
of  New  Orleans  having  fallen  into  the  possession  of  the  federals  more 
more  than  a  year  ago,  and  the  neighboring  country  being  to  a  certain 
degree  abandoned  by  the  white  population,  a  vast  number  of  negroes 
have  been  thrown  on  the  hands  of  the  General  in  command  to  support 
and,  if  he  can,  make  use  of.  The  arming  of  these  was  begun  by  General  1 
Butler,  and  it  has  been  continued  by  his  successor.  Though  the  numberV 
actually  under  arms  is  no  doubt  exaggerated  by  Northern  writers,  yet 
enough  have  been  brought  into  service  to  produce  a  powerful  effect  on 
the  imaginations  of  the  the  combatants,  and,  as  we  can  now  clearly  see, 
to  add  almost  grievously  to  the  fury  of  the  struggle. 

"  Of  all  wars,  those  between  races  which  had  been  accustomed  to 
stand  to  each  other  in  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  have  been  so 
much  the  most  horrible  that  by  general  consent  the  exciting  of  a  ser- 
vile insurrection  has  been  considered  as  beyond  the  pale  of  legitimate 
warfare.  This  had  been  held  even  in  the  case  of  European  serfdom,  al- 
though there  the  rulers  and  the  ruled  are  of  the  same  blood,  religion 
and  language.  But  the  conflict  between  the  white  men  and  the  negro, 
and  particularly  the  American  white  man  and  the  American  negro,  is 
likely  to  be  more  ruthless  than  any  which  the  ancient  world,  fruitful  in 
such  histories,  or  the  modern  records  of  Algeria  can  fiirnish.  There  was 
reason  to  hope  that  the  deeds  of  1 857  in  India  would  not  be  paralleled 
in  our  time  or  in  any  after  age.  The  Asiatic  savagery  rose  upon  a  domi- 
nent  race  scattered  throughout  the  land,  and  wreaked  its  vengeance 
upon  it  by  atrocities  which  it  would  be  a  relief  to  forget.  But  it  has 


396  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

been  reserved  for  the  New  World  to  present  the  spectacle  of  civil  war, 
calling  servile  war  to  its  aid,  and  of  men  of  English  race  and  language 
so  envenomed  against  each  other  that  one  party  places  arms  in  the 
hands  of  the  half  savage  negro,  and  the  other  acts  as  if  resolved  to  give 
no  quarter  to  the  insurgent  race  or  the  white  man  who  commands  them 
or  fights  by  their  side.  In  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  where  these  ne- 
gro soldiers  are  in  actual  service,  it  seems  likely  that  a  story  as  revolt- 
ing as  that  of  St.  Domingo  is  being  prepared  for  the  world.  No  one  who 
reads  the  description  of  the  fighting  at  Port  Hudson,  and  the  accounts 
given  by  the  papers  of  scenes  at  other  places,  can  help  fearing  that  the 
worst  part  of  this  war  has  yet  to  come,  and  that  a  people  who  lately 
boasted  that  they  took  the  lead  in  education  and  material  civilization 
are  now  carrying  on  a  contest  without  regard  to  any  law  of  conven- 
tional warfare,— one  side  training  negroes  to  fight  against  its  own  white 
flesh  and  blood,  the  other  slaughtering  them  without  mercy  whenever 
they  find  them  in  the  field. 

"  *  *  *  It  is  pitiable  to  find  these  unhappy  Africans,  whose  clumsy 
frames  are  no  match  for  the  sinewy  and  agile  white  American,  thus  led 
on  to  be  destroyed  by  a  merciless  enemy.  Should  the  war  proceed  in 
this  manner,  it  is  possible  that  the  massacre  of  Africans  may  not  be 
confined  to  actual  conflict  in  the  field.  Hitherto  the  whites  have  been 
sufficiently  confident  in  the  negroes  to  leave  them  unmolested,  even 
when  the  enemy  was  near;  but  with  two  or  three  black  regiments  in 
each  federal  corps,  and  such  events  as  the  Port  Hudson  massacre  occur- 
ing  to  infuriate  the  minds  on  either  side,  who  can  foresee  what  three 
months  more  of  war  may  bring  forth? 

"All  that  we  can  say  with  certainty  is  that  the  unhappy  negro  will 
be  the  chief  sufferer  in  this  unequal  conflict.  An  even  greater  calamity, 
however,  is  the  brutalization  of  two  antagonistic  peoples  by  the  intro- 
duction into  the  war  of  these  servile  allies  of  the  federals.  Already 
there  are  military  murders  and  executions  on  both  sides.  The  horrors 
which  Europe  has  foreseen  for  a  year  past  are  now  upon  us.  Reprisal 
will  provoke  reprisal,  until  all  men's  natures  are  hardened,  and  the  land 
flows  with  blood." 

The  article  is  truly  instructive  to  the  present  genera- 
tion ;  its  malignity  and  misrepresentation  of  the  Admin- 
istration's intentions  in  regard  to  the  arming  of  negroes, 
serves  to  illustrate  the  deep-sea,ted  animosity  which  then 
existed  in  England  toward  the  union  of  the  States.  Nor 
will  the  American  negro  ever  forget  England's  advice  to 
the  confederates,  whose  massacre  of  negro  soldiers  fight- 
ing for  freedom  she  endorsed  and  applauded.  *The  descen- 
dants of  those  black  soldiers,  who  were  engaged  in  the 
prolonged  struggle  for  freedom,  can  rejoice  in  the  fact 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  397 

that  no  single  act  of  those  patriots  is  in  keeping  with  the 
Englishman's  prediction;  no  taint  of  brutality  is  even 
charged  against  them  by  those  whom  they  took  prison- 
ers in  battle.  The  confederates  themselves  testify  to  the 
humane  treatment  they  unexpectedly  received  at  the 
hands  of  their  negro  captors.  Mr.  Pollard,  the  historian, 
says: 

"  No  servile  insurrections  had  taken  place  in  the  South." 

But  it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  all  Englishmen  did 
not  agree  with  the  writer  of  the  Times.  A  London  letter 
in  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  said : 

"Mr.  Spurgeon  makes  most  effective  and  touching  prayers,  remem- 
bering, at  least  once  on  a  Sunday,  the  United  States.  'Grant,  O  God,' 
he  said  recently,  'tha,t  the  right  may  conquer,  and  that  if  the  fearful 
canker  of  slavery  must  be  cut  out  by  the  sword,  it  be  wholly  eradicated 
from  the  body  politic  of  which  it  is  the  curse.'  He  is  seldom,  however, 
as  pointed  as  this ;  and,  like  other  clergymen  of  England,  prays  for  the 
return  of  peace.  Indeed,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  if  the  English 
press  and  government  have  done  what  they  could  to  continue  this  war, 
the  dissenting  clergy  of  England  have  nobly  shown  their  good  will  and 
hearty  sympathy  with  the  Americans,  and  their  sincere  desire  for  the 
settlement  of  our  difficulties.  '  If  praying  would  do  you  Americans  any 
good,'  said  an  irreverent  acquaintance  last  Sunday,  'you  will  be  grati- 
fied to  learn  that  a  force  of  a  thousand-clergymen-power  is  constantly 
at  work  for  you  over  here.' " 

After  the  heroic  and  bloody  effort  at  Cold  Harbor  to 
reach  Kichmond,  or  to  cross  the  James  above  the  confed- 
erate capitol,  and  thus  cut  off  the  enemy's  supplies,— after 
Grant  had  flanked,  until  to  flank  again  would  be  to  leave 
Eichmond  in  his  rear,— when  Lee  had  withdrawn  to  his 
fortifications,  refusing  to  accept  Grant's  challenge  to  come 
out  and  fight  a  decisive  battle, — when  all  hope  of  accom- 
plishing either  of  these  objects  had  vanished,  Grant  deter- 
mined to  return  to  his  original  plan  of  attack  from  the 
coast,  and  turned  his  face  toward  the  James  river.  On 
the  12th  of  June  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  began  to 
move,  and  by  the  1 6th  it  was,  with  all  its  trains  across, 
and  on  the  south  side  of  the  James 

Petersburg  Grant  regarded  as  the  citadel  of  Eich- 
mond, and  to  capture  it  was  the  first  thing  on  his  list  to 
be  accomplished.  General  Butler  was  made  acquainted 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

with  this,  and  as  soon  as^Greneral  Smith}}  who,  with  a  por- 
tion of  Butlers  forces  had  been  temporarily  dispatched 
to  join  the  army  of  the  Potomac  at  Cold  Harbor,  re- 
turned to  Bermuda  Hundreds  with  his  force,  he  was  or- 
dered forward  to  capture  the  Cockade  City.  It  was  mid- 
night on  the  14th,  when  Smith's  troops  arrived.  Butler 
ordered  him  immediately  forward  against  Petersburg, 
and  he  moved  accordingly.  His  force  was  in  three  divis- 
ions of  Infantry,  and  one  of  Cavalry,  under  General 
Kautz,  who  was  to  threaten  the  line  of  works  on  the  Nor- 
folk road,  general  Hinks,  with  his  division  of  the  Pha- 
lanx, was  to  take  position  across  the  Jordon's  Point  road 
on  the  right  of  Kautz ;  Brooks'  division  of  white  troops 
was  to  follow,  Hinks  coming  in  at  the  center  of  the  line, 
while  General  Martindale  with  the  other  division  was  to 
move  along  the  Appomattox  and  strike  the  City  Point 
road.  Smith's  movement  was  directed  against  the  north- 
east side  of  Petersburg,  extending  from  the  City  Point 
to  the  Norfolk  railroad.  About  daylight  on  the  15th,  as 
the  columns  advanced  on  the  City  Point  road  at  Bailey's 
farm,  six  miles  from  Petersburg,  a  confederate  battery 
opened  fire.  Kautz  reconnoitered  and  found  a  line  of  rifle 
trench,  extending  along  the  front,  on  rapidly  rising  ground, 
with  a  thicket  covering.  The  work  was  held  by  a  regiment 
of  cavalry  and  a  light  battery.  At  once  there  was  use  for 
the  Phalanx ;  the  works  must  be  captured  with  the  bat- 
tery before  the  troops  could  proceed.  The  cavalry  was 
re-called,  and  Hinks  began  the  formation  of  an  attacking 
party  from  his  division.  The  confederates  were  in  an  open 
field,  their  battery  upon  a  knoll  in  the  same  field,  com- 
manding a  sweeping  position  to  its  approaches.  The 
advancing  troops  must  come  out  from  the  woods,  rush 
up  the  slope  and  carry  it  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  ex- 
posed to  the  tempest  of  musketry  and  cannister  of  the 
battery.  Hinks  formed  his  line  for  the  assault,  and  the 
word  of  command  was  given,— "forward."  The  line 
emerged  from  the  woods,  the  enemy  opened  with  cannis- 
ter upon  the  steadily  advancing  column,  which,  without 
.stopping,  replied  with  a  volley  of  Minie  bullets. 
"  The  long,  dusky  line,  arm  to  arm,  knee  to  knee." 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  401 

Then  shells  came  crashing  through  the  line,  dealing 
death  and  shattering  the  ranks ;  but  on  they  went,  with  a 
wild  cheer,  running  up  the  slope ;  again  a  storm  of  can- 
nister  met  them;  a  shower  of  musketry  came  down 
upon  the  advancing  column,  whose  bristling  bayonets 
were  to  make  the  way  clear  for  their  white  comrades 
awaiting  on  the  roadside.  A  hundred  black  men  went 
down  under  the  fire ;  the  ranks  were  quickly  closed  how- 
ever, and  with  another  wild  cheer  the  living  hundreds  went 
over  the  works  with  the  impetuosity  of  a  cyclone;  they 
seized  the  cannon  and  turned  them  upon  the  fleeing  foe, 
who,  in  consternation,  stampeded  toward  Petersburg,  to 
their  main  line  of  intrenchments  on  the  east.  Thus  the 
work  of  the  5th  and  22nd  Phalanx  regiments  was  com- 
pleted and  the  road  made  clear  for  the  18th  Corps. 

Brooks  now  moved  up  simultaneously  with  Martin- 
dale,  on  the  river  road.  By  noon  the  whole  corps  was  in 
front  of  the  enemy's  mainline  of  works,  Martindale  on  the 
right,  Brooks  in  the  center,  the  Phalanx  and  cavalry  on 
the  left,  sweeping  down  to  the  Jerusalem  Plank  Koad  on 
the  southeast.  Hinks,  with  the  Phalanx,  in  order  to  gain 
the  position  assigned  him,  had  necessarily  to  pass  over 
an  open  space  exposed  to  a  direct  and  cross-fire.  Never- 
theless, he  prepared  to  occupy  his  post,  and  forming  a 
line  of  battle,  h>  began  the  march.  The  division  numbered 
about  3,000,  a  portion  of  it  being  still  at  Wilson's  Land- 
ing, Fort  Powhatan,  City  Point  and  Bermuda  Hundreds. 
This  was  a  march  that  veterans  might  falter  in,  without 
criticism  or  censure.  The  steady  black  line  advanced 
a  few  rods  at  a  time,  when  coming  within  range  of  the 
confederate  guns  they  were  obliged  to  lie  down  and  wait 
for  another  opportunity.  Now  a  lull,— they  would  rise, 
go  forward,  and  again  lie  down.  Thus  they  continued 
their  march,  under  a  most  galling,  concentrated  artillery 
fire  until  they  reached  their  position,  from  which  they 
were  to  join  in  a  general  assault ;  and  here  they  lay,  from 
one  till  five  o'clock, — four  long  hours, — exposed  to  cease- 
less shelling  by  the  enemy.  Badeau  says,  in  speaking  of 
the  Phalanx  in  this  ordeal : 

20 


402  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"No  worse  strain  on  the  nerves  of  troops  is  possible,  for  it  is  harder 
to  remain  quiet  under  cannon  fire,  even  though  comparatively  harm- 
less, than  to  advance  against  a  storm  of  musketry." 

General  W.  F.  Smith,  though,  brave,  was  too  cautious 
and  particular  in  detail,  and  he  spent  those  four  hours  in 
careful  reconnoissance,  while  the  troops  lay*  exposed  to 
the  enemy's  concentric  fire. 

The  main  road  leading  east  from  Petersburg  ascends  a 
hill  two  or  more  miles  out,  upon  the  top  of  which  stood 
what  was  then  known  as  Mr.  Dunn's  house.  In  front  of 
it  was  a  fort,  and  another  south,  and  a  third  north,  with 
other  works ;  heavy  embankments  and  deep  ravines  and 
ditches,  trunks  of  hewn  trees  blackened  by  camp  fires, 
formed  an  abatis  on  the  even  ground.  Here  the  sharp- 
shooters and  riflemen  had  a  fair  view  of  the  entire  field. 
The  distance  from  these  works  to  the  woods  was  about 
three  hundred  and  sixty  paces,  in  the  edge  of  which  lay 
the  black  Phalanx  division,  ready,  like  so  many  tigers, 
waiting  for  the  command,  "forward."  The  forts  near 
Dunn's  house  had  direct  front  fire,  and  those  on  the  north 
an  enfilading  fire  on  the  line  of  advance.  Smith  got  his 
troops  in  line  for  battle  by  one  o'clock,  but  there  they  lay. 
Hinks  impatiently  awaited  orders ;  oh!  what  a  suspense — 
each  hour  seemed  a  day, — what  endurance — what  valor. 
Shells  from  the  batteries  ploughed  into  the  earth  where 
they  stood,  and  began  making  trouble  for  the  troops. 
Hinks  gave  the  order,  "  lie  down ; "  they  obeyed,  and  were 
somewhat  sheltered.  Five  o'clock — yet  no  orders.  At 
length  the  command  was  given,  "forward."  The  skir- 
mishers started  at  quick  time;  the  enemy  opened  upon 
them  vigorously  from  their  batteries  and  breastworks, 
upon  which  they  rested  their  muskets,  in  order  to  fire 
with  accuracy.  A  torrent  of  bullets  was  poured  upon  the 
advancing  line,  and  the  men  fell  fast  as  autumn  leaves  in 
a  gale  of  wind.  Then  the  whole  line  advanced,  the  Pha- 
lanx going  at  double-quick;  their  well  aligned  ranks,  with 
bayonets  glittering  obliquely  in  the  receding  sunlight, 
presented  a  spectacle  both  magnificent  and  grand. 

Duncan  rushed  his  skirmishers  and  reached  the  ditches 
in  front  of  the  breastworks,  which,  without  waiting  for 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  405 

the  main  body,  they  entered  and  clambered  up  the  steep 
embankments.  A  sheet  of  flame  from  above  was  rained 
down,  causing  many  a  brave  man  to  stagger  and  fallback 
into  the  ditch,  never  to  rise  again.  The  troops  following, 
inspired  by  the  daring  of  the  skirmishers,  pressed  forward 
on  the  run  up  to  the  forts,  swept  round  the  curtains, 
scaled  the  breastworks  and  dashed  with  patriotic  rage  at 
the  confederate  gunners,  who  deserted  their  pieces  and 
ran  for  their  lives.  Brooks  and  Martindale  advanced 
simultaneously  upon  the  works  at  Osborn's  house  and  up 
the  railroad,  sweeping  everything  before  them.  The  Pha- 
lanx seized  upon  the  guns  and  turned  them  instantly 
upon  the  fleeing  foe,  and  then  with  spades  and  shovels 
reversed  the  fortifications  and  prepared  to  hold  them. 
Fifteen  pieces  of  artillery  and  three  hundred  confederates 
were  captured.  "The  Phalanx,"  says  the  official  report, 
took  two-thirds  of  the  prisoners  and  nine  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. General  Smith,  finding  that  General  Birney,  with 
the  2nd  Corps,  had  not  arrived,  instead  of  marching  the 
troops  into  Petersburg,  waited  for  re-inforcements  unnec- 
essarily, and  thereby  lost  his  chance  of  taking  the  city, 
which  was  soon  garrisoned  with  troops  enough  to  defy  the 
whole  army.  Thus  Grant  was  necessitated  afterward  to 
lay  seige  to  the  place. 

The  confederates  never  forgot  nor  forgave  this  daring 
of  the  "niggers,"  who  drove  them,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  out  of  their  breastworks,  killing  and  capturing 
their  comrades  and  their  guns.  They  were  chided  by  their 
brother  confederates  for  allowing  negroes  to  take  their 
works  from  them.  The  maidens  of  the  Cockade  City  were 
told  that  they  could  not  trust  themselves  to  men  who 
surrendered  their  guns  to  "  niggers."  The  soldiers  of  the 
Phalanx  \\*ere  delirious  with  joy.  They  had  caught  "  ole 
massa,"  and  he  was  theirs.  General  Hinks  had  their  con- 
fidence, and  they  were  ready  to  follow  wherever  he  led. 

The  chaplin  of  the  9th  Corps,  in  his  history,  says : 

"In  this  movement  a  division  of  colored  troops,  under  Brigadier- 
General  Hinks,  seems  to  have  won  the  brightest  laurels.  They  first 
attacked  and  carried  the  enemy's  outpost  at  Bailey's  farm,  capturing 


406  HKTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

one  piece  of  artillery  in  the  most  gallant  manner.  On  their  arrival  be- 
fore Petersburg,  they  lay  in  front  of  the  works  for  nearly  five  hours, 
waiting  for  the  word  of  command.  They  then,  in  company  with  the 
white  troops,  and  showing  equal  bravery,  rushed  and  carried  the 
enemy's  line  of  works,  with  what  glorious  success  has  already  been  rela- 
ted." 

This,  indeed,  was  a  victory,  yet  shorn  of  its  full  fruits ; 
but  that  Petersburg  was  not  captured  was  no  fault  of  the 
Phalanx.  They  had  carried  and  occupied  the  most  for- 
midable obstacles. 

Badeau,  in  chronicling  these  achievements,  says : 

"  General  Smith  assaulted  the  works  on  the  City  Point  and  Prince 
George  Court  House  roads.  The  rebels  resisted  with  a  sharp  infantry 
fire,  but  the  center  and  left  dashed  into  the  works,  consisting  of  five 
redan's  on  the  crest  of  a  deep  and  difficult  ravine.  Kiddoo's  (22d)  black 
regiment  was  one  of  the  first  to  gain  the  hill.  In  support  of  this  move- 
ment, the  second  line  was  swung  around  and  moved  against  the  front 
of  the  remaining  works.  The  rebels,  assaulted  thus  in  front  and  flank, 
gave  way,  four  of  the  guns  already  captured  were  turned  upon  them  by 
the  negro  conquerors,  enfilading  the  line,  and  before  dark,  Smith  was  in 
possession  of  the  whole  of  the  outer  works,  two  and  a  half  miles  long, 
with  fifteen  pieces  of  artillery  and  three  hundred  prisoners.  Petersburg 
was  at  his  mercy." 

This  failnre  made  a  siege  necessary,  and  General 
Grant  began  by  regular  approaches  to  invest  the  place, 
after  making  the  three  desperate  assaults  on  the  16th, 
17th  and  18th.  It  had  been  indeed  a  bloody  June;  the 
soil  of  the  Old  Dominion,  which  for  two  centuries  the 
negro  had  tilled  and  made  to  yield  the  choicest  products, 
under  a  system  of  cruel  and  inhuman  bondage  he  now 
reddened  with  his  blood  in  defense  of  his  liberty,  proving 
by  his  patriotism,  not  only  his  love  of  liberty,  but  his 
courage  and  capacity  to  defend  it.  The  negro  troops  had 
marched  and  fought  with  the  white  regiment^  with  equal 
intrepidity  and  courage;  they  were  no  longer  despised  by 
their  comrades;  they  now  had  recognition  as  soldiers,  and 
went  into  the  trenches  before  Petersburg  as  a  part  of  as 
grand  an  army  as  ever  laid  siege  to  a  stronghold  or 
stormed  a  fortification. 

*          On  the  1 8th  of  June,  General  Ferrer o  reported  to 
I  General  Meade,  with  his  division  of  the  Phalanx,  (4th 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  407 

**"i 

Division,  9th  CorpsJ,  and  was  immediately  ordered  to 
join  its  own  proper  corps, — from  which  it  had  been  sepa- 
rated since  the  6th  of  May, — at  the  crossing  of  the  Rapi- 
dan.  It  had  served  under  Sedgwick  and  Sheridan  until 
the  17th,  when  it  came  under  the  direct  command  of 
General  Grant,  and  thus  remained  until  the  25th  of  May, 
when  General  Burnside,  waiving  rank  to  Meade,^the  9th\ 
Corps  was  incorporated  into  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.! 
During  its  absence  the  division  sustained  the  reputable 
renown  of  its  corps,  not  only  in  protecting  the  trains,  but 
in  fighting  the  enemy,  and  capturing  prisoners.  Before 
rejoining  the  corps,  the  division  was  strengthened  by 
three  regiments  of  cavalry, — the  5th  New  York,  3rd  New 
Jersey  and  2nd  Ohio.  From  the  9th  of  May  till  the  17th, 
the  division  occupied  the  plank  road,  looking  to  the  old 
Wilderness  tavern,  covering  the  extreme  right  of  the 
army,  extending  from  Todd's  to  Banks'  Ford.  On  the 
17th,  the  division  moved  to  Salem  Church,  near  the  main 
road  to  Fredericksburg,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  it  de- 
fended the  rear  line  against  the  attack  made  by  the  con- 
federates, under  General  Ewell. 

The  historian  of  the  corps  says : 

"The  division  on  the  21st  of  May  was  covering  Fredericksburg,  and 
the  roads  leading  hence  to  Bowling  Green.  On  the  22nd  it  marched 
toward  Bowling  Green,  and  on  the  23rd  it  moved  to  Milford  Station. 
From  that  date  to  the  27th  it  protected  the  trains  of  the  army  in  the 
rear  of  the  positions  on  the  North  Anna.  On  the  27th,  the  division 
moved  to  Newt/own;  on  the  28th,  to  Dunkirk,  crossing  the  Maltapony; 
on  the  29th,  to  tha  Pamunkey,  near  Hanovertown.  On  the  1st  of  June 
the  troops  crossed  the  Pamunkey,  and  from  the  2nd  to  the  6th,  covered 
the  right  of  the  army ;  from  the  6th  to  the  12th  they  covered  the  ap- 
proaches from  New  Castle  Ferry,  Hanovertown,  Hawe's  shop,  and  Be- 
thusda  Church.  From  the  12th  to  the  18th  they  moved  by  easy  stages, 
by  way  of  TunstalPs  New  Kent  Court  House,  Cole's  Ferry,  and  the  pon- 
toon bridge  across  the  James,  to  the  line  of  the  army  near  Petersburg. 
The  dismounted  cavalry  were  left  to  guard  the  trains,  and  the  4th  Divis- 
ion prepared  to  participate  in  the  more  active  work  of  soldiers. 
Through  the  remainder  of  the  month  of  June,  and  the  most  of  July, 
the  troops  were  occupied  in  the  second  line  of  trenches,  and  in  active 
movements  towards  the  left,  under  Generals  Hancock  and  Warren. 
"While  they  were  engaged  in  the  trenches  they  were  also  drilled  in  the 
movements  necessary  for  an  attack  and  occupation  of  the  enemy's 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

works.  A  strong  feeling  of  pride  and  esprit  de  corps  sprung  up  within 
the  hearts  of  the  blacks,  and  they  began  to  think  that  they  too  might 
soon  have  the  opportunity  of  some  glory  for  their  race  and  country." 

How  natural  was  this  feeling.  As  we  have  seen,  their 
life  for  more  than  a  month  had  been  one  of  marching  and 
counter-marching,  though  hazardous  and  patriotic.  When 
on  the  18th,  they  entered  upon  the  more  active  duty  of 
soldiers,  they  found  the  3rd  Division  of  the  18th  Corps, 
composed  of  the  Phalanx  of  the  Army  of  the  James, 
covered  with  glory,  and  the  welkin  ringing  with  praises  of 
their  recent  achievements.  The  men  of  the  4th  Division 
chafed  with  eager  ambition  to  rival  their  brothers  of  the 
18th  Corps,  in  driving  the  enemy  from  the  Cockade  City. 
General  Burnside  was  equally  as  anxious  to  give  his  black 
boys  a  chance  to  try  the  steel  of  the  chivalry  in  deadly 
conflict,  and  this  gave  them  consolation,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  their  day  would  ere  long  dawn,  so  they  toiled 
and  drilled  carefully  for  their  prospective  glory. 

But  the  situation  of  the  Phalanx  before  Petersburg 
was  far  from  being  enviable.  Smarting  under  the  thrash- 
ing they  had  received  from  Hinks'  division,  the  confeder- 
ates were  ever  ready  now  to  slaughter  the  "niggers" 
when  advantage  offered  them  the  opportunity.  A  steady,, 
incessant  fire  was  kept  up  against  the  positions  the  Pha- 
lanx occupied,  and  their  movements  were  watched  with 
great  vigilance.  Although  they  did  not  raise  the  black 
flag,  yet  manifestly  no  quarter  to  negro  troops,  or  to 
white  troops  that  fought  with  them,  was  the  confeder- 
ates' determination. 

"Judging  from  their  actions,  the  presence  of  the  negro  soldiers, 
both  in  the  Eighteenth  and  Ninth  Corps,"  says  Woodbury,  "seemed  to 
have  the  effect  of  rendering  the  enemy  more  spiteful  than  ever  before  the 
Fourth  Division  came.  The  closeness  of  the  lines  on  the  front  of  the 
corps  rendered  constant  watchfulness  imperative,  and  no  day  passed 
without  some  skirmishing  between  the  opposing  pickets.  When  the 
colored  soldiers  appeared,  this  practice  seemed  to  increase,  while  in 
front  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  upon  the  left  of  our  line,  there  was  little  or 
no  picket  firing,  and  the  outposts  of  both  armies  were  even  disposed  to 
be  friendly.  On  the  front  of  the  Ninth,  the  firing  was  incessant,  and 
in  many  cases  fatal." 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  411 

"General  Potter,  in  his  report,  mentions  that,  when  his  division 
occupied  the  front,  his  lo&s  averaged  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  officers 
killed  and  wounded  per  diem.  The  sharpshooters  on  either  side  were 
vigilant,  and  an  exposure  of  any  part  of  the  person  was  the  signal  for 
the  exchange  of  shots.  .  The  men,  worn  by  hard  marching,  hard  fight- 
ing and  hard  digging,  took  every  precaution  to  shield  themselves,  and 
sought  cover  at  every  opportunity.  They  made  fire  proofs  of  logs  and 
earth,  and  with  tortuous  covered  ways  and  traverse,  endeavoring  to 
secure  themselves  from  the  enemy's  fire.  The  artillery  and  mortars 
on  both  sides  were  kept  almost  constantly  at  work.  These  were  all 
precursors  of  the  coming,  sanguinary  struggle  for  the  possession  of 
Cemetery  Hill.  Immediately  in  front  of  the  salient  occupied  by  the 
Ninth  Corps,  the  rebels  had  constructed  a  very  strong  redoubt,  a 
short  distance  below  Cemetery  Hill.  In  the  rear  of  the  redoubt  ran 
a  ridge  nearly  at  right  angles  with  the  rebels'  lines,  to  the  hill.  It  ap- 
peared that  if  this  redoubt  was  captured,  the  enemy's  line  would  be 
seriously  threatened,  if  not  entirely  broken  up.  A  feasible  plan  for  the 
destruction  of  the  redoubt,  was  seriously  discussed  among  the  soldiers 
of  the  corps ;  finally  Colonel  Pleasants,  of  the  48th  Pennsylvania  Regi- 
ment, devised  a  plan  to  run  a  mine  under  the  intervening  space  between 
the  line  of  the  corps  and  the  redoubt,  with  the  design  of  exploding  it, 
directly  under  the  redoubt.  To  this  plan  General  Burnside  lent  his  aid, 
and  preparations  were  made  for  an  assault  upon  Cemetery  Hill,  at  the 
time  of  its  explosion.  The  work  of  digging  and  preparing  the  mine  was 
prosecuted  under  the  most  disadvantageous  circumstances.  General 
Meade  reluctantly  gave  official  sanction,  and  the  work  of  excavation 
proceeded  with,  despite  the  fact  that  General  Burn  side's  requisitions  for 
supplies  were  not  responded  to.  Nevertheless,  in  less  than  a  month  the 
mine  was  ready,  and  after  considerable  discussion,  and  not  without 
some  bickering,  the  plan  of  attack  was  arranged,  which,  in  brief,  was 
to  form  two  columns,  and  to  charge  with  them  through  the  breach 
caused  by  the  explosion  of  the  mine.  Then  to  sweep  along  the  enemy's 
line,  right  and  left,  clearing  away  the  artillery  and  infantry,  by  attack- 
ing in  the  flank  and  rear.  Other  columns  were  to  make  for  the  crest, 
the  whole  to  co-operate.  General  Ferrero,  in  command  of  the  Phalanx 
division  was  informed,  that  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of  attack,  he 
was  to  lead  in  the  assault,  when  the  attack  was  made,  after  the  mine 
had  been  fired.  He  was  ordered  to  drill  his  troops  accordingly.  After 
a  careful  examination  of  the  ground,  Ferrero  decided  upon  his  methods 
of  advance, — not  to  go  directly  in  the  crater  formed  by  the  explosion, 
but  rather  upon  one  side  of  it,  and  then  to  take  the  enemy  in  flank  and 
reverse.  When  he  informed  his  officers  and  men  that  they  would  be 
called  upon  to  lead  in  the  assault,  they  received  the  information  with 
delight.  His  men,  desirous  of  emulating  their  comrades  of  the  Third 
Division  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps,  felt  that  their  cherished  hope,— the 
opportunity  for  which  they  had  prayed,— was  near  at  hand ;  the  hour  in 
which  they  would  show  themselves  worthy  of  the  honor  of  being  asso- 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

dated  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  They  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of 
.  wiping  off  whatever  reproach  an  ill-judged  prejudice  might  have  cast 
upon  them,  by  proving  themselves  brave,  thereby  demanding  the  re- 
spect which  brave  men  deserve.  For  three  weeks  they  drilled  with  alac- 
rity in  the  various  movements ;  charging  upon  earthworks,  wheeling  by 
the  right  and  left,  deployment,  and  other  details  of  the  expected  opera- 
tions. General  Burnside  had  early  expressed  his  confidence  in  the  sol- 
dierly capabilities  of  the  men  of  the  Phalanx,  and  now  wished  to  give 
them  an  opportunity  to  justify  his  good  opinion." 

His  white  troops,  moreover,  had  been  greatly  exposed 
throughout  the  whole  campaign,  had  suffered  severely, 
and  had  been  so  much  under  the  fire  of  the  sharpshooters 
that  it  had  become  a  second  nature  with  them  to  dodge 
bullets.  The  negro  troops  had  not  been  so  much  ex- 
posed, and  had  already  shown  their  steadiness  under  fire 
in  one  or  two  pretty  severe  skirmishes  in  which  they  had 
previously  been  engaged.  The  white  officers  and  men  of 
the  corps  were  elated  with  the  selection  made  by  General 
Burnside,  and  they,  too,  manifested  an  uncommon  interest 
in  their  dark-hued  comrades.  The  demeanor  of  the  former 
toward  the  latter  was  very  different  from  that  of  the 
other  corps,  of  which  that  particular  army  was  composed. 
The  9th  Corps  had  seen  more  service  than  any  other  corps 
in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Its  operations  in  six  States 
had  given  to  the  men  an  experience  calculated  to  destroy, 
very  greatly,  their  race  prejudice;  besides  a  very  large 
portion  of  the  regiments  in  the  corps  came  from  the  New 
England  States,  especially  Massachusetts,  Vermont  and 
Khode  Island,  where  race  prejudice  was  not  so  strong; 
consequently  the  treatment  of  the  men  in  the  4th  Divis- 
ion Avas  tempered  by  humanity,  and  pregnant  with  a  fra- 
ternal feeling  of  comradeship.  And  then  there  was  a  corps 
pride  very  naturally  existing  among  the  white  troops, 
which  prompted  a  desire  for  the  achievement  of  some 
great  and  brilliant  feat  by  their  black  comrades.  This 
feeling  was  expressed  in  more  than  one  way  by  the  entire 
corps,  and  greatly  enhanced  the  ambition  of  the  Phalanx 
to  rout  the  enemy  and  drive  him  out  of  his  fortifications 
before  Petersburg,  if  not  to  capture  the  city. 

These  high  hopes  were  soon  dissipated,  however.  Gen- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  413 

eral  Meade  had  an  interview  with  General  Burnside  on 
the  28th ;  the  subject  was  fully  discussed  as  to  the  plan  of 
the  assault,  as  proposed  by  General  Burnside,  and  made 
known  to  Meade  by  Burnside,  in  writing,  on  the  26th.  It 
was  at  this  meeting  that  General  Meade  made  his  objec- 
tions to  the  Phalanx  leading  the  assault.  General  Burn- 
side  argued  with  all  the  reason  he  could  command,  in 
favor  of  his  plans,  and  especially  for  the  Phalanx,  going 
over  the  grounds  already  cited;  why  his  white  troops 
were  unfit  and  disqualified  for  performing  the  task  of 
leading  the  assault,  but  in  vain.  Meade  was  firm  in  his 
purpose,  and,  true  to  his  training,  he  had  no  use  for  the 
negro  but  as  a  servant;  he  never  had  trusted  him  as  a 
soldier.  The  plan,  with  General  Meade's  objection  was 
referred  to  General  Grant  for  settlement.  Grant,  doubt- 
ing the  propriety  of  agreeing  with  a  subordinate,  as 
against  the  commander  of  the  army,  dismissed  the  dis- 
pute by  agreeing  with  Meade ;  therefore  the  Phalanx  was 
ruled  out  of  the  lead  and  placed  in  the  supporting  col- 
umn. It  was  not  till  the  night  of  the  29th,  a  few  hours 
before  the  assault  was  made,  that  the  change  was  made 
known  to  General  Ferrero  and  his  men,  who  were  greatly 
chagrined  and  filled  with  disappointment. 

General  Ledlie's  division  of  white  troops  was  to  lead 
the  assault,  after  the  explosion  of  the  mine  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  30th.  It  was  on  the  night  of  the  29th,  when 
General  Burnside  issued  his  battle  order,  in  accordance 
with  General  Meade's  plan  and  instructions,  and  at  the 
appointed  hour  all  the  troops  \vere  in  readiness  for  the 
conflict.  The  mine,  with  its  several  tons  of  powder,  was 
ready  at  a  quarter  past  three  o'clock  on  the  eventful 
morning  of  the  30th  of  July.  The  fuses  were  fired,  and 
"all  eyes  were  turned  to  the  confederate  fort  opposite/' 
which  was  discernible  but  three  hundred  feet  distant. 
The  garrison  was  sleeping  in  fancied  security ;  the  senti- 
nels slowly  paced  their  rounds,  without  a  suspicion  of  the 
crust  which  lay  between  them  and  the  awful  chasm  below. 
Our  own  troops,  lying  upon  their  arms  in  unbroken 
silence,  or  with  an  occasional  murmur,  stilled  at  once  by 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  whispered  word  of  command,  looked  for  the  eventful 
moment  of  attack  to  arrive.  A  quarter  of  an  hour 
passed, — a  half  hour,  yet  there  was  no  report.  Four 
o'clock,  and  the  sky  began  to  brighten  in  the  east;  the 
confederate  garrison  was  bestirring  itself.  The  enemy's 
lines  once  more  assumed  the  appearance  of  life;  the  sharp- 
shooters, prepared  for  their  victims,  began  to  pick  off 
those  of  our  men,  who  came  within  range  of  their  deadly 
aim.  Another  day  of  siege  was  drawing  on,  and  still 
there  was  no  explosion.  What  could  it  mean  ?  The  fuses 
had  failed, — the  dampness  having  penetrated  to  the  place 
where  the  parts  had  been  spliced  together,  presented  the 
powder  from  burning.  Two  men  (Lieut.  Jacob  Douty 
and  Sergeant — afterwards  Lieutenant — Henry  Kees,)  of 
the  48th  Pennsylvania  volunteered  to  go  and  ascertain 
where  the  trouble  was.  At  quarter  past  four  o'clock  they 
bravely  entered  the  mine,  re-arranged  the  fuses  and  re- 
lighted them.  In  the  meantime,  General  Meade  had  ar- 
rived at  the  permanent  headquarters  of  the  9th  Corps. 
Not  being  able  to  see  anything  that  was  going  forward, 
and  not  hearing  any  report,  he  became  somewhat  impa- 
tient. At  fifteen  minutes  past  four  o'clock  he  telegraphed 
to  General  Burnside  to  know  what  was  the  cause  of  the 
delay.  Gen.  Burnside  was  too  busy  in  remedying  the  fail- 
ure already  incurred  to  reply  immediately,  and  expected, 
indeed,  that  before  a  dispatch  could  be  sent  that  the  ex- 
plosion would  take  place.  General  Meade  ill-naturedly 
telegraphed  the  operator  to  know  where  General  Burnside 
was.  At  half-past  four,  the  commanding  general  became 
still  more  impatient,  and  was  on  the  point  of  ordering  an 
immediate  assault  upon  the  enemy's  works,  without  refer- 
ence to  the  mine.  Five  minutes  later  he  did  order  an 
assault.  General  Grant  was  there  when,  at  sixteen  min- 
utes before  five  o'clock,  the  mine  exploded.  Then  ensued 
a  scene  which  beggars  description. 

General  Badeau,  in  describing  the  spectacle,  says : 

"  The  mine  exploded  with  a  shock  like  that  of  an  earthquake,  tear- 
ing up  the  rebels'  work  above  them,  and  vomiting  men,  guns  and  caia- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  415 

sons  two  hundred  feet  into  the  air.  The  tremendous  mass  appeared  for 
a  moment  to  hang  suspended  in  the  heavens  like  a  huge,  inverted  cone, 
the  exploding  powder  still  flashing  out  here  and  there,  while  limbs  and 
bodies  of  mutilated  men,  and  fragments  of  cannon  and  wood-work  could 
be  seen,  then  all  fell  heavily  to  the  ground  again,  with  a  second  report 
like  thunder.  When  the  smoke  and  dust  had  cleared  away,  only  an 
enormous  crater,  thirty  feet  deep,  sixty  wide,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
long  stretched  out  in  front  of  the  Ninth  Corps,  where  the  rebel  fort  had 
been." 

The  explosion  was  the  signal  for  the  federal  batteries 
to  open  fire,  and  immediately  one  hundred  and  ten  guns 
and  fifty  mortars  opened  along  the  Union  front,  lending 
to  the  sublime  horror  of  the  upheaved  and  quaking  earth, 
the  terror  of  destruction. 

A  confederate  soldier  thus  describes  the  explosion,  in 
the  Philadelphia  Times,  January,  1883 : 

"  About  fifteen  feet  of  dirt  intervened  between  the  sleeping  soldiers 
and  all  this  powder.  In  a  moment  the  superincumbent  earth,  for  a 
space  forty  by  eighty  feet,  was  hurled  upward,  carrying  with  it  the 
artillerymen,  with  their  four  guns,  and  three  companies  of  soldiers.  As 
the  huge  mass  fell  backwards  it  buried  the  startled  men  under  immense 
clods— tons  of  dirt.  Some  of  the  artillery  was  thrown  forty  yards 
towards  the  enemy's  line.  The  clay  subsoil  was  broken  and  piled  in 
large  pieces,  often  several  yards  in  diameter,  which  afterwards  protected 
scores  of  Federals  when  surrounded  in  the  crater.  The  early  hour,  the 
unexpected  explosion,  the  concentrated  fire  of  the  enemy's  batteries, 
startled  and  wrought  confusion  among  brave  men  accustomed  to 
battle." 

Says  a  Union  account : 

"Now  was  the  time  for  action,  forward  went  General  Ledlie's  col- 
umn, with  Colonel  Marshall's  brigade  in  advance.  The  parapets  were 
surmounted,  the  abatis  was  quickly  removed,  and  the  division  pre- 
pared to  pass  over  the  intervening  ground,  and  charge  through  the 
still  smoking  ruins  to  gain  the  crest  beyond.  But  here  the  leading 
brigade  made  a  temporary  halt;  it  was  said  at  the  time  our  men 
suspected  a  counter  mine,  and  were  themselves  shocked  by  the  ter- 
rible scene  they  had  witnessed.  It  was,  however,  but  momentary;  in 
less  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  the  entire  division  was  out  of  its  en- 
trenchments, and  was  advancing  gallantly  towards  the  enemy's  line. 
The  ground  was  somewhat  difficult  to  cross  over,  but  the  troops  pushed 
steadily  on  with  soldiery  bearing,  overcoming  all  the  obstacles  before 
them.  They  reached  the  edge  of  the  crater,  passed  down  into  the  chasm 
and  attempted  to  make  their  way  through  the  yielding  sand,  the  bro- 


416  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ken  clay,  and  the  masses  of  rubbish  that  were  everywhere  about.  Many 
of  the  enemy's  men  were  lying  among  the  ruins,  half  buried,  and  vainly 
trying  to  free  themselves.  They  called  for  mercy  and  for  help.  The 
soldiers  stopped  to  take  prisoners,  to  dig  out  guns  and  other  material. 
Their  division  commander  was  not  with  them,  there  was  no  responsible 
head,  the  ranks  \vere  broken,  the  regimental  organizations  could  not  be 
preserved,  and  the  troops  were  becoming  confused.  The  enemy  was 
recovering  from  his  surprise,  our  artillery  began  to  receive  a  spirited 
response,  the  enemy's  men  went  back  to  their  guns ;  they  gathered  on 
the  crest  and  soon  brought  to  bear  upon  our  troops  a  fire  in  front  from 
the  Cemetery  Hill,  and  an  enfilading  and  cross-fire  from  their  guns  in 
battery.  Our  own  guns  could  not  altogether  silence  or  overcome  this 
fire  in  flank,  our  men  in  the  crater  were  checked,  felt  the  enemy's  fire, 
sought  cover,  began  to  entrench.  The  day  was  lost,  still  heroic  men 
continued  to  push  forward  for  the  crest,  but  in  passing  through  the 
crater  few  got  beyond  it.  Regiment  after  regiment,  brigade  followed 
brigade,  until  the  three  white  divisions  filled  the  opening  and  choked 
the  passage  to  all.  What  was  a  few  moments  ago  organization  and 
order,  was  now  a  disordered  mass  of  armed  men.  At  six  o'clock,  Gen- 
eral Meade  ordered  General  Burnside  to  push  'his  men  forward,  at  all 
hazards,  white  and  black.'  His  white  troops  were  all  in  the  crater,  and 
could  not  get  out.  As  instructed,  he  ordered  General  Ferrero  to  rush  in 
the  Phalanx ;  Colonel  Loving  was  near  when  the  order  came  to  Ferrero ; 
as  the  senior  staff  officer  present,  seeing  the  impossibility  of  the  troops 
to  get  through  the  crater,  at  that  time  countermanded  the  order,  and 
reported  in  person  to  General  Burnside,  but  he  had  no  discretion  to 
exercise,  his  duty  was  simply  to  repeat  Meade's  order.  The  order  must 
be  obeyed;  it  was  repeated;  away  went  the  Phalanx  division,  loudly 
cheering,  but  to  what  purpose  did  they  advance?  The  historian  of 
that  valiant  corps,  presumably  more  reliable  than  any  other  writer, 
eays : 

"'The  colored  troops  charged  forward,  cheering  with  enthusiasm 
and  gallantry.  Colonel  J.  K.  Sigfried,  commanding  the  first  brigade, 
led  the  attacking  column.  The  command  moved  out  in  rear  of  Colonel 
Humphrey's  brigade  of  the  Third  Division.  Colonel  Sigfried,  passing 
Colonel  Humphrey  by  the  flank,  crossed  the  field  immediately  in  front, 
went  down  the  crater,  and  attempted  to  go  through.  The  passage  was 
exceedingly  difficult,  but  after  great  exertions  the  brigade  made  its  way 
through  the  crowded  masses  in  a  somewhat  broken  and  disorganized 
condition,  and  advanced  towards  the  crest.  The  43rd  U.  S.  Colored 
troops  moved  over  the  lip  of  the  crater  toward  the  right,  made  an 
attack  upon  the  enemy's  line  of  intrenchments,  and  won  the  chief  suc- 
cess of  the  day,  capturing  a  number  of  prisoners  and  rebel  colors,  and 
re-capturing  a  stand  of  national  colois.  The  other  regiments  of  the 
brigade  were  unable  to  get  up,  on  account  of  white  troops  in  advance 
of  them  crowding  the  line.  The  second  brigade,  under  command  of 
Colonel  H.  G.  Thomas,  followed  the  first  with  equal  enthusiasm.  The 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  417 

men  rushed  forward,  descended  into  the  crater,  and  attempted  to  pass 
through.  Colonel  Thomas'  intention  was  to  go  to  the  right  and  attack 
the  enemy's  rifle-pits.  He  partially  succeeded  in  doing  so,  but  his  brig- 
ade was  much  broken  up  when  it  came  under  the  enemy's  fire.  The  gal- 
lant brigade  commander  endeavored,  in  person,  to  rally  his  command, 
and  at  last  formed  a  storming  column,  of  portions  of  the  29th,  28th, 
23rd,  and  19th  Regiments  of  the  Phalanx  division/ 

"'These  troops'  made  a  spirited  attack,  but  lost  heavily  in  officers 
and  became  somewhat  disheartened.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bross,  of  the 
29th,  with  the  colors  in  his  hands,  led  the  charge;  was  the  first  man 
to  leap  upon  the  enemy's  works,  and  was  instantly  killed.  Lieutenant 
Pennell  seized  the  colors,  but  was  shot  down,  riddled  through  and 
through.  Major  Theodore  H.  Rockwood,  of  the  19th,  sprang  upon  the 
parapet,  and  fell  while  cheering  on  his  regiment  to  the  attack.  The 
conduct  of  these  officers  and  their  associates  was  indeed  magnificent. 
No  troops  were  ever  better  lead  to  an  assault;  had  they  been  allowed 
the  advance  at  the  outset,  before  the  enemy  had  recovered  from  his 
first  surprise,  their  charge  would  have  been  successful.  But  it  was  made 
too  late.  The  fire  to  which  they  were  exposed  was  very  hot  and  des- 
tructive; it  came  from  front  and  flank,  it  poured  into  the  faces  of  the 
men.  It  enfiladed  their  lines.  The  enemy's  rage  against  the  colored 
troops  had  its  bloody  opportunity." 

And  they  made  use  of  it. 

Captain  W.  L.  Fagan,  of  the  8th  Alabama  Kegiment, 
thus  gives  an  account  of  the  fight,  from  the  confederate 
side: 

"  The  crater  combat,  unlike  other  battles  in  Virginia,  was  a  series  of 
deeds  of  daring,  of  bloody  hand-to-hand  fighting,  where  the  survivor 
could  count  with  a  certainty  the  men  he  had  slain.  A  few  days  ago  a 
soldier  said  to  me :  'I  killed  two  at  the  crater ;  they  were  not  three  feet 
from  me  when  they  fell.  I  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Confederacy 
from  Williamsburg  to  Appomattox  Court  House,  and  had,  to  the  morn- 
ing of  July  30,  only  seen  two  bayonet  wounds;— one  received  at  Fra- 
zier's  Farm,  the  other  at  Turkey  Ridge,  June  3, 1864.'  Men  stood  face 
to  face  at  the  crater.  Often  a  bayonet  thrust  was  given  before  the 
Minie  ball  went  crashing  through  the  body.  Every  man  took  care  of 
himself,  intent  on  selling  his  life  as  dearly  as  possible.  The  negroes 
did  not  all  stampede.  They  mingled  with  the  white  troops.  The  troops 
of  Mahone,  Wilcox  and  Wright  were  greeted  with  defiant  yells,  while 
their  ranks  were  mowed  down  by  withering  fires.  Many -officers  com- 
manding negro  troops  held  their  commissions  for  bravery.  Encouraged, 
threatened,  emulating  the  white  troops,  the  black  men  fought  with  des- 
peration. Some  Confederate  soldiers  recognized  their  slaves  at  the 

crater.    Captain  J ,  of  the  Fort 3  -first  Virginia,  gave  the  military 

salute  to  'Ben*  and  'Bob,*  whom  he  had  left  hoeing  corn  down  in 


418  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Dinwiddie.    If  White's  Division  had  occupied  Reservoir  Hill,  Richmond 
would  have  been  evacuated.'' 

But  let  the  writer  of  the  following  tell  what  the  brave 
black  men  met  after  having  advanced  beyond  the  crater, 
where  they  grappled  with  the  sullen  foe  filled  with  the 
recollection  of  the  capture,  in  June,  of  their  works,  guns 
and  comrades  by  the  "  niggers"  of  the  18th  Corps,  It  was 
not  lex  talionis  that  they  observed,  but  a  repetition  of 
the  Fort  Pillow  Massacre.  Under  the  head  of  "The  Con- 
federate Charge,"  the  particulars  are  given: 

"  The  Federals  now  held  the  crater  and  the  inner  line.  Generals  Lee 
and  Mahone  arrived  on  the  field  about  7 :30  A.  M.  A  ravine,  which 
deepened  on  our  right,  ran  parallel  with  this  inner  line  and  was  used  by 
Mahone  in  which  to  form  his  brigade  when  preparing  to  attack.  At  8 
A.M.  Mahone's  Brigade,  commanded  by  Colonel  D.  A.  Weisiger,  brought 
from  the  right  of  Hoke's  Division,  was  formed  in  this  ravine  and  ad- 
vanced to  the  assault.  The  Federals,  concentrating  a  terrific  fire  of 
musketry  and  artillery,  ploughed  out  great  gaps  in  these  fearless  Vir- 
ginians. Nothing  daunted,  they  pressed  forward  and  recaptured  the 
inner  line.  The  loss  of  this  brigade  was  heavy,  both  in  men  and  officers, 
more  than  two  hundred  Virginians  falling  between  the  ravine  and  the 
captured  works.  The  Federal  troops,  white  and  colored,  fought  with  a 
desperation  never  witnessed  on  former  battle-fields.  The  negroes,  it  is 
said,  cried  'No  quarter.'  Mahone  and  Wright's  Brigades  took  only 
twenty-nine  of  them  prisoners.  The  Federals  still  held  the  crater  and 
part  of  the  line.  Another  charge  was  necessary  and  Wright's  Georgia 
Brigade  was  ordered  up  from  Anderson's  Division.  Wright's  Brigade, 
forming  in  the  ravine,  moved  forward  to  drive  the  Federals  from  the 
line  they  still  held.  The  enemy,  expecting  their  attack,  poured  a  volley 
into  the  Georgians  that  decimated  their  ranks,  killing  and  wounding 
nearly  every  field  officer  in  the  brigade.  The  men  rushing  forward, 
breasting  a  storm  of  lead  and  iron,  failed  to  oblique  far  enough  to  the 
right  to  recapture  the  whole  line,  but  gained  the  line  occupied  by  and 
contiguous  to  the  line  already  captured  by  Weisiger,  commanding  Ma- 
hone's  Brigade.  Mahone's  Brigade  and  Wright's  Brigade  had  captured 
forty-two  officers,  three  hundred  and  ninety  men  and  twenty-nine 
negroes. 

"It  was  now  about  10  A.  M.  General  Grant  made  no  effort  to  rein- 
force his  line  or  to  dislodge  Weight  and  Mahone  from  the  positions 
they  held.  A  courier  dashed  up  to  General  J.  C.  C.  Sanders,  command- 
ing Wilcox's  Brigade,  informing  him  that  his  brigade  was  wanted.  The 
men  were  expecting  this  courier,  as  they  were  next  in  Mne,  and  they  dis- 
tinctly heard  the  shouts  of  Mahone's  and  Wright's  men,  followed  by  the 
heavy  artillery  firing,  while  the  word  had  passed  down  the  line  that  the 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  419 

salient  had  not  been  recaptured.  General  Sanders  moved  his  brigade, 
consisting  of  the  Eighth,  Ninth,  Tenth,  Eleventh  and  Fourteenth  Ala- 
bama Regiments,  to  the  left  and  occupied  the  ravine.  There  was  no 
shade  or  water  in  this  ravine,  while  the  men  were  exposed  nearly  four 
hours  to  a  scorching  sun.  The  heat  was  almost  beyond  human  endur- 
ance. Strong  men  fainted  and  were  carried  to  the  rear.  The  waves  of 
hot  air  at  times  were  almost  suffocating.  For  the  first  and  only  time 
the  men  were  told  what  was  expected  of  them.  General  Saunders  ex- 
plained the  situation  to  the  officers  of  the  regiments.  Each  captain 
spoke  to  his  men,  urging  them  to  retake  the  salient,  or  Petersburg  and 
Richmond  must  be  evacuated.  The  men  were  ordered  to  fix  their  bayo- 
nets securely,to  trail  arms — not  to  fire,  not  to  yell,  but  to  move  quietly 
up  the  side  of  the  ravine,  and  then,  every  man  run  for  his  life  to  the 
breastworks.  They  were  told  that  Generals  Lee,  Beauregard,  Hill,  Ma- 
hone,  Hoke  and  every  general  officer  of  the  army  would  watch  them  as 
they  moved  forward. 

"At  1 :30  P.  M.  the  firing  had  almost  ceased  and  the  Federals,  over- 
come with  heat,  did  not  expect  an  attack.  Saunders  formed  his  brig- 
ade and  moved  quietly  up  the  side  of  the  ravine.  Hardly  a  word  was 
spoken,  for  the  Alabamians  expected  to  die  or  retake  that  salient.  The 
eye  of  General  Lee  was  fixed  on  them.  When  they  caught  sight  of  the 
works  their  old  feelings  came  back  to  them  and  yell  they  must.  With 
the  fury  of  a  whirlwind  they  rushed  upon  the  line  they  had  bean  ordered 
to  take.  The  movement  was  so  unexpected  and  so  quickly  executed 
that  only  one  shell  was  thrown  into  the  brigade.  The  works  gained, 
they  found  the  enemy  on  the  other  side.  It  was  stated  that  Lee,  speak- 
ing to  Beauregard,  said :  *  Splendid ! '  Beauregard  spoke  with  enthusi- 
asm of  the  brilliant  charge. 

"In  an  instant  the  Federal  army  was  aroused,  and  batteries  opened 
along  the  whole  line,  while  the  infantry  fire  was  a  continuous  roar. 
Only  a  breastwork  divided  Wilcox's  Brigade  from  the  Federals.  A  mo- 
ment was  required  for  Saunders  to  reform,  and  his  brigade  mounted  the 
inner  line  and  forced  the  enemy  backwards  to  the  outer  line  and  the 
crater.  The  crater  was  full  of  white  and  negro  soldiers.  The  Confeder- 
ates, surrounding  it  on  every  side,  poured  volley  after  volley  into  this 
heaped-up  mass  of  terrified  negroes  and  their  brave  officers.  The  ne- 
groes ran  in  every  direction  and  were  shot  down  without  a  thought. 
Bayonets,  swords  and  the  butts  of  muskets  were  used.  The  deafening 
roar  of  artillery  and  musketry,  the  yells  and  imprecations  of  the  com- 
batants, drowned  the  commands  of  officers.  A  negro  in  the  crater 
attempted  to  raise  a  white  flag,  and  it  was  instantly  pulled  down  by  a 
Federal  officer.  The  Federal  colors  were  planted  on  a  Ifcige  lump  of 
dirt,  and  waved  until  Sergeant  Wallace,  of  the  Eleventh  Alabama,  fol- 
lowed by  others,  seized  them  and  tore  them  from  the  staff.  Instantly  a 
white  flag  was  raised,  and  the  living,  who  were  not  many,  surrendered. 
The  crater  was  won." 


420  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

With  the  exception  of  General  Burnside,  no  com- 
mander of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  in  favor  of  the 
Phalanx  participating  in  a  battle.  What,  then,  had  the 
Phalanx  to  expect  of  those  to  whom  they  had  borne  the 
relation  of  sla  ve  ?  The  confederates  had  a  right  to  expect 
hard  fighting  when  they  met  the  Phalanx,  and  the  Pha- 
lanx knew  they  had  to  fight  hard  when  they  met  the 
-confederates.  It  was  the  previous  associations  and  habits 
of  the  negro  that  kept  him  from  retaliating  for  the  several 
massacres  that  had  been  perpetrated  upon  his  brother- 
soldiers.  It  was  not  for  a  want  of  courage  to  do  it: 
it  was  only  necessary  for  those  who  commanded  them  to 
have  ordered  it,  and  they  would  never  have  taken  a 
confederate  prisoner. 

Many  of  those,  who  commanded  them  needed  but 
public  opinion  to  sustain  them,  to  give  such  an  order  as 
would  have  made  every  battle  between  the  Phalanx  and 
the  confederates  bloody  and  inhuman.  It  was  but  the 
-enlightened  sentiment  of  the  North,  the  religious  teaching 
of  the  brotherhood  of  man,  the  high  character  and  moral 
training  of  the  statesmen  on  the  side  of  the  Union,  that 
restrained  the  Phalanx  from  retaliation,  else  they  pos- 
sessed none  of  the  characteristics  of  a  courageous,  sensi- 
tive and  high  tempered  people.  The  negro  is  not  naturally 
•docile;  his  surroundings,  rather  than  his  nature,  have 
given  him  the  trait ;  it  is  not  naturally  his,  but  something 
which  his  trainers  have  given  him ;  and  it  is  not  a  difficult 
task  to  untrain  him  and  advance  him  beyond  his  appar- 
ent unconsciousness  of  self-duty  and  self-preservation. 
Let  him  feel  that  he  is  to  be  supported  in  any  transaction 
uncommon  to  him,  and  he  can  act  as  aggressively  as  any 
race  of  men  who  are  naturally  quicker  in  temperament. 
It  is  this  characteristic  that  made  the  negro  what  General 
Grant  said  he  was :  in  discipline  a  better  soldier  than  the 
white  man.  It  was  said  that  he  would  not  fight :  there  is 
no  man  in  the  South  who  met  him  on  the  battle-field  that 
will  say  so  now. 

These  are  a  few  of  the  thoughts  that  came  to  me  as  I 
listened  for  an  hour,  one  evening  in  June,  1883,  to  the 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  421 

confederate  Gen.  Mahone,  whose  acquaintance  the  writer 
enjoys,  reciting  the  story  of  the  light  at  the  crater,  where 
the  negro  met  the  confederate,  and  in  a  hand-to-hand 
struggle  one  showed  as  much  brute  courage  as  the  other. 
It  would  not  be  doing  the  negro  justice  to  accord  him 
less,  and  yet  that  courage  never  led  him  to  acts  of  inhu- 
manity. It  is  preferable  that  the  confederates  themselves 
should  tell  the  stories  of  their  butcheries  than  for  me  to 
attempt  them.  Not  the  stories  told  at  the  time,  but 
fifteen  years  afterward,  when  men  could  reflect  and  write 
more  correctly.  There  is  one,  an  orator,  who  has  de- 
scribed the  fight,  whose  reference  to  the  crater  so  glad- 
dened the  hearts  of  his  audience  that  they  reproduced  the 
"yell,"  and  yelled  themselves  hoarse.  No  battle  fought 
during  the  war,  not  even  that  of  Bull  Run,  elicited  so 
much  comment  and  glorification  among  the  confederates 
as  that  of  the  crater.  It  was  the  bloodiest  fight  on  the 
soil  of  the  Old  Dominion,  and  has  been  the  subject  of 
praise  by  poets  and  orators  upon  the  confederate  side. 
Capt.  J.  B.  Hope  eulogized  "Mahone's  brigade"  in  true 
Southern  verse.  Capt.  McCabe,  on  the  1st  of  November, 
1876,  in  his  oration  before  the  "Association  of  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia,"  in  narrating  the  recapture  of  the 
works,  said : 

"It  was  now  8  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  rest  of  Potter's  (Fed- 
eral) division  moved  out  slowly,  when  Ferrero's  negro  division,  the  men, 
beyond  question,  inflamed  with  drink,  (there  are  many  officers  and  men, 
myself  among  the  number,  who  will  testify  to  this),  burst  from  the  ad- 
vanced lines,  cheering  vehemently,  passed  at  a  double  quick  over  a  crest 
under  a  heavy  fire,  and  rushed  with  scarcely  a  check  over  the  heads  of 
the  white  troops  in  the  crater,  spread  to  their  right,  and  captured  more 
than  two  hundred  prisoners  and  one  stand  of  colors.  At  the  same  time 
Turner,  of  the  Tenth  corps,  pushed  forward  a  brigade  over  the  Ninth 
Corps'  parapet,  seized  the  Confederate  line  still  further  to  the  north, 
and  quickly  dispersed  the  remaining  brigades  of  his  division  to  confirm 
his  successes." 

The  truth  is  over-reached  in  the  statement  of  this 
orator^  if  he  intended  to  convey  the  idea  that  the  men  of 
the  Phalanx  division  were  drunk  from  strong  drink ;  but 
it  may  be  looked  upon  as  an  excuse  offered  for  the  treat- 

21 


422  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ment  the  courageous  negro  soldiers  received  at  the  hands 
of  their  captors,  who,  worse  than  enraged  by  strong 
drink,  gave  the  battle-cry  on  their  way  to  the  front,  "  No 
quarter  to  niggers! "  This  has  been  admitted  by  those 
in  a  position,  at  the  time,  to  know  what  went  on.  In  his 
"  Recollections  of  the  Recapture  of  the  Lines,"  Colonel 
Stewart  of  the  61st  Virginia  Regiment,  says: 

"  When  nearly  opposite  the  portions  of  our  works  held  by  the  Fed- 
eral troops,  we  met  several  soldiers  who  were  in  the  works  at  the  time  of 
the  explosion.  Our  men  began  ridiculing  them  for  going  to  the  rear, 
when  one  of  them  remarked,  'Ah,  boys,  you  have  got  hot  work  ahead, 
— they  are  negroes,  and  show  no  quarter.'  This  was  the  first  intimation 
we  had  that  we  were  to  fight  negro  troops,  and  it  seemed  to  infuse  the 
little  band  with  impetuous  daring,  as  they  pressed  toward  the  fray.  I 
never  felt  more  like  fighting  in  my  life.  Our  comrades  had  been  slaugh- 
tered in  a  most  inhuman  and  brutal  manner,  and  slaves  were  tramp- 
ling over  their  mangled  and  bleeding  corpses.  Revenge  must  have  fired 
every  heart,  and  strung  every  arm  with  nerves  of  steel,  for  the  hercu- 
lean task  of  blood." 

On  the  Monday  morning  after  the  assault  of  Satur- 
day, the  Richmond  Enquirer  said : 

"Grant's  war  cry  of  'no  quarter'  shouted  by  his  negro  soldiers, 
was  returned  with  interest,  we  regret  to  hear,  not  so  heavily  as  ought 
to  have  been,  since  some  negroes  were  captured  instead  of  being  shot. 
Let  every  salient  we  are  called  upon  to  defend,  be  a  Fort  Pillow,  and 
butcher  every  negro  that  Grant  hurls  against  our  brave  troops,  and 
permit  them  not  to  soil  their  hands,  with  the  capture  of  one  negro." 

There  is  no  truth  in  the  statement.  No  such  cry  was 
ever  made  by  negro  soldiers;  and  when  it  is  remembered 
that  the  confederate  congress,  in  four  short  months  after 
this  declaration,  began  arming  slaves  for  the  defense  of 
Richmond,  it  is  readily  seen  how  deep  and  with  what 
sincerity  such  declarations  were  made.  The  Southern 
historian  Pollard  thus  describes  the  situation  after  the 
assault  and  the  ground  had  again  come  into  the  posses- 
sion of  the  confederates : 

"The  ground  all  around  was  dotted  with  the  fallen,  while  the  sides 
and  bottom  of  the  crater  were  literally  lined  with  dead,  the  bodies  lying 
in  every  conceivable  position.  Some  had  evidently  been  killed  with  the 
butts  of  muskets,  as  their  crushed  skulls  and  badly  smashed  faces  too 
plainly  indicated.'  Within  this  crater— this  hole  of  forty  by  eighty  feet- 
were  lying  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  dead  soldiers,  besides  the  wound- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  425 

ed.  The  soil  was  literally  saturated  with  blood.  General  Bartlett  was 
here,  with  his  steel  leg  broken.  He  did  not  look  as  though  he  had  been 
at  a  '  diamond  wedding,'  but  was  present  at  a  '  dance  of  death.'  A  cov- 
ered way  for  artillery  was  so  full  of  dead  that  details  were  made  to 
throw  them  out,  that  artillery  might  be  brought  in.  The  dead  bodies 
formed  a  heap  on  each  side.  The  Alabamians  captured  thirty-four  offi- 
cers, five  hundred  and  thirty-six  white  and  one  hundred  and  thirty -nine 
colored  soldiers.  The  three  brigades  had  seventeen  stands  of  colors, 
held  by  seventeen  as  brave,  sweaty,  dirty,  powder-stained  fellows  as 
ever  wore  the  gray,  who  knew  that,  when  presenting  their  colors  to 
division  headquarters,  to  each  a  furlough  of  thirty  days  would  be 
granted. 

"  The  crater  was  filled  with  wounded,  to  whom  our  men  gave  water. 
Adjutant  Morgan  Cleveland,  of  the  8th  Alabama  Regiment,  assisted  a 
federal  captain  who  was  mortally  wounded  and  suffering  intensely. 
Near  him  lay  a  burly,  wounded  negro.  The  officer  said  he  would  die. 
The  negro,  raising  himself  on  his  elbow,  cried  out :  '  Thank  God.  You 
killed  my  brother  when  we  charged,  because  he  was  afraid  and  ran. 
Now  the  rebels  have  killed  you.'  Death  soon  ended  the  suffering  of  one 
and  the  hatred  of  the  other.  A  darkness  came  down  on  the  battle-field 
and  the  victors  began  to  repair  the  salient.  The  crater  was  cleared  of 
the  dead  and  wounded.  Men  were  found  buried  ten  feet  under  the  dirt. 
Twenty-two  of  the  artillery  company  were  missing.  Four  hundred  and 
ninety-eight  dead  and  wounded  confederates  were  buried  or  sent  to  the 
hospitals.  Between  the  lines  lay  hundreds  of  wounded  federals,  who 
vainly  called  for  water.  These  men  had  been  without  water  since  early 
morning.  Some  calling  louder  than  others,  their  voices  were  recognized, 
and  as  their  cries  grew  fainter,  we  knew  their  lives  were  ebbing  away. 
Our  men,  risking  their  lives,  carried  water  to  some. 

"I  find  in  my  diary  these  lines:  'Sunday,  July  31,  1864.  Every- 
thing comparatively  quiet  along  the  lines.  Hundreds  of  federal  soldiers 
are  lying  in  front  of  the  crater  exposed  to  a  scorching  sun ;  some  are 
crying  for  water.  The  enemy's  fire  is  too  heavy  for  a  soldier  to  expose 
himself.'  Late  on  Sunday  evening  a  flag  of  truce  was  sent  in  and  for- 
warded to  General  Lee.  General  Grant  had  asked  permission  to  bury 
his  dead  and  remove  his  wounded.  The  truce  was  granted,  to  begin  on 
Monday  at  5  A.  M.  and  conclude  at  9  A.  M.  Punctual  to  the  hour  the 
federal  details  came  on  the  field  and  by  9  A.  M.  had  buried  about  three 
hundred.  The  work  was  hardly  begun  and  the  truce  was  extended. 
Hour  after  hour  was  granted  until  it  was  evening  before  the  field  was 
cleared." 

With  these  selections  from  the  mass  of  confederate 
testimony  before  us,  of  their  "daring,  bloody  work," 
given  by  participants,  it  is  well  to  read  some  of  the  state- 
ments of  those  who  battled  for  the  Union  on  that  occa- 
sion. 


426  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Many  of  the  correspondents  at  the  seat  of  war,  igno- 
rant of  the  real  facts  regarding  the  assault,  attributed 
the  failure,  not  to  General  Meade's  interference  with 
General  Burnside's  plan,  but  to  the  Phalanx  division,  the 
men  who  bore  the  brunt  of  the  battle  and  gained  for 
themselves  a  fame  for  desperate  fighting.  But  some  of 
those  who  were  acquainted  with  the  facts  have  left  records 
that  tell  the  true  story  and  give  honor  to  whom  honor  is 
due.  Gen.  Grant  is  among  the  number ;  he  perfectly  under- 
stood the  whole  matter,  knew  that  General  Burnside,  not 
being  allowed  to  carry  out  his  own  plans,  but  at  the  last 
moment  compelled  to  act  contrary  to  his  judgment,  could 
not  fight  with  that  enthusiasm  and  confidence  that  he 
would  have  done  had  he  been  allowed  to  carry  out  his 
own  ideas.  In  his  "Memoirs,"  General  Grant  gives  an 
account  of  the  explosion  of  the  mine  and  the  assault  after 
placing  the  blame  for  the  "stupendous  failure"  where  it 
belongs.  I  quote  a  few  preliminary  words  which  not  only 
intimate  where  the  trouble  lies,  but  gives  the  key  to  the 
whole  matter.  Speaking  of  General  Burnside's  command, 
he  says: 

"  The  four  divisions  of  his  corps  were  commanded  by  Generals  Pot- 
ter, Wilcox,  Ledlie  and  Ferrero.  The  last  was  a  colored  division;  and 
Burnside  selected  it  to  make  the  assault.  Meade  interfered  with  this. 
Burnside  then  took  Ledlie's  division — a  worse  selection  than  the  first 
could  have  been.  *  *  *  *  Ledlie,  besides  being  otherwise  inefficient, 
proved  also  to  possess  disqualifications  less  common  among  soldiers." 

A  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post  says : 

"We  have  been  continually  notified  for  the  last  fortnight,  that  our 
sappers  were  mining  the  enemy's  position.  As  soon  as  ready,  our  divis- 
ion was  to  storm  the  works  on  its  explosion.  This  rumor  had  spread 
so  wide  we  had  no  faith  in  it.  On  the  night  of  the  29th,  we  were  in  a 
position  on  the  extreme  left.  We  were  drawn  in  about  nine  p.  M.,  and 
marched  to  General  Burnside's  headquarters,  and  closed  in  mass  by 
division,  left  in  front.  We  there  received  official  notice  that  the  long- 
looked-for  mine  was  ready  charged,  and  would  be  fired  at  daylight  next 
morning.  The  plan  of  storming  was  as  follows :  One  division  of  white 
troops  was  to  charge  the  works  immediately  after  the  explosion,  and 
carry  the  first  and  second  lines  of  rebel  intrenchments.  Our  division 
was  to  follow  immediately,  and  push  right  into  Petersburg,  take  the 
city,  and  be  supported  by  the  remainder  of  the  Ninth  and  Twenty- 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  427 

eighth  corps.  We  were  up  bright  and  early,  ready  and  eager  for  the 
struggle  to  commence.  I  had  been  wishing  for  something  of  this  sort 
to  do  for  some  time,  to  gain  the  respect  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
You  know  their  former  prejudices.  At  thirty  minutes  after  five,  the  ball 
opened.  The  mine,  with  some  fifty  pieces  of  artillery,  went  off  almost 
instantaneously ;  at  the  same  time,  the  white  troops,  according  to  the 
plan,  charged  the  fort,  which  they  carried,  for  there  was  nothing  to 
oppose  them ;  but  they  did  not  succeed  in  carrying  either  of  the  lines  of 
intrenchments. 

"  We  were  held  in  rear  until  the  development  of  the  movement  of 
the  white  troops ;  but,  on  seeing  the  disaster  which  was  about  to  occur, 
we  pushed  in  by  the  flank  (for  we  could  go  in  in  no  other  way  to  allow 
us  to  get  in  position) ;  so  you  see  on  this  failure  we  had  nothing  to  do 
but  gain  by  the  flank.  A  charge  in  that  manner  has  never  proved  suc- 
cessful, to  my  knowledge;  when  it  does,  it  is  a  surprise. 

"Our  men  went  forward  with  enthusiasm  equal  to  anything  under 
different  circumstances;  but,  in  going  through  the  fort  that  had  been 
blown  up,  the  passage  was  almost  impeded  by  obstacles  thrown  up  by 
the  explosion.  At  the  same  time,  we  were  receiving  a  most  deadly  cross- 
fire from  both  flanks.  At  this  time,  our  lieutenant-colonel  (E.  W.  Ross) 
fell,  shot  through  the  left  leg,  bravely  leading  the  men.  I  immediately 
assumed  command,  but  only  to  hold  it  a  few  minutes,  when  I  fell,  struck 
by  a  piece  of  shell  in  the  side.  Capt.  Robinson,  from  Connecticut,  then 
took  command;  and,  from  all  we  can  learn,  he  was  killed.  At  this 
time,  our  first  charge  was  somewhat  checked,  and  the  men  sought  cover 
in  the  works.  Again  our  charge  was  made,  but,  like  the  former,  unsuc- 
cessful. This  was  followed  by  the  enemy  making  a  charge.  Seeing  the 
unorganized  condition  and  the  great  loss  of  officers,  the  men  fell  back  to 
our  own  works.  Yet  a  large  number  still  held  the  fort  until  two  p.  M., 
when  the  enemy  charged  again,  and  carried  it.  That  ended  the  great 
attempt  to  take  Petersburg. 

"It  will  be  thus  seen  that  the  colored  troops  did  not  compose  the 
first  assaulting,  but  the  supporting  column;  and  they  were  not  ordered 
forward  until  white  troops  in  greater  numbers  had  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  carry  the  rebel  works,  and  had  failed.  Then  the  colored  troops 
were  sent  in;  moved  over  the  broken  ground,  and  up  the  slope,  and 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  parapet,  in  order,  and  with  steady  cour- 
age ;  but  finally  broke  and  retreated  under  the  same  fire  which  just  be- 
fore had  sent  a  whole  division  of  white  regiments  to  the  right-about.  If 
there  be  any  disgrace  in  that,  it  does  not  belong  exclusively  nor  mainly 
to  the  negroes.  A  second  attack  is  far  more  perilous  and  unlikely  to  suc- 
ceed than  a  first;  the  enemy  having  been  encouraged  by  the  failure  of 
the  first,  and  had  time  to  concentrate  his  forces.  And,  in  this  case,  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  fatal  delay  in  ordering  both  the  first  and  second 
assault." 

An  officer  in  the  same  engagement  says : 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"In  regard  to  the  bravery  of  the  colored  troops,  although  I  have 
been  in  upwards  of  twenty  battles,  I  never  sa\v  so  many  cases  of  gal- 
lantry. The  'crater,'  where  we  were  halted,  was  a  perfect  slaughter-pen. 
Had  not  'some  one  blundered,'  but  moved  us  up  at  daylight,  instead  of 
eight  o'clock,  we  should  have  been  crowned  with  success,  instead  of  be- 
ing cut  to  pieces  by  a  terrific  enfilading  fire,  and  finally  forced  from  the 
field  in  a  panic.  We  had  no  trouble  in  rallying  the  troops  and  moving 
them  into  the  rifle-pits;  and,  in  one  hour  after  the  rout  I  had  nearly  as 
many  men  together  as  were  left  unhurt. 

<;I  was  never  under  such  a  terrific  fire,  and  can  hardly  realize  how 
any  escaped  alive.  Our  loss  was  heavy.  In  the  Twenty-eighth  (colored) 
for  instance,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col.  Russell  (a  Bostonian),  he  lost 
seven  officers  out  of  eleven,  and  ninety-one  men  out  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty-four;  and  the  colonel  himself  was  knocked  over  senseless,  for  a 
few  minutes,  by  a  slight  wound  in  the  head ;  both  his  color-sergeants 
and  all  his  color-guard  were  killed.  Col.  Bross,  of  the  Twenty-ninth, 
was  killed  outright,  and  nearly  every  one  of  his  officers  hit.  This  was 
nearly  equal  to  Bunker  Hill.  Col.  Ross,  of  the  Thirty -first,  lost  his  leg. 
The  Twenty-eighth,  Twenty-ninth  and  Thirtieth  (colored),  all  charged 
over  the  works;  climbing  up  an  earthwork  six  feet  high,  then  down  into 
a  ditch,  and  up  on  the  other  side,  all  the  time  under  the  severest  fire  in 
front  and  flank.  Not  being  supported,  of  course  the  storming  party 
fell  back.  I  have  seen  white  troops  run  faster  than  these  blacks  did, 
when  in  not  halt  so  tight  a  place.  Our  brigade  lost  thirty-six  prisoners, 
all  cut  off  after  leaving  the  '  crater.'  My  faith  in  colored  troops  is  not 
abated  one  jot.' " 

The  Congressional  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the 
War  investigated  the  affair,  before  which  General  Grant 
testified.  He  was  severe  upon  General  Ledlie,  whom  he 
regarded  as  an  inefficient  officer ;  he  blamed  himself  for 
allowing  .that  officer  to  lead  the  assault.  General  Grant 
also  testified: 

'-General  Burnside  wanted  to  put  his  colored  division  in  front;  I 
believe  if  he  had  done  so  it  would  have  been  a  success." 

On  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  August,  1864,  a  bri- 
gade of  the  Phalanx,  consisting  of  the  7th,  8th,  9th  and 
29th  Regiments,  crossed  from  Bermuda  Hundreds  to  the 
north  side  of  the  James  river,  on  pontoons,  near  Jones' 
landing,  and  bivouacked  for  the  night.  General  Grant 
was  led  to  believe  that  General  Lee  had  sent  a  portion  of 
his  troops,  at  least  three  divisions  of  infantry,  and  one  of 
cavalry,  from  the  front  of  Petersburg,  to  re-enforce  Gen. 
Early,  then  operating  in  the  valley.  Consequently  he 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  420 

thought  it  a  favorable  opportunity  to  threaten  Rich- 
mond, and  ordered  Hancock  with  the  2nd,  ana  Birney 
with  a  part  of  the  10th  Corps,  with  Gregg's  Cavalry,  to 
attack  the  confederate  works  on  the  north  side  of  the 
James,  The  object  was  two-fold:  to  prevent  Lee  from 
re-enforcing  Early,  confronted  by  Sheridan's  troops ;  and 
likewise  to  drive  the  confederates  from  out  their  works. 
The  troops  crossed  the  James  on  the  13th,  the  2d  Corps 
going  to  Deep  Bottom  by  transports,  the  other  troops 
crossing  the  river  by  pontoons,  and  advancing,  found  the 
enemy  in  force.  Several  spirited  engagements  took  place, 
after  which  the  main  forces  withdrew  again  across  the 
river,  to  the  front  of  Petersburg.  The  following  account 
applies  to  the  brigade  as  well  as  the  7th  Phalanx  Regi- 
ment, from  whose  record  it  is  extracted : 

"During  the  forenoon  of  the  14th  the  (7th)  Regiment  acted  as  reserve, 
moving  forward  occasionally  as  the  line  advanced.  Most  of  the  work  of 
the  day  was  done  to  the  right,  little  being  done  in  the  immediate  front 
except  skirmishing.  About  5  p.  M.  a  portion  of  the  Seventh  and  Ninth, 
forming  line  in  the  edge  of  some  timber,  moved  across  an  open  field  and 
charged  upon  reaching  the  farther  side  and  captured  the  enemy's  line  of 
rifle-pits.  The  companies  of  the  Seventh  pushed  on  some  distance  fur- 
ther toward  their  second  line,  but  were  met  with  so  severe  a  fire  that 
they  fell  back  to  the  captured  line;  which  was  held.  This  charge,  known 
as  the  action  of  Kingsland  Road,  was  made  in  fine  style.  The  battalion 
of  the  Seventh  was  commanded  by  Capt.  Weiss— Col.  Shawr  having  been 
detailed  as  Corps  Officer  of  the  day,  and  Lieut.-Col.  Haskell  being  tem- 
porarily in  command  of  the  brigade.  Our  losses  were  two  men  killed, 
and  one  officer  (Lieut.  Eler)  and  thirty-two  men  wounded. 

"About  10  o'clock  p.  M.,  the  troops  moved  down  the  road  to  the 
right,  and  at  1  o'clock  Col.  Shaw  withdrew  the  pickets  of  the  corps,  re- 
crossed  the  pontoons,  where  we  had  crossed  in  the  morning,  and  moved 
down  the  neck.  Then  followed  four  hours  of  the  most  wearisome  night- 
marching— moving  a  few  rods  at  a  time  and  then  halting  for  troops 
ahead  to  get  out  of  the  way ;  losing  sight  of  them  and  hurrying  forward 
to  catch  up;  straggling  out  into  the  darkness,  stumbling  and  groping 
along  the  rough  road,  and  all  the  time  the  rain  coming  down  in  a  most 
provoking,  exasperating  drizzle.  About  daylight  crossed  back  to  the 
north  side  and  halted  for  coffee,  and  then  moved  forward  some  four 
miles  and  rejoined  the  corps,  taking  position  behind  the  crest  of  a  hill. 
The  Eighth  and  Twenty-ninth  were  left  in  a  work  on  the  hill. 

"About  3:30  p.  M.  orders  came  to  pile  knapsacks  and  be  ready  to 
march  immediately.  A  little  after  4  o'clock  the  brigade  moved, to  the 


430  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

right,  some  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  into  an  open  cornfield,  and,  after 
halting  a  few  moments,  turned  down  a  road  through  the  woods  to  the 
left  with  Gen.  Wm.  Birney,  who  ordered  Col.  Shaw  to  throw  out  skir- 
mishers and  advance  with  his  brigade  down  a  road  which  he  pointed 
out,  find  the  enemy  and  attack  vigorously,  and  then  rode  away.  Find- 
ing the  road  turning  to  the  left,  Col.  Shaw  sent  word  to  Gen.  Birnej 
that  the  designated  road  would  probably  bring  him  back  on  our  own 
line.  The  order  came  back  from  Gen.  Birney  to  go  ahead.  The  road 
still  bearing  to  the  left,  word  was  again  sent  that  we  should  strike  our 
own  line  if  we  continued  to  advance  in  the  direction  we  were  going.  A 
second  time  the  answer  came  to  move  on.  A  third  messenger  having 
brought  from  Gen.  Birney  the  same  reply,  Col.  Shaw  decided  to  disobey 
the  order  and  call  in  the  skirmishers.  Before  it  could  be  done  firing 
commenced  and  continued  briskly  for  several  minutes,  before  the  men 
recognized  each  other,  and  it  was  discovered  that  we  had  been  firing 
into  our  own  Second  Brigade — Col.  Osborn's.  This  sad  affair,  which 
would  not  have  occurred  had  Col  Shaw's  caution  been  heeded,  resulted 
in  the  killing  of  the  lieutenant  commanding  the  picket-line  and  the 
wounding  of  many  men  on  both  sides.  After  this  fiasco  the  brigade 
moved  out  into  the  cornfield,  where  it  had  halted  earlier  in  the  day,  and 
bivouacked  for  the  night.  The  regiment  had  been  more  or  less  exposed 
all  day  to  shell-fire,  but  lost  from  it  only  four  or  five  men  wounded,  in 
addition  to  the  ten  or  twelve  men  wounded  in  the  skirmish  with  Os- 
born's brigade. 

"Early  on  the  morning  of  the  16th,  the  regiment  marched  back 
to  its  knapsacks  and  halted  for  breakfast.  About  10  o'clock  it  was 
ordered  out  to  support  two  batteries,  and  remained  on  this  duty  until 
3  P.  M.,  changing  position  frequently.  In  the  meantime  Gen.  Terry,  with 
the  First  Division  of  the  Tenth  Corps,  had  charged  the  rebel  line,  near 
Fuzzel's  mills,  and  captured  it,  together  with  three  colors  and  some 
three  hundred  prisoners.  But  the  enemy  rallied,  and  with  reinforce- 
ments, soon  compelled  Gen.  Terry  to  relinquish  the  captured  line. 
About  dark  Gen.  Wm.  Birney  came  up,  and  taking  the  left  wing  of  the 
Seventh— the  right  wing,  under  Col.  Shaw,  was  in  support  of  a  battery— 
and  two  companies  of  the  Ninth,  placed  them  under  command  of  Lieut.- 
Col.  Haskell,  and  ordered  him  with  this  handful  of  men  to  take  an 
earthwork  in  his  front  which  a  division  a  short  time  before  had  failed  to 
carry.  The  timely  arrival  of  Gen.  Terry  put  an  end  to  this  mad  scheme. 
The  regiment  lost  during  the  day  eight  or  ten  men  wounded. 

"The  general  results  of  the  day's  fighting  had  been  unsatisfactory, 
for  not  only  had  Terry's  attack  failed  in  its  object,  but  the  advance  on 
the  right,  along  the  Charles  City  road,  by  the  troops  of  the  Second 
Corps  and  Gregg's  cavalry  division,  had  been  equally  unsuccessful.  The 
rebel  General  Chambliss  was  among  the  killed. 

"About  2 :30  A.  M.  of  the  17th,  the  left  wing  of  the  regiment  was  sent 
back  to  a  line  of  rifle-pits  that  had  been  thrown  up  some  two  hundred 
yards  to  the  rear,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  right  wing  in  the  morning 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  431 

after  breakfast.  Picket-firing  continued  during  the  day  and  heavy  ar- 
tillery firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  Petersburg.  At  4  p.  M.  a  flag 
of  truce  was  sent  out  and  two  hours  given  to  bring  in  the  dead  from 
between  the  lines.  Gen.  Chambliss'  body  was  delivered,  and  we  received 
that  of  Capt.  Williams,  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Illinois.  Early  in  the  even- 
ing the  regiment  was  ordered  on  picket.  Considerable  picket-firing  oc- 
curred during  the  night  and  day,  the  men  being  with  difficulty  restrained 
from  it.  "We  were  relieved  about  noon  of  the  18th  by  the  One  Hundred 
and  Fifteenth  New  York  and  Seventy-sixth  Pennsylvania.  *  *  * 

"  Early  in  the  morning  the  Eighth  and  the  Twenty-ninth  Connecti- 
cut rejoined  the  regiment,  and  after  the  regiment  was  relieved  from 
picket,  it,  with  the  Twenty-ninth,  fell  back  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  leav- 
ing the  Eighth  and  Ninth  on  the  line.  Eations  having  been  drawn,  the 
men  got  supper  and  prepared  for  a  good  night's  sleep.  Suddenly  a 
heavy  musketry  fire  broke  out  toward  the  left  which  rapidly  extended 
to  the  right  and  the  entire  line  was  soon  under  fire.  The  regiment 
moved  forward  at  double-quick,  but  by  the  time  it  reached  the  front 
and  formed  line,  darkness  set  in  and  the  enemy  fell  back.  About  11 
p.  M.  our  forces  were  withdrawn,  and,  after  several  hours  spent  in  march- 
ing and  halting,  the  regiment  went  into  camp  two  miles  from  the 
pontoons.  Here  it  lay  all  day  of  the  19th.  The  following  congratula- 
tory order  was  received  from  corps  headquarters,  in  which  the  brigade 
was  spoken  of  in  very  flattering  terms  by  Maj.-Gen.  D.  B.  Birney,  com- 
manding : 

" '  HEADQUARTERS  TENTH  ARMY  CORPS,  1 

FUZZEL'S  MILLS,  VA.,  August  19, 1864.J 

"'General  Orders.— The  Major-General  commanding  congratulates 
the  Tenth  Army  Corps  upon  its  success.  It  has,  on  each  occasion,  when 
ordered,  broken  the  enemy's  strong  lines.  It  has  captured  during  this 
short  campaign  four  seige  guns  protected  by  formidable  works,  six 
colors  and  many  prisoners.  It  has  proved  itself  worthy  of  its  old  Wag- 
ner and  Fort  Sumter  renown. 

"'Much  fatigue,  patience  and  heroism,  may  still  be  demanded  of  it, 
but  the  Major-General  commanding  is  confident  of  the  response.  To 
the  colored  troops,  recently  added  to  us,  and  fighting  with  us,  the 
Major-General  tenders  his  thanks  for  their  uniform  good  conduct  and 
soldierly  bearing.  They  have  set  a  good  example  to  our  veterans,  by 
the  entire  absence  of  straggling  from  their  ranks  on  the  march. 
"'By  order  of  Maj.-Gen.  D.  B.  BIRNEY. 

'"E.  W.  SMITH, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  and  Assistant  Adjutant-General.' 

"  The  special  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  said : 

" '  Gen.  Butler,  in  a  dispatch  to  the  Tenth  Corps,  on  receiving  official 
report  of  its  work,  said:  'All  honor  to  the  brave  Tenth  Corps;  you 
nave  done  more  than  was  expected  of  yon  by  the  Lieutenant-General.' 

'"The  loss  in  the  four  colored  regiments  is  about  three  hundred. 
The  Seventh  U.  S.  C.  T.  on  the  first  day,  carried,  with  fixed  bayonets,  a 
line  of  rifle-pits,  and  carried  it  without  a  shot,  but  with  a  loss  of  35. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  stirring  and  gallant  affairs  I  have  ever  known'. 


432  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"It  began  to  rain  in  the  afternoon  and  continued  during  the  night 
and  until  nearly  noon  of  the  following  day,  20th.  During  the  afternoon 
of  the  20th,  orders  were  received  to  send  all  sick  to  the  rear  arid  be 
ready  to  withdraw  quietly  at  dark.  The  movement  began  at  7  P.  M., 
both  the  Second  and  Tenth  Corps  participating— the  Second  Corps  and 
the  cavalry  returning  to  the  Petersburg  line,  and  the  Tenth  to  the  Ber- 
muda Hundred  front.  The  night  was  dark  and  the  roads  muddy,  and 
after  various  delays  the  pontoons  were  crossed ;  and  at  2  A.  M.,  the  regi- 
ment went  into  camp  near  the  spot  it  occupied  the  first  night  after  its 
arrival  in  Virginia. 

"An  amusing  incident  occurred  when  we  halted,  after  crossing  the 
river.  When  the  fires  were  lighted  our  line  presented  the  appearance  of 
a  checker-board—alternate  black  and  white  men.  The  latter  belonged 
to  the  Second  Corps,  and  having  straggled  from  their  commands,  and 
belonging  to  regiments  with  the  same  numbers,  had  fallen  into  our 
solid  ranks  by  mistake.  Their  astonishment  and  our  amusement  were 
about  equal.  Capt.  Walker,  having  been  asked  if  his  men  were  all  pres- 
ent, replied :  '  Yes,  and  about  twenty  recruits.' 

"  Thus  ended  a  very  hard  week's  work,  during  which  the  regiment 
was  almost  constantly  under  fire;  marching,  counter-marching,  support- 
ing a  battery  here  or  strengthening  the  line  there — duties  which  required 
almost  constant  wakefulness  and  watchfulness.  The  losses  of  the  brig- 
ade footed  up  some  two  hundred  and  fifty. 

"This  movement,  which  had  begun  on  the  12th  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Second  Corps,  Gen.  Hancock,  and  Gregg's  cavalry  division,  from 
the  Petersburg  front  to  the  north  bank  of  the  James,  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Tenth  Corps  in  an  attempt  to  turn  the  left  of  the  rebel 
line,  proved  as  abortive  as  the  similar  attempt  made  by  the  same  corps 
in  the  latter  part  of  June;  Gen.  Lee,  in  both  instances,  seeming  to  have 
received  timely  information  of  our  plans  to  enable  him  to  transfer  re-en- 
forcements from  the  Petersburg  to  the  Richmond  front.  The  Union 
losses  during  the  movement  have  been  estimated  at  five  thousand. 

"  Sunday,  the  21st,  was  a  day  of  rest.  The  men  put  up  shelter 
tents  and  made  themselves  as  comfortable  as  circumstances  would 
allow.  Gen.  Birney  resumed  command  of  the  brigade  and  Col.  Shaw 
returned  to  the  regiment.  About  6  P.  M.  orders  came  to  be  ready  to 
move  during  the  night  with  one  day's  rations.  Moved  out  of  camp  at 
2  A.  M.,  22nd,  and  reported  at  Maj.-Gen.  Birney's  headquarters,  where, 
after  remaining  a  short  time,  the  regiment  returned  to  camp.  About  3 
p.  M.  orders  were  received  to  pack  everything,  and  at  5  the  regiment 
inarched  to  the  front  and  went  into  the  trenches  near  Battery  Walker, 
(No.  7),  relieving  a  regiment  of  hundred-days'  men,  whose  time  had 
expired. 

"The  23d  passed  quietly.  Tents  were  pitched,  and  in  the  evening 
a  dress-parade  was  held.  Lieut.  Mack  returned  to  duty  from  absent  sick 

"  Line  was  formed  at  dawn  on  the  24th,  and  again  about  noon — 
rapid  picket-firing  in  each  instance  rendering  an  attack  probable. 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  433 

"About  daybreak  on  the  25th,  the  enemy  attacked  toward  the  left, 
drove  in  our  pickets — Capts.  Weld  and  Thayer  iii  command— but  were 
checked  before  reaching  the  main  line.  The  regiment  was  placed  in  sup- 
port of  Battery  England  (No.  5).  Two  men  were  wounded. 

"Some  changes  in  the  division  here  took  place — the  Twenty-ninth 
Connecticut  was  transferred  to  another  brigade,  and  the  Tenth  U.  S.  C. 
T.  to  ours,  and  Col.  Duncan  was  placed  in  command. 

"About  noon  (25th)  packed  up  everything,  crossed  the  Appomat- 
tox,  and  after  a  fatiguing  march  through  the  heat  and  dust,  reached 
the  Petersburg  front  a  little  before  sunset  and  halted  for  orders.  Soon 
after  dark  moved  to  the  left  in  a  heavy  rain-squall,  and  lay  down  on  a 
hillside  as  reserve  to  the  troops  in  the  trenches.  At  11  P.  M.  ordered  to 
report  to  Gen.  Terry.  Marched  back  a  mile  and  reported.  Another 
mile's  march  in  another  direction  brought  the  regiment,  about  1  A.  M., 
to  its  position,  where  it  lay  down  in  the  woods,  again  as  a  reserve.  A 
rattling  fire  of  musketry  was  kept  up  all  night. 

"On  the  26th,  a  camp  was  selected  and  had  been  partially  cleared 
up,  when  orders  were  received  for  the  regiment  to  go  into  the  trenches. 
Reported  at  brigade  headquarters  at  sunset,  and  soon  afterward, 
through  the  mud  and  darkness,  the  men  silentl3r  felt  their  way  into  the 
trenches,  which  the  rain  had  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  quagmire.  It 
was  a  slow  process,  and  10  o'clock  came  before  all  were  in  their  places. 

"During  the  following  day  (27th,)  the  parapet  was  raised  and  paths 
made  through  the  muddier  portions  of  the  trenches.  Soon  after  dark  a 
furious  cannonade  began  which  lasted  for  several  hours,  and  afforded 
to  the  spectators  on  both  sides  a  brilliant  pyrotechnic  display. 

"Just  after  daybreak  on  the  28th,  the  enemy  opened  a  heavy  mus- 
ketry fire  which  lasted  until  after  sunrise.  He  did  not  leave  his  works, 
however,  and  our  men  remained  stationary.  A  man  of  Company  B, 
while  watching  for  a  shot  through  a  section  of  stove-pipe,  which  he  had 
improvised  into  a  port-hole,  was  struck  and  killed  by  a  sharp-shooter's 
bullet. 

"  Soon  after  midnight  on  the  28th-29th,  the  regiment  moved  out  of 
the  trenches,  and  after  daylight  marched  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the 
right  and  rear  and  went  into  camp  in  a  cornfield.  The  men  were  at  once 
put  to  work  constructing  bomb-proofs,  as  the  position  was  within  sight 
and  range  of  the  enemy's  line.  This  occupied  the  entire  day. 

"Brig.-Gen.  Birney's  arrangement  of  the  brigade  did  not  seem  to 
have  given  satisfaction  to  higher  authority,  and  it  was  broken  up,  and 
the  old  brigade — Seventh,  Eighth,  Ninth  U.  S.  C.  T.,  and  Twenty-ninth 
Connecticut— were  again  united,  with  Col.  Shaw  in  command. 

"From  this  time  until  the  24th  of  September,  the  Seventh  and 
Eighth  alternated  with  the  Ninth  arid  Twenty-ninth  for  duty  in  the 
trenches— two  days  in  and  two  out;  and  on  the  'off'  days  furnishing 
details  of  officers  and  men  for  fatigue  purposes,  in  constructing  new 
works  and  strengthening  old  ones.  The  main  lines  at  this  point  were 
scarcely  over  a  hundred  yards  apart,  while  from  the  advanced  posts  a 


434  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

stone  could  almost  be  thrown  into  the  enemy's  works,  and  it  was  con- 
sidered the  most  disagreeable  portion  of  the  line. 

"During  the  evening  of  the  4th  of  September,  there  was  a  grand  sa- 
lute along  the  whole  line,  in  honor  of  the  fall  of  Atlanta  At  every  bat- 
tery the  men  stood  at  the  guns,  and  when  the  monster  mortar — "The 
Petersburg  Express"— gave  the  expected  signal,  every  lanyard  was 
pulled.  The  effect  was  exceedingly  grand. 

"At  9  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  5th,  the  regiment  met  with  an 
irreparable  loss  in  the  death  of  Capt.  A.  R.  Walker.  Capt.  Walker,  who 
was  at  the  time  in  the  trenches,  had  raised  his  head  above  the  parapet 
to  observe  the  enemy's  movements,  when  he  was  struck  in  the  head  by  a 
bullet,  and  fell  without  speaking  against  the  parapet.  He  was  carried 
back  and  laid  upon  the  ground  in  rear  of  the  trench,  but  all  efforts 
failed  to  elicit  any  token  of  recognition.  He  breathed  for  a  few  mo- 
ments and  life  was  extinct.  His  body  was  sent  to  the  rear  the  same 
afternoon  under  charge  of  Lieut.  Teeple,  upon  whom  the  command  of 
his  company  devolved,  who  made  the  necessary  arrangements  for  hav- 
ing it  embalmed  and  forwarded  to  his  friends  at  Caledonia,  New  York. 
******** 

"  On  the  14th  Col.  Howell,  who  was  commanding  the  division  in  the 
absence  of  Gen.  Birney,  who  was  absent  sick,  died  of  injuries  received 
from  a  fall  from  his  horse,  and  the  command  of  the  division  devol- 
ved upon  Col.  Pond.  Col  Howell  was  highly  esteemed,  and  was  a 
thorough  gentleman  and  a  good  officer. 

"On  the  17th,  Sergt.  Wilson,  Company  F,  color-sergeant,  was 
reduced  to  the  ranks  for  cowardice,  and  Sergt.  Griffin,  Company  B,  ap- 
pointed in  his  place. 

"On  the  21st,  Capt.  Thayer  resigned. 

"  On  the  22d,  Gen.  Birney  returned  and  resumed  command  of  the 
brigade;  the  division  having  been  temporarily  broken  up  by  the  with- 
drawal of  troops,  and  Col.  Shaw  returned  to  the  regiment. 

"  On  the  23d,  companies  B  and  C  were  detailed  to  garrison  Fort 
Stead  man. 

"On  the  evening  of  the  24th,  the  regiment  was  relieved  from  duty 
in  the  trenches  by  the  Sixty-ninth  New  York,  and  moving  about  two 
miles  to  the  rear,  went  into  camp  with  the  remainder  of  the  brigade — 
some  four  miles  from  City  Point.  Here  regular  drills  and  parades  were 
resumed. 

"At  3  p.  M.  on  the  28th,  camp  was  broken,  and  an  hour  later  the 
brigade  followed  the  two  divisions  of  the  corps  on  the  road  toward  Ber- 
muda Hundred.  A  tedious  night-march  followed,  during  which  the 
north  side  of  the  James  was  reached  by  way  of  Broadway  and  Jones' 
landings  After  an  hour  or  two  of  rest  on  the  morning  of  the  29th, 
the  brigade  moved  forward  as  a  support  to  the  First  Division  (Paine's), 
the  First  Brigade  of  which,  under  Col.  Duncan,  charged  and  carried  the 
enemy's  works  on  Signal-Hill,  on  the  New  Market  road,  beyond  the  line 
of  works  taken  by  the  Seventh  and  Ninth  on  the  14th  of  August.*  [See 
foot-note  next  page.]  *  *  The  Eighteenth  Corps  at  the  same  time 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  435 

charged  and  carried  Fort  Harrison  and  a  long  line  of  rebel  works. 
Soon  after  noon,  while  the  brigade,  which  had  been  moving  by  the  flank 
down  the  "New  Market  road,  had  halted  in  the  road,  orders  came  to 
form  column  of  regiments,  faced  to  the  left,  in  the  woods.  Scarcely  had 
this  been  done  when  Gen.  Wm.  Birney,  commanding  brigade,  rode  up  to 
the  right  of  the  column  and  ordered  the  Seventh  to  move  off  by  the 
right  flank.  As  it  was  crossing  the  Mill  road,  Col.  Shaw  reached  the 
head  of  the  line  and  received  from  him  the  order  to  "form  on  the  right 
by  file  into  line,  and  charge  and  take  the  work  that  is  firing,"  and  add- 
ing, "if  that  work  is  taken  when  you  reach  it,  push  right  on  and  take 
the  next  before  Gen.  Foster  can  get  there"  In  the  meantime  the  Ninth 
had  charged  a  work  on  the  right  and  had  been  repulsed,  and  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  Eighth  had  been  ordered  to  send  four  companies 
deployed  as  skirmishers  to  take  the  work  to  the  left,  but  when  Major 

THE  PHALANX  AT  NEW  MARKET  HEIGHTS.   * 

*  "On  the  29th  of  September,  1864,  Gen.  Grant  ordered  Gen.  Butler  to  cross  the 
James  River,  at  Two  Points,  and  attack  the  enemy's  line  of  work,  in  the  centre  of 
which  was  Fort  Harrison;  on  the  left,  at  New  Market  Heights,  was  a  very  strong  work, 
the  key  of  the  enemy's  flank  on  the  north  side  of  the  river.  It  was  a  redoubt  built  on 
the  top  of  a  hill  of  some  considerable  elevation,  then  running  down  into  a  marsh.  In 
that  marsk  was  a  brook — then  rising  again  to  a  plain,  which  gently  rolled  toward  the 
river.  On  that  plain,  when  the  flash  of  dawn  was  breaking,  Butler  placed  a  column  of 
the  black  Phalanx."  [which  consisted  of  the  5th,  36th,  38th  and  2nd  Cavalry  Regts.], 
"numbering  three  thousand,  in  close  column,  by  division,  right  in  front,  with  guns  at 
Tight  shoulder  shift.'  The  center  of  the  line  was  given  to  the  eighteenth  corps,  com- 
posed of  white  troops,  under  Gen.  Ord,  and  they  drove  the  enemy  from  a  very  strong 
work,  capturing  several  pieces  of  cannon. 

"  Gen.  Butler  had  been  severely  criticised  by  officers  of  the  regular  army  for  organ- 
izing twenty-five  regiments  of  negroes.  'Why,'  said  they,  'they  will  not  fight.'  In 
contradiction  of  this  assertion  Butler  made  up  his  mind  to  prove  the  worth  and  value 
of  the  black  Phalanx.  Notwithstanding  their  gallantry  at  Petersburg  and  on  the 
Fredericksburg  road,  the  metal  of  the  25th  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  James  was  to  be 
tried;  so  Butler  took  command  of  the  Phalanx  himself  with  a  determination  to  set  at 
rest  forever  the  question  of  Uhe  fighting  capacity  of  a.  portion  of  his  command.  Ad- 
dressing the  Phalanx,  he  said,  pointing  to  the  works  on  the  enemy's  flank,  '  those 
works  must  be  taken  by  the  weight  of  your  column ;  not  a  shot  must  be  fired.'  In 
order  to  prevent  them  from  firing  he  had  the  caps  taken  from  the  nipples  of  their  guns. 
'  When  you  charge,'  he  said,  'your  cry  will  be  '  Remember  Fort  Pillow.' ' 

"'Twas  in  the  early  grey  of  the  morning,  ere  the  sun  had  risen.  The  order  'for- 
ward '  set  the  column  in  motion,  and  it  went  forward  as  if  on  parade— down  the  hill, 
across  the  marsh,  and  as  the  column  got  into  the  brook  they  came  within  range  of 
the  enemy's  fire,  which  was  vigorously  opened  upon  them.  The  column  broke  a  littler 
as  it  forded  the  brook,  it  wavered!  What  a  moment  of  intense  anxiety !  But  they 
formed  again,  as  they  reached  the  firm  ground,  marching  on  steadily  with  close  ranks 
under  the  enemy's  fire,  until  the  head  of  the  column  reached  the  first  line  of  abatis, 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  enemy's  work.  Then  the  axemen  ran  to 
the  front  to  cut  away  the  heavy  obstacles  of  defense  while  one  thousand  men  of  the 
enemy  with  their  artillery  concentrated  poured  from  the  redoubt  a,  heavy  fire  upon  the 
head  of  the  column  of  fours.  The  axemen  went  down  under  that  murderous  fire; 
other  strong  black  hands  grasped  the  axes  in  their  stead  and  the  abatis  was  cut  away. 
Again,  at  double-quick,  the  column  went  forward  to  within  fifty  yards  of  the  fort,  to 
meet  there  another  line  of  abatis.  The  column  halted  and  there  a  very  fire  of  hell  was 
poured  upon  them.  The  abatis  resisted  and  held  the  head  of  the  column  which  liter- 
ally melted  away  under  the  rain  of  shot  and  shell;  the  flags  of  the  leading  regiments 
went  down,  but  a  brave  black  hand  seized  the  colors.  They  were  soon  up  again  and 
waved  their  starry  light  over  the  storm  of  battle.  Again  the  axemen  fell,  but  strong 
hands  and  willing  hearts  seized  the  heavy  sharpened  trees  and  dragged  them  away, 
and  the  column  rushed  forward  and  with  a  shout  that  rang  out  above  the  roar  of 
artillery  went  over  the  redoubt  like  a  flash,  and  the  enemy  did  not  stop  running  within 
four  miles,  leaving  the  Phalanx  in  possession  of  their  deemed  impregnable  work,  can- 
nons and  small  arms.  The  autocrats  of  the  regular  army  could  croak  no  longer 
about  the  negro  soldiers  not  fighting. 

"This  gallantry  of  the  Phalanx  won  for  them  and  the  negro  race  the  admiration 
of  the  man  who  suppoted  Jeff  Davis  and  the  slave  power  in  the  Charleston  conven- 
tion in  1860.  Ten  years  after  this  spendid  victory  of  the  Phalanx,  in  support  of  their 
Civil  rights,  General  Butler  then  a  member  of  congress,  made  an  eloquent  appeal  in 
*  (Author  in  the  N.  Y.  Globe.} 


436  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


[Continuation  of  page  435  foot-note.] 

behalf  of  the  equal  civil  rights  of  the  negro  race.  In  it  he  referred  to  the  gallant 
charge  of  the  Phalanx.  He  said :  "  It  became  my  painful  duty  to  follow  in  the  track 
of  that  charging  column,  and  there,  in  a,  space  not  wider  than  the  clerk's  desk  and 
three  hundred  yards  long,  lay  the  dead  bodies  of  five  hundred  and  forty-three  of  my 
colored  comrades,  fallen  in  defense  of  their  country,  who  had  offered  up  their  lives  to 
uphold  its  flag  and  its  honor,  as  a  willing  sacrifice:  and  as  I  rode  along  among  them, 
guiding  my  horse  this  way  and  that  way,  lest  he  should  profane  with  his  hoofs  what 
seemed  to  me  the  sacred  dead,  and  as  I  looked  on  their  bronzed  faces  upturned  in  the 
shining  sun,  as  if  in  mute  appeal  against  the  wrongs  of  the  country  for  which  they  had 
given  their  lives,  whose  flag  had  only  been  to  them  a  flag  of  stripes,  on  which  no  star 
of  glory  had  ever  shone  for  them — feeling  I  had  wronged  them  in  the  past  and  believ- 
ing what  was  the  future  of  my  country  to  them — among  my  dead  comrades  there,  I 
swore  to  myself  a  solemn  oath — '  May  my  right  hand  forget  its  cunning  and  my 
tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  my  mouth,  if  I  ever  fail  to  defend  the  rights  of  those  men 
who  have  given  their  blood  for  me  and  my  country  that  day  and  for  their  race  forever, 
and  God  helping  me,  I  will  keep  that  oath." 

"NEW  MAKKET  HEIGHTS.  * 

"  '  Freedom  their  battle  cry,  freedom  or  leave  to  die.' — Boker. 
At  New  Market  Heights,  there  Afric's  lineage  stood, 
And  poured  out  copiously  its  best  blood; 
Of  them  I  would  sing,  my  lyre's  restrung, 
And  allures  not  diffidently  to  the  song, 
Paternal  muse  with  thy  patriot  valor  reign 
Supreme,  and  the  brightness  of  ages  regain, 
In  the  deep  recess  of  the  past 
Lower  me,  to  where  the  battle's  blast 
Has  been  given  to  oblivion,  the  sigh 
Of  dying  patriots  let  greet  me  nigh. 
And  my  thoughts  waft  on  memory's  wing, 
To  where  their  charging  shouts  yet  ring. 

If  mine  the  task  indulgent  muse  vouchsafed, 
Whilst  I  commune  'mongst  bones  that  paved, 
And  flesh  that  bridged  the  chasm  o'er, 
Where  Butler  numbered  five  hundred  and  more 
of  Afric's  sons,  who  for  liberty  fell. 
In  the  corridors  of  a  stockaded  hell. 
I'll  essay  their  deeds  of  valor  done, 
By  which  the  nation  its  victory  won. 

'Twas  early  in  the  grey  September  morn, 

Ere  the  suns  fulgent  light  had  shown, 

Whilst  departed  patriots  looked  out  from  above, 

Emitting  their  twinkling  silvery  light  of  love, 

Upon  the  silent  bivouac  of  freedom's  sons, 

Weary  and  resting  upon  their  bayonetless  guns; 

Quite  near  the  bank  of  the  James, 

Just  above  where  their  own  fathers'  names, 

Were  first  enrolled  as  ignoble  slaves, 

The  Second  Brigade,  valiant  men  and  braves, 

Saw  a  meteor  like  rocket  burst  high, 

High  up  in  the  dewey  morning  sky, 

Then  came  the  summons  prepare  to  away, 

Butler  leads  to  New  Market  heights  at  day. 

Beat  the  long  roll,  sound  the  alarm, 

Break  the  monotone  and  the  dead  calm, 

And  the  bugle's  clarion  notes  aroused,  awoke, 

The  host  that  waited  ere  day  broke; 

Infantry,  cavalry  prepared  to  make  away, 

Butler  leads  to  New  Market  heights  at  day. 

From  rank  to  rank  the  summons  ran, 
Bayonets  rattle  and  clank  of  sabres  began, 
With  whetted  steel  the  sturdy  axe-men, 
Capless  rifle-men,  horseless  cavalry  men, 
Formed  on  that  plain  in  battle  array , 
Butler  leads  to  New  Market  heights  at  day. 

When  the  flash  of  dawn  was  breaking, 
Their  leader  rode  in  front,  and  speaking, 
Gave  the  charging  shout  '  Remember  Fort  Pillow," 
And  their  banners  brightened  in  the  mellow 
Light  of  heaven;  'Forward,'  they  marched  away, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 
'«          *  (Author  in  "  Voice  of  a  New  .Race.") 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  437 


[Continuation  of  page  435  foot-note.'] 

Went  down  the  hill  across  the  marsh, — 

Into  the  brook— there  halted— ah !  how  harsh 

The  rebels'  fire  opened  upon  them,  artillery 

Hail  swept  the  run,  and  the  infantry 

Broke,  the  column  wavered  tho'  not  in  dismay, 

Following:  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Again  the  shattered  columns  form  and  again  advance 
To  firmer  ground, tho'  the  redoubt  hurl'd  like  an  avalanche 
In  quick  succession,  bursting  bombs  and  canister  shot, 
But  with  closed  ranks  the  column,  fearing  not 
Unheedful  of  the  iron  hail  bent  its  way, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Now  the  head  of  the  column  of  fours  go  down 
Under  the  murderous  fire  and  the  hissing  song 
Of  the  enemy's  shells,  now  the  axe  men  spring 
To  the  abatis  high  and  long,  now  their  axes  ring 
Out  on  the  morning  air,  they  were  swept  away. 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

The  flags  are  where,  do  they  kiss  the  morning  light, 

Do  they  wave  in  the  battle's  gale,  are  their  stars  bright, 

Illuminining  the  path  of  the  brave?  riddled  and  torn, 

With  the  dead  they  lay.     Soon  again  they  shone, 

In  the  first  gleam  of  the  rising-sun's  ray, 

Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heignts  that  day. 

Upon  the  brigade  each  felt  that  all  was  placed, 
Their  race  and  country's  future  honored  or  disgraced, 
Hence  with  Spartan  courage  they  the  charge  renewed, 
And  in  hot  haste  the  Nation's  enemy  pursued, 
And  sweat  and  blood  from  pore  and  wound  inveigh, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

'Forward,  forward!'  rung  the  command,  the  flags  are 

up  again, 

The  axe-men  grin,  and  with  a  shout  go  over  the  slain, 
To  a  second  line  of  abatis.    The  welkin's  aglow. 
The  advancing  brigade  shouts,  '  Remember  Fort  PillowT 
And  with  a  will  and  spirit  they  clear  the  way, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Down  the  dismounted  cavalrymen  fall  by  ranks, 

The  Infantry  an  adamantine  wall  on  the  flanks, 

Close  up  briskly  on  right  and  left  receive 

The  enflading  fire  from  the  brazen  crest,  breathe 

They  not  a  word  in  complaint,  freedom's  impulse  obey, 

Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Now  the  black  axe-men  tear  from  the  sod  the  huge  logs 
Which  science  and  treason  placed  deep  in  the  bogs, 
Skill  gave  way  to  freedom's  might  in  the  dastardly  fight, 
And  the  black  brigade,  with  capless  rifles  and  starry  light, 
Go  through  the  gap  to  the  Rebel's  hell  in  gallant  array, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Volley  after  volley  poured,  cannon  after  cannon  roared, 
Like  reapers  in  a  field  a  thousand  artillerists  mowed 
In  the  gap,  the  brigade's  advancing  files  of  four, 
Yet  on  through  the  flood  of  death  still  the  brigade  pour. 
Their  battle  cry,  Remember   Fort   Pillow,    the   enemy 

dismay, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

Hark!  above  the  raging  carnage  swells  the  shout, 
'No  quarter    to  Niggers,'  with  hope  of  a  rout, 
But  the  brigade  was  not  deterred,  they  retaliate 
The  defiant  yells,  Remember  Fort  Pillow,  the  fate 
Of  its  garrison  how  it  fell,  on  through  the  fray, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

On  for  the  redoubt  over  the  rampart  they  go, 

Not  a  rifle  was  fired,  not  a  shot  at  the  foe, 

By  the  weight  of  the  column  the  redoubt  is  theirs, 

And  the  enemy  routed,  the  chivalry  scattered  everywhere. 

Victorious  shouts  the  empyrean  ring  in  repay, 

Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 


438  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Wagner  found  how  strong  it  was  he  halted  his  line  and  remained  in  ad- 
vance as  skirmishers.  As  the  regiment  was  forming  for  the  charge, 
behind  the  crest  of  a  knoll,  Capt.  Bailey,  Gen.  Birney's  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, rode  up  to  Col.  Shaw  with  the  order  to  send  four  companies  de- 
ployed as  skirmishers  to  '  attack  and  take  the  work  that  is  firing.'  Col. 
Shaw  replied  that  he  had  orders  to  charge  it  with  his  regiment,  to  which 
Capt.  Bailey  answered,  'well,  now  the  General  directs  you  to  send  four 
companies,  deployed  as  skirmishers,  to  take  the  work.'  Lieut.-Col.  Has- 
kell,  being  absent  on  leave,  and  Maj.  Mayer  sick,  companies  C,  D,  G  and 
K  were  placed  under  command  of  Capt.  Weiss,  who,  when  he  received 
the  order  to  charge,  replied,  'what!  take  a  fort  with  a  skirmish  line?' 
and  then  added,  'I  will  try,  but  it  can't  be  done.'  What  followed  can 
best  be  described  by  quoting  his  own  words : 

"Captain  Weiss  says:  'I  at  once,  about  1  p.  M.,  ordered  the  four 
companies  on  the  right  of  the  regiment,  C,  D,  G  and  K,  twenty-five  or 
thirty  paces  to  the  front,  where  a  slight  depression  in  the  ground  se- 
cured them  from  the  eyes,  if  not  the  projectiles,  of  the  enemy.  After 
being  deployed  by  the  flank  on  the  right  of  the  second  company  from 
the  right,  the  command  advanced  in  ordinary  quick  step  against  the 
objective  point.  Emerging  from  the  swale  into  view,  it  became  at  once 
the  target  for  a  seemingly  redoubled  fire,  riot  only  from  the  fort  in  front, 
but  also  from  the  one  on  its  right.  The  fire  of  the  latter  had  been 
reported  silenced,  but  instead,  from  its  position  to  the  left  oblique,  it 
proved  even  more  destructive  than  that  of  the  one  in  front. 

"  'Both  forte  were  most  advantageously  situated  for  defense,  at  the 
extremity  of  a  plain,  variously  estimated  at  from  500  to  700  yards 
wide,  whose  dead  level  surface  afforded  at  no  point  shelter  from  view  or 
shot  to  an  assailing  party.  Tne  forts  were  connected  by  a  curtain  of 
rifle-pits  containing  a  re-entrant  angle,  thus  providing  for  a  reciprocal 
enfilading  fire  in  case  either  was  attacked. 

'"The  nature  of  the  ground  and  the  small  altitude  of  the  ordnance 
above  the  level  of  the  plain  also  made  the  fire  in  the  nature  of  a  ricochet. 

"As  the  party  advanced  the  enemy's  shell  and  schrapnel  were  ex- 
changed for  grape  and  cannister,  followed  soon  by  a  lively  rattle  of 
musketry.  When  within  range  of  the  latter,  and  after  having  traversed 
about  three-fourths  of  the  distance,  the  order  to  charge  was  given  and 
obeyed  with  an  alacrity  that  seemed  to  make  the  execution  almost  pre- 
cede the  order.  For  a  moment,  judging  from  the  slacking  of  their  fire, 
the  enemy  seemed  to  be  affected  by  a  panicky  astonishment,  but  soon 
recovering,  they  opened  again  with  cannister  and  musketry,  which,  at 
the  shorter  range,  tore  through  the  ranks  with  deadlier  effect.  Capt. 


[Continuation  of  page  435  foot-note.'] 

In  the  track  of  the  brigade  lay  the  loyal  dead, 
Afric's  hecatomb,  her  lineage's  pyre  to  liberty  weo, 
Their  upturned  countenances  to  the  burning  sun, 
Were  appeals  to  Mars  for  their  race's  freedom  won,, 
Five  hundred  lives  on  the  patriotic  alter  lay, 
Following  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 

No  marble  shaft  or  granate  pile  mark  the  spot 

Where  they  fell — their  bones  lay  harvested  from  sun-rot, 

In  the  Nation's  cities  of  the  dead.     Hannibal  led 

No  braver  than  they  through  Alpine  snow,  nor  wed 

To  freedom  were  Greece's  phalanx  more,  who  o'er  gory 

clay 
Followed  Butler  to  New  Market  heights  that  day. 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  439 

Smith  and  Lieut.  Prime,  both  of  Company  G,  here  fell  grievously 
wounded,  while  forty  or  fifty  enlisted-men  dotted  the  plain  with  their 
prostrate  forms. 

"  'In  a  few  minutes  the  ditch  of  the  fort  was  reached.  It  was  some 
six  or  seven  feet  deep  and  ten  or  twelve  wide,  the  excavated  material 
sufficing  for  the  embankments  of  the  fort.  Some  120  men  and  officers 
precipitated  themselves  into  it,  many  losing  their  lives  at  its  very  edge. 
After  a  short  breathing  spell  men  were  helped  up  the  exterior  of  the 
parapet  on  the  shoulders  of  others;  fifty  or  sixty  being  thus  disposed  an 
attempt  was  made  to  storm  the  fort.  At  the  signal  nearly  all  rose,  but 
the  enemy,  lying  securely  sheltered  behind  the  interior  slope,  the  muzzles 
of  their  guns  almost  touching  the  storming  party,  received  the  latter 
with  a  crushing  fire,  sending  many  into  the  ditch  below  shot  through 
the  brain  or  breast.  Several  other  attempts  were  made  with  like  result, 
till  at  last  forty  or  fifty  of  the  assailants  were  writhing,  in  the  ditch  or 
resting  forever. 

" '  The  defense  having  been  obviously  re-enforced  meanwhile  from 
other  points  not  so  directly  attacked,  and  having  armed  the  gunners 
with  muskets,  it  was  considered  impolitic  to  attempt  another  storm 
with  the  now  greatly  reduced  force  on  hand,  especially  as  the  cessation 
of  the  artillery  fire  of  the  fort  was  considered  a  sufficient  hint  to  the 
commander  of  the  Union  forces  that  the  attacking  party  had  come  to 
close  quarters  and*  were  proper  subjects  for  re-enforcements.  No  signs, 
however,  of  the  latter  appearing,  it  was  decided  to  surrender,  especially 
as  the  rebels  had  now  commenced  to  roll  lighted  shells  among  the 
stormers,  against  which  there  was  no  defense,  thus  inviting  demoraliza- 
tion. Seven  officers,  Capts.  Weiss  and  McCarty,  Lieuts.  Sherman,  Mack, 
Spinney,  Ferguson  and  Eler,  and  from  seventy  to  eighty  enlisted-men, 
delivered  up  their  arms  to  an  enemy  gallant  enough  to  have  fought  for 
a  better  cause. 

" '  Many,  in  mounting  the  parapet,  could  not  help  taking  a  last 
mournful  look  on  their  dead  comrades  in  the  ditch,  whose  soldierJ>  qual- 
ities had  endeared  them  to  their  best  affections;  and  many,  without  for 
a  moment  selfishly  looking  at  their  own  dark  future,  were  oppressed  with 
inexpressible  sadness  when  reflecting  on  the  immensity  of  the  sacrifice 
and  the  deplorableness  of  the  result.  It  was  a  time  for  jr.nuly  tears.' 

"  Lieut  Spinney  gives  the  following  account  of  the  charge  against 
FortGilmer: 

" '  The  charge  was  made  in  quick  time,  in  open  ordm*  of  about  three 
paces,  until  we  could  plainly  see  the  enemy ;  then  the  o>-der  was  given  by 
Capt.  Weiss  to  'double-quick,'  which  was  promptly  obeyed,  the  line  pre- 
serving its  order  as  upon  drill.  Upon  arriving  at  the  ditch  there  was  no 
wavering,  but  every  man  jumped  into  the  trap  from  which  but  one  man 
returned  that  day  (George  W.  Washington,  Company  D.) 

"  'Upon  looking  about  us  after  getting  into  the  ditch  we  found  there 
was  but  one  face  where  the  enemy  could  not  touch  us,  so  all  the  survi- 
vors rallied  at  that  face.  Then  commenced  a  scene  which  will  always  be 
very  fresh  in  my  memory. 

"'Capt.  Weiss  gave  orders  to  raise  men  upon  the  parapet,  which 
was  done  by  two  men  assisting  one  to  climb.  Capt.  Weiss,  having  from 
thirty  to  forty  men  up,  attempted  to  gain  the  inside  of  the  fort,  but  he 
with  all  of  his  storming  party  were  knocked  back,  either  killed  or 
wounded,  into  the  ditch.  A  second  attempt  was  made  with  the  same 
result,  Lieut.  Ferguson  being  wounded  by  a  bullet  across  the  top  of 
his  head.  A  third  attempt  was  made  with  no  better  success. 

'"The  enemy  during  this  time  had  been  rolling  shell  upon  us,  and 
calling  upon  us  to  surrender,  which  was  answered  by  some  of  the  men 
22 


440  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

in  the  words,  '  we  will  show  you  how  to  surrender,'  at  the  same  time  ris- 
ing and  firing  into  the  fort.  One  of  these  men  I  remember  to  have  been 
Perry  Wallace,  Company  D. 

"  'Upon  a  consultation  of  the  officers  who  were  in  the  ditch,  it  was 
decided  to  surrender  what  was  left  of  the  command.  I  was  still  upon 
the  face  of  the  parapet,  when  Lieut.  Sherman  passed  me  a  handkerchief 
which  I  raised  upon  the  point  of  my  sword.  But  the  rebels,  fearing  it 
was  only  done  to  gain  a  foothold,  would  not  take  notice  of  it,  but  called 
upon  nie  to  come  in,  which  I  did,  and  met  with  a  warm  reception  at 
their  hands,  being  plucked  of  all  they  could  lay  hands  upon.  An  adju- 
tant of  an  Alabama  regiment  coming  up,  ordered  his  men  to  return  to 
me  what  they  had  taken,  but  this  was  not  done,  however.  I  stated  that 
our  men  had  disarmed  themselves  and  were  ready  to  give  up  the  hope- 
less struggle.  Still  they  would  not  believe  me,  but  made  me  mount  the 
parapet  first,  when  they  had  the  courage  to  do  so  themselves,  when  the 
remnant  of  the  four  companies  marched  into  the  fort. 

" '  The  march  to  Richmond  was  one  continued  insult  from  the  troops 
that  were  hurrying  to  the  front;  one  man  being  determined  to  kill  Capt. 
Weiss,  whom  he  thought  was  not  humble  enough.  The  female  portion 
of  the  inhabitants  were  also  very  insolent. 

"'Upon  arriving  at  Libby  Prison  the  officer  in  charge  asked  the 
commander  of  our  guard  if  the  '  niggers '  would  fight.  His  answer  was, 
'byG— d!  if  you  had  been  there  you  would  have  thought  so.  They 
marched  up  just  as  if  they  were  on  drill,  not  firing  a  shot.' 

"'After  being  lodged  in  Libby,  Salisbury  and  Danville  prisons,  we 
were  returned  to  Richmond  about  February  17th,  paroled  on  the  21st, 
and  reached  our  lines  on  the  22d.' 

"An  article  in  the  New  York  Herald  of  November  4th,  1864,  copied 
from  a  rebel  newspaper,  arguing  for  the  arming  of  slaves,  has  in  it  the 
following  passage : 

" '  But  A.  B.  says  that  negroes  will  not  fight.  We  have  before  us  a 
letter  from  a  distinguished  general  (we  wish  we  were  at  liberty  to  use  his 
name  and  influence)  who  says  '  Fort  Gilmer  proved  the  other  day  that 
they  would  fight.  They  raised  each  other  on  the  parapet  to  be  shot  as 
they  appeared  above.' 

"  The  officer  referred  to  was  understood  to  be  Gen.  Lee. 

"After  the  four  companies  had  disappeared  in  the  ditch  of  the  fort, 
Capt.  Pratt,  with  Company  F,  was  ordered  to  move  forward  as  near  the 
work  as  he  could  get  and  keep  down  its  fire  and  cover  their  retreat. 
Capt  Smith  and  Lieut.  Prime  came  back,  both  severely  wounded.  Later 
in  the  day  companies  A,  B,  E  and  I,  under  Capt.  Spaulding,  moved  to 
the  left  and  relieved  the  four  companies  of  the  Eighth,  who  were  out  of 
ammunition.  Co.  F  lost  two  men  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded,  and 
the  four  companies  under  Capt.  Spaulding  had  eleven  men  killed  and 
wounded.  Lieut.  Teeple,  commanding  Company  I,  was  wounded  in  the 
arm,  but  remained  in  command  of  his  company  during  the  day. 

''Four  companies  annihilated,  70  killed,  110  wounded  and  129  miss- 
ing tells  the  story  of  Fort  Gilmer. 

"The  regiment,  or  what  was  left  of  it,  remained  at  the  front  until  9 
o'clock  P  M.,  when  the  wounded  were  gathered  together  and  it  moved 
half  a  mile  to  the  rear  and  slept  on  its  arms. 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  441 

"  This  day  proved  the  most  unfortunate  one  in  the  history  of  the 
regiment.  The  storming  of  a  strong  field-work,  whose  garrison  was  on 
the  alert,  with  a  thin  skirmish  line  without  supports,  resulted  as  could 
easily  have  been  foreseen.  First,  the  Ninth  was  sent  unsupported  to 
charge  a  work  to  the  left  of  Fort  Gilmer,  across  an  open  field  where  its 
line  was  enfiladed  by  the  enemy's  fire,  and  was  repulsed ;  then  four  com- 
panies of  the  Eighth,  as  skirmishers,  were  sent  against  the  same  work, 
with  no  better  success,  and  after  this  bitter  experience,  four  companies 
of  the  Seventh  were  sent  to  their  destruction  on  an  errand  equally  hope- 
less. Had  the  brigade  been  sent  together,  instead  of  its  three  regiments 
in  detail,  the  rebel  line  would  have  been  carried  and  the  road  to  Rich- 
mond opened  to  us.  This  is  no  conjecture.  The  testimony  of  a  rebel 
staff-officer  on  duty  at  Fort  Gilmer,  and  that  of  our  own  officers  who 
were  captured,  fully  substantiate  the  statement. 

"About  noon  on  the  following  day,  the  30th,  the  regiment  moved  a 
mile  to  the  left  and  went  into  the  rifle-pits  to  the  left  of  Fort  Harrison. 
Soon  after,  the  rebel  Maj.-Gen.  Field,  who  had  commanded  the  Ft.  Gilmer 
line  the  day  previous,  made  a  determined  assault  on  Fort  Harrison  from 
one  side,  while  Hoke's  division  attacked  on  the  other ;  but  the  attack 
was  not  made  simultaneously  and  was  repulsed  with  heavy  loss.  While 
this  charge  was  being  made,  Col.  Shaw  was  struck  on  the  head  by  a  rifle 
bullet,  but  was  uninjured.  The  next  morning  the  rebels  opened  their 
batteries  on  our  line.  During  the  cannonade,  Lieut.  Bjornmark  was 
wounded  in  the  foot  by  the  fragment  of  a  shell. 

"  The  following  is  the  report  of  Capt.  Weiss  to  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  regiment,  announcing  his  arrival  in  Richmond : 

"'LiBBY  PRISON,  RICHMOND,  VA.,  September  30, 1864. 
"'Sir: — I  respectfully  inform  you  that  the  following  officers  of  the 
Seventh  U.  S.  C.  T.  are  here,  prisoners:    Capts.  Weiss  and  McCarty, 
Lieuts.  Mack,  Sherman,  Eler,  Ferguson  and  Spinney.    Lieut.  Ferguson 
and  myself  are  wounded  in  the  head,  but  doing  well. 

"'Please  inform  our  friends  of  the  above,  and  oblige, 
" 'Yours,  on  the  part  of  my  associates, 

"'JULIUS  A.  WEISS, 

" '  Capt.  Seventh  U.  S.  C.  T.9 

"  On  the  5th  of  October,  the  regiment  was  relieved  fronl  duty  in  the 
trenches  by  the  Eight,  and  moving  a  short  distance  to  the  rear,  went 
into  camp  near  division  headquarters. 

"On  the  6th,  Gen.  Birney  divided  the  regiments  of  his  command 
into  two  brigades.  The  First  Brigade,  composed  of  the  Seventh,  Ninth 
and  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-seventh,  was  placed  under  command  of 
Col.  Voris,  of  the  Sixty-seventh  Ohio,  although  each  regiment  had  a 
colonel  serving  with  it;  and  the  Second,  composed  of  the  Eighth,  Twen- 
ty-ninth and  Forty-fifth,  under  Lieut.-Col.  Armstrong,  of  the  Ninth. 
Capt.  Rice  returned  from  sick-leave  the  same  day  and  was  assigned  to 
the  command  of  Company  A,  his  own  company  (K)  having  disappeared 
in  the  melee  of  the  29th  of  September. 


442  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  During  the  forenoon  of  the  7th,  the  enemy  attacked  in  force  on  the 
right,  driving  in  Kautz's  cavalry  and  capturing  Elder's  battery  of  the 
First  United  States  Artillery,  but  was  checked  and  driven  back  by  the 
First  Division  of  the  Tenth  Corps.  The  regiment  was  moved  to  the 
right,  and  after  changing  positions  several  times,  went  into  the  trenches 
near  the  New  Market  road. 

"On  the  afternoon  of  the  12th,  orders  came  for  the  regiment  to  be 
ready  to  move  in  light  marching  order,  and  later  it  moved  out  about 
half  of  a  mile  to  the  front  and  right,  and  deployed  two  companies  ae 
skirmishers.  Shortly  after  dark  it  was  withdrawn  to  the  position  it 
held  earlier  in  the  day.  A  cold  rain  was  falling,  and  as  the  men  were 
without  overcoats,  they  suffered  considerably. 

"About  3  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  our  own  division 
(Third),  together  with  the  First,  moved  out  of  camp  and  marched  to 
the  right  until  it  reached  the  Darbytown  road.  Here  it  formed  line,  and 
advancing  through  the  thick  undergrowth  finalty  lay  down  in  front  ol 
the  enemy's  works  to  await  developments.  At  10  o'clock  the  First 
Division,  which,  with  the  cavalry,  had  gone  to  the  right,  charged  the 
enemy's  line,  but  failed  to  break  it  and  had  to  withdraw  with  consider- 
able loss.  About  noon  the  regiment  relieved  the  Eighth  on  the  skirmish 
line.  Capt.  Dickey,  of  the  Eighth,  was  killed  during  the  movement. 
Here  it  remained  until  about  4  o'clock,  when,  the  remainder  of  the  divi- 
sion having  been  withdrawn,  it  fell  back  covering  the  movement  of  the 
corps  and  returned  to  its  old  camp  on  the  New  Market  road.  *  *  * 

"  The  regiment  remained  in  camp  until  the  26th,  furnishing  in  the 
meantime  a  large  picket  detail,  together  with  details  for  fatigue,  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  of  earthworks,  abattis,  etc.  On  this  date 
Col.  Voris  was  relieved  from  command  of  the  brigade  by  Col.  Shaw, 
Lieut.-Col.  Haskell  taking  command  of  the  regiment. 

"  On  the  evening  of  this  day  orders  were  received  for  the  regiment 
to  be  ready  to  move  on  the  following  morning,  with  three  days'  cooked 
rations,  and  in  light  marching  order.  At  5  A.  M.  we  moved  out  of  camp 
and  took  the  road  toward  the  right.  The  Eighteenth,  as  well  as  our 
own  corps,  was  in  motion.  The  orders  were  for  the  Tenth  Corps  to 
threaten  the  enemy's  line  near  the  Darbytown  road,  while  the  Eighteenth 
moving  by  the  rear  to  the  right,  was  to  strike  their  left  flank.  If  they 
weakened  their  line  in  its  front,  the  Tenth  Corps  was  to  advance.  The 
whole  movement  being  made  to  cover  the  advance  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomoc  against  the  rebel  lines  covering  Hatcher's  run  and  the  Boyd- 
town  plank-road. 

"  Marching  about  two  miles  to  the  right  we  struck  the  Darbytown 
road,  when  line  of  battle  was  formed  to  the  left,  and  moved  forward 
through  the  woods,  and,  in  places,  almost  impassable  undergrowth— the 
Seventh  having  the  left  of  the  division  as  well  of  the  line.  Our  ears 
were  soon  greeted  with  the  scattering  fire  of  our  skirmish  line,  inter- 
spersed by  the  crashing  of  an  occasional  shell  through  the  tree- tops. 
After  an  advance  of  half  a  mile  the  division  halted  to  await  the  result 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  443 

of  the  attack  on  the  right.  The  irregular  skirmish  fire  soon  swelled  out 
into  long,  heavy  volleys,  deepened  by  the  hoarser  notes  of  the  artillery. 
From  8  A.  M.  until  8  p.  M.  we  lay  and  listened  to  this  concert  of  diaboli- 
cal sounds,  momentarily  expecting  the  order  would  be  passed  along  the 
line  to  advance.  About  11  A.  M.  it  began  to  rain,  which  continued  until 
far  into  the  night.  At  8  p.  M.  we  fell  back  out  of  the  woods,  behind  an 
old  line  of  rebel  rifle-pits,  and  bivouacked  for  the  night  near  KelPs 
House. 

"At  3  o'clock  the  following  morning  we  were  ordered  in  to  relieve 
the  Twenty-ninth  on  the  picket-line.  The  clouds  had  cleared  away  and 
the  air  was  keen  and  cold.  We  felt  our  way  through  the  dense,  dripping 
undergrowth  to  the  musical  accompaniment  of  rebel  bullets  singing 
above  our  heads.  By  daybreak  we  were  in  position  along  the  edge  of  a 
belt  of  woods,  something  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  rebel 
works.  Their  skirmishers  kept  up  a  lively  fire  all  through  the  forenoon, 
and  as  a  consequence  we  lost  some  thirty  odd  men,  killed  and  wounded, 
from  their  fire.  About  3  P.  M.  orders  were  given  to  fall  back,  but 
through  some  misunderstanding,  the  two  companies  holding  the  ex- 
treme left  of  the  line  failed  to  receive  the  order,  and  held  their  ground 
until  their  retreat  was  nearly  cut  off  by  the  rebel  advance,  when  they 
fell  back  without  orders,  meeting  on  their  way  the  remainder  of  the 
brigade  coming  to  their  rescue.  The  same  evening  the  troops  returned 
to  their  camps. 

"  Here  ended  our  fighting  for  the  fall. 

"  On  the  28th,  Gen.  Birney  returned  and  relieved  Gen.  Hawley  in 
command  of  the  division,  which  he  had  held  during  the  absence  of  the 
former  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  had  gone  about  the  21st  to  attend  the 
funeral  of  his  brother,  Maj.-Gen.  D.  B.  Birney.  Col.  Shaw  was  placed 
permanently  in  command  of  the  First  Brigade,  and  Col.  Wright,  Tenth 
U.  S.  C.  T.,  of  the  Second. 

"About  the  30th,  a  general  order  was  received  from  Gen.  Butler 
thanking  Capt.  Weiss  and  the  officers  under  him  for  their  gallant  con- 
duct on  the  29th,  and  saying  that  their  absence  in  prison  alone  pre- 
vented their  promotion. 

"  On  the  1st  of  November,  the  division  was  reviewed  by  Gen.  Birney, 
and  the  proclamation  of  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  announcing  the 
adoption  of  the  constitutional  amendment  abolishing  slavery  in  that 
State,  was  read  to  the  command.  This  paper,  which  conveyed  to  the 
men  the  knowledge  that  their  wives  and  children  were  no  longer  slaves, 

produced  an  effect  more  easily  imagined  than  described. 

******** 

"  On  the  5th,  Capt.  Cheney  and  Lieut.  Teeple,  with  companies  H  and 
I,  were  detached  from  the  regiment  to  garrison  Fort  'No.  3,'  at  Spring 
Hill—  a  work  on  the  right  flank  of  the  Army  of  the  James— where  they 
remained  until  the  6th  of  December. 

"  On  the  1st  of  December,  the  reorganization  of  the  Tenth  and  Eigh- 
teenth Corps  was  determined  upon.  The  white  troops  of  the  two  corps 


444  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

were  consolidated  and  formed  the  Twenty-fourth  Corps,  under  Gen. 
Foster;  and  the  colored  troops  of  the  Ninth,  Tenth  and  Eighteenth 
Corps,  with  other  colored  troops  not  assigned,  formed  the  Twenty-fifth 
Corps,  under  Gen.  Weitzel.  Its  three  divisions  were  commanded  by 
Gens.  Wild,  Biriiey  and  Paine,  respectively.  The  First  Brigade  of  Bir- 
ney's  division  was  made  up  of  the  Seventh,  One  Hundred  and  Ninth, 
One  Hundred  and  Sixteenth  and  One  hundred  and  Seventeenth,  under 
Col.  Shaw.  The  Forty-first  Forty-fifth  and  One  Hundred  and  Twenty- 
seventh  had  at  different  times  been  attached  to  the  brigade — to  learn, 
our  ways,  as  they  said  at  headquarters.  Eventually,  however,  the  One 
Hundred  and  Fifteenth  was  substituted  for  the  One  Hundred  and  Seven- 
teenth in  the  brigade. 

"On  the  4th,  a  general  re-assignment  of  positions  was  made.  The 
Seventh  moved  from  the  New  Market  road  to  Fort  Burnham  (Harri- 
son), which  was  garrisoned  by  the  First  Brigade.  The  Second  Brigade, 
under  Doubleday,  was  on  our  right,  and  the  Third  on  our  left.  The 
Second  Brigade  joined  the  Twenty-fourth  Corps,  near  the  New  Market 
road,  and  Paine's  division  was  on  our  left  and  extended  to  the  river. 
The  other  division  was  in  reserve  to  the  rear.  The  Seventh  was  under 
command  of  Lieut. -Col.  Pratt,  and  so  remained  during  the  remainder 
of  our  stay  in  Virginia." 

The  prolonged  but  decisive  struggle  began  to  draw 
near.  General  Grant  had  pushed  the  troops  nearer  and* 
closer,  at  every  opportunity,  to  the  beleaguered  cities, 
until  they  were  well-nigh  completely  invested.  General 
Sherman's  splendid  victories  influenced  the  veteran  corps 
lying  before  these  places,  and  filled  them  with  the  spirit  of 
sure  success.  The  intrepid  commander,  having  reached 
North  Carolina,  visited  Grant  at  the  latter's  headquarters 
at  City  Point,  where  he  also  found  President  Lincoln,  and 
received  their  congratulations  for  his  successful  march  to 
the  sea,  which  achievement  had  not  been  surpassed  by 
any  of  the  undertakings  of  either  Hannibal  or  Bonaparte 
in  point  of  daring  and  strategy.  An  important  confer- 
ence then  took  place,  and  on  the  28th  of  March  Sherman 
returned  to  his  command. 

Grant  throughout  the  winter  had  been  preparing  for 
the  spring  campaign.  The  Phalanx  regiments  heretofore 
in  the  9th,  10th  and  18th  Corps  had  been  consolidated, 
and  formed  the  25th  Corps,  under  the  command  of  Major- 
General  Godfrey  Weitzel,  who  at  New  Orleans  refused  to 
command  negro  troops.  The  Corps  was  divided  into 


446  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

three  divisions,  with  Brigadier-Generals  Wilde,  Birney  and 
Paine  as  commanders.  Major-General  Ord  had  succeeded 
to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  James,  then  number- 
ing about  28,000  effective  men,  and  was  to  take  part 
with  three  divisions  of  his  command  in  the  onward  move- 
ment to  commence  on  the  29th  of  March,  while  Weitzel 
was  to  command  the  remainder  of  the  troops  north  of  the 
James  and  at  Bermuda  Hundreds. 

Lee,  as  though  he  had  knowledge  of  Grant's  inten- 
tion and  meant  to  frustrate  his  plans  by  taking  the 
initiative,  attacked  the  9th  Corps  at  Fort  Steadman  on 
the  25th,  with  signal  success.  He  was  finally  repulsed, 
however,  and  Grant  began  moving  the  Union  troops. 
On  the  morning  of  the  29th,  General  Birney  with  the 
2nd  Division  of  the  25th  Corps  was  near  Hatcher's  Run, 
with  General  Ord's  command.  The  division  consisted  of 
three  brigades  of  Phalanx  Infantry,  commanded  by 
Colonels  James  Shaw,  Jr.,  Ulysses  Doubleday  and  William 
W.  Woodward.  A  brigade  of  artillery  commanded  by 
Captain  Louis  L.  Langdon  was  attached  to  the  Corps; 
but,  owing  to  the  country  being  wooded,  it  was  of  little 
use,  and  most  of  it  was  left  on  the  north  side  with  Gen- 
eral Weitzel. 

On  the  same  day  Sheridan  reached  Dinwiddie,  and  the 
next  morning  he  encountered  the  confederates  near  the 
Court  House.  Here  were  W.  H.  F.  Lee's  Cavalry,  Pickets' 
and  Bushrod  Johnson's  divisions  of  Infantry,  and  Wise's 
brigade.  Sheridan  made  the  attack.  His  men.  on  account 
of  the  marshy  ground,  had  to  dismount.  The  confeder- 
ates fought  desperately,  but  Sheridan's  men  contested 
every  inch  of  ground,  and  at  night  fell  back  to  Dinwiddie 
Court  House  and  bivouacked.  The  5th  Corps  came  up 
during  the  night  to  attack  the  confederates  in  the  rear ; 
but  at  daylight  it  was  found  that  they  had  fallen  back  to 
Five  Forks.  Here  was  found  the  cavalry  of  W.  H.  F. 
Lee  and  Fitzhugh  Lee,  with  Ross',  Picket's,  Wise's  and 
Johnson's  divisions  of  infantry.  On  the  morning  of  the 
1st  of  April,  Sheridan  advanced  the  5th  Corps  toward 
Five  Forks.  That  afternoon  it  fell  upon  Picket's  rear, 


II 


§2  5 


£* 

f  I  * 
M  H 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  449 

and  now  began  the  decisive  battle.  The  roar  was  deafen- 
ing. Night  was  coming  on,  and  Sheridan  was  anxious  to 
carry  out  Grant's  order  and  "end  the  matter  if  possible 
to  do  so."  He  gave  the  order,  "Charge  bayonets!"  In 
five  minutes  Picket's  outer  line  was  in  possession  of  the 
federals.  Crawford's  division  struck  them  in  the  flank, 
and,  with  McKenzie's  brigade,  routed  and  sent  the  confed- 
erates flying.  The  5th  Corps  rallied  and  captured  the 
enemy's  entire  force  in  their  front.  General  Sheridan  says 
in  report : 

"The  enemy  were  driven  from  their  strong  line  of  works,  completely 
routed,  the  Fifth  Corps  doubling;  up  their  left  flank  in  confusion,  and  the 
cavalry  of  General  Merritt  dashing  on  to  the  White  Oak  Road,  capturing 
their  artillery,  turning  it  upon  them,  and  riding  into  their  broken  ranks, 
so  demoralized  them  that  they  made  no  serious  stand  after  their  line 
was  carried,  but  took  flight  in  disorder." 

The  writer  well  remembers  the  eagerness  of  the  Pha- 
lanx brigade  of  Colonel  Shaw,  composed  of  the  109th, 
116th  and  7th  Regiments,  as  they  waited  orders  near 
Hatcher's  Run.  The  sound  of  distant  guns  fell  upon  their 
ears ;  Colonel  Shaw  was  impatient ;  all  seemed  to  feel  the 
end  was  near,  and  wanted  to  lend  a  hand  in  the  consum- 
mation. Oh,  what  suspense !  The  brigade  lay  upon  their 
arms  in  a  state  of  great  agitation,  all  that  night,  waiting 
for  orders  to  advance  upon  the  foe.  Who  can  tell  the 
thoughts  of  those  brave  black  soldiers  as  thus  they  lay 
upon  the  rumbling  earth.  Fathers,  mothers,  sisters, 
wives  and  children,  yet  slaves,  behind  the  enemy's  guns : 
precious  property  they  are,  and  guarded  like  dearest 
treasure  and  even  life  itself,  by  an  army  of  slave-holders — 
Lee's  men,  who,  with  the  desperation  of  demons,  vainly 
attempted  to  check  the  advance  of  the  men  of  the  North, 
who,  with  their  lives,  defended  the  Union.  The  black  bri- 
gade wanted  to  strike  one  more  blow  for  freedom — for  the 
freedom  of  their  wives  and  children — to  make  one  more 
charge,  and  the  confederate  banner  should  go  down ;  one 
more  charge,  and  the  light  of  Liberty's  stars  should  bla- 
zon over  the  ramparts  of  the  confederate  forts.  At  length, 
with  the  dawning  of  day,  came  the  order;  then  the  black 


450  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

brigade  went  forward,  but  to  find  the  enemy  gone  and 
their  works  deserted. 

The  confederate  lines  were  broken,  and  Sheridan's 
troopers,  McKenzie  and  Merritt,  with  their  cavalry,  al- 
though it  was  night,  had  followed  up  the  fleeing  foe, 
capturing  them  by  thousands.  The  brigade  pushed  on 
along  the  captured  works.  The  federal  batteries,  from 
every  mound  and  hill,  were  showering  shot  and  shell  into 
the  enemy's  inner  works ;  while  the  gleaming  bayonets  of 
the  thousands  of  infantry  could  be  seen  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  their  proud  banners  kissing  the  stifling  air, 
and  the  bugles  sounding  the  "  forward  march,"  leaving  in 
their  rear  smoking  camps  and  blazing  dwellings.  What  a 
Sunday  morning  was  that,  with  its  thunders  of  terrific 
wrar,  instead  of  the  mellow  chimes  of  church  bells  and  the 
repose  of  peace. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  huge,  black  clouds 
of  smoke  rolled  up  out  of  the  city  of  Petersburg,  and  then 
a  loud  report,  told  that  the  confederates  had  evacuated 
it.  Away  to  the  left,  the  huzzas  of  Colonel  Doubleday's 
Phalanx  brigade  (2nd)  were  heard.  Now  came  a  race  to 
reach  the  city,  between  the  7th  and  8th  Phalanx  regi- 
ments. No  matter  wrhich  was  first,  they  were  among  the 
troops  which  took  possession  of  the  city,  and  gladdened 
the  hearts  of  the  negro  population,  as  they  marched 
through  the  streets  singing  their  battle  song : 

"We  will  hang  Jeff  Davis  on  a  sour  apple-tree  as  we  go  marching1  on." 

It  was  a  glorious  victory,  bringing  freedom  to  thousands 
of  slaves,  though  it  cost  as  many  lives  and  millions  of 
treasure.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  The  confed- 
erates deserted  their  army  by  thousands.  The  South  Side 
Railroad  was  in  the  hands  of  the  federals,  and  starvation 
threatened  the  enemy.  Lee,  says  a  historian,  was  no 
longer  himself:  he  rode  wildly  through  his  camps  hither, 
and  thither,  trying  to  save  his  shattered  and  routed 
soldiers  from  annihilation. 

The  defeat  at  Five  Forks  settled  the  fate  of  the  Army 
of  North  Virginia.  Grant  had  almost  the  entire  federal 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  451 

army  actively  engaged ;  he  stopped  the  exchange  of  pris- 
oners, invited  President  Lincoln,  then  at  City  Point,  to 
come  out  and  see  the  army  advance,  which  he  did.  He 
met  Grant  in  the  city  of  Petersburg,  amid  the  exultations 
of  the  troops  and  the  joyous  demonstrations  of  the  negro 
population.  General  Lee  made  no  stop  at  Kichmond ;  he 
had  informed  Jefferson  Davis  that  he  must  give  up  the 
city.  The  latter,  with  his  aids  and  all  the  money  he  could 
collect,— not  the  confederate  paper,  but  the  gold  of  the 
United  States, — stampeded. 

General  Weitzel,  with  Kautz's  division  of  the  24th 
Corps  and  Thomas'  and  Ashborne's  division  of  the  25th 
Corps,  on  the  north  side  of  the  James  river,  lay  quietly 
upon  their  arms  during  the  fight  on  the  south  side. 
Grant  kept  Weitzel  informed  as  to  the  results  of  the  at- 
tack, and  warned  him  to  be  on  the  alert  and  take  every 
advantage  offered,  to  press  the  confederates.  General 
Longstreet's  forces  had  been  in  Weitzel's  front,  but  were 
partly  withdrawn  to  defend  Petersburg;  therefore  the 
latter  kept  unceasing  vigil  upon  the  fortifications  before 
him. 

Sunday  evening  the  bands  were  ordered  out  to  play, 
and  it  was  late  into  the  night  when  their  melodious 
strains  ceased  to  float  through  the  air.  It  was  a  nightf n 
long  to  be  remembered,  the  hearts  of  the  black  soldiers  of 
the  25th  Corps,  gladdened  by  the  reports  of  the  victories 
of  the  troops  before  Petersburg,  were  jubilant,  and  with 
vigilant  watch  each  looked  for  morning.  They  were  im-  ; 
patient  for  the  light,  and  ere  it  dawned  they  were  ready 
for  the  onset  which  they  believed  must  come  with  it.  The 
enemy  whom  they  supposed  were  preparing  to  give  them 
battle,  was  silently  stealing  away  to  the  enchanting 
strains  of  the  Federal  musicians.  It  was  near  the  morn- 
ing hours  when  a  sudden  report  startled  the  sleeping  sol- 
diers; an  explosion,  another,  and  yet  another  followed  in 
rapid  succession. 

General  Weitzel  soon  became  satisfied  that  the  enemy 
was  moving,  the  continuous  sound  of  distant  cannonad- 
ing away  to  the  south,  told  that  the  combat  still  raged. 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

From  the  signal  tower  bright  lights  were  discernable  at 
Richmond.  The  city  appeared  to  be  on  fire ;  a  confederate 
picket  was  captured,  but  he  knew  nothing;  he  had  got 
astray  from  his  comrades  and  command.  A  deserter 
came  in  with  intelligence  that  the  city  was  being  evacu- 
ated, and  half  an  hour  later  a  negro  drove  into  camp  and 
gave  information  that  the  enemy  was  flying. 

The  ground  in  front  was  thickly  set  with  torpedoes, 
and  the  troops  dared  not  move.  Day  came  and  Colonel 
Draper's  black  brigade  of  the  25th  Corps  went  forward. 
The  road  was  lumbered  with  all  manner  and  sort  of  milit- 
ary gear  and  munitions  of  war.  Keeping  clear  of  the  red 
flags  which  marked  the  torpedoes,  the  troops  pushed  on ; 
they  soon  reached  the  defences  of  the  city  to  find  them 
untenanted ;  the  negro  had  told  the  truth  and  the  Pha- 
lanx brigade  entered  the  city  welcomed  by  thousands  of 
happy  kinsfolks.  Badeau  says : 

"The  sun  was  an  hour  up,  when  suddenly  there  rose  in  the  streets 
the  cry  of  'Yankees!  Yankees!'  and  the  mass  of  plunderers  and  rioters, 
cursing,  screaming,  trampling  on  each  other,  alarmed  by  an  enemy  not 
yet  in  sight,  madly  strove  to  extricate  themselves  and  make  an  opening 
for  the  troops.  Soon  about  forty  men  of  the  Fourth  Massachusetts 
Cavalry  rode  into  the  crowd,  and,  trotting  straight  to  the  public  square, 
planted  their  guidons  on  the  Capitol.  Lieutenant  De  Peyster,  of  Weit- 
zel's  staff,  a  New  Yorker  ^eighteen  years  of  age,  was  the  first  to  raise  the 
national  colors,  and  then,  in  the  morning  light  of  the  3d  of  April,  the 
flag  of  the  United  States  once  more  floated  over  Richmond. 

"The  command  of  Weitzel  followed— a  long  blue  line — with  gun-bar- 
rels gleaming,  and  bands  playing  'Hail  Columbia'  and  'John  Brown's 
Soul  Goes  Marching  On.'  One  regiment  was  black.*  The  magistrates 
ibrmally  surrendered  the  city  to  Weitzel  at  the  Capitol,  which  stands  on 
a  hill  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  and  overlooks  the  whole  country  for 
miles.  The  national  commander  at  once  set  about  restoring  order  and 
extinguishing  the  flames.  Guards  were  established,  plundering  was 
stopped,  the  negroes  were  organized  into  a  fire  corps,  and  by  night  the 
force  of  the  conflagration  was  subdued,  the  rioting  was  at  an  end,  and 
the  conquered  city  was  rescued  by  the  efforts  of  its  captors  from  the 
evils  which  its  own  authorities  had  allowed,  and  its  own  population  ha$ 
perpetrated." 

Lee  and  his  famishing  host  were  fleeing  towards  Dan- 
ville, hotly  pursued  by  the  Federal  Army.  Resting  there 


See  report  of  29th  Regiment  Connecticut  Colored  Volunteers  in  appendix. 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  455 

until  the  5th  they  resumed  the  inarch,  lighting  and  run- 
ning, until,  at  Appomattox  they  gave  up  and  surrendered. 
Major  Alexandria  S.  Johnson  of  the  116th  Phalanx  Regi- 
ment thus  relates  the  story  in  part  which  the  Phalanx 
brigade  took  in  the  memorable  movement  of  the  two 
armies  to  Appomattox.  He  says : 

"As  a  participant  in  these  events  I  will  speak  merely  of  what  came 
under  my  own  observation.  The  One  Hundred  and  Sixteenth  (colored) 
Infantry,  in  which  I  commanded  a  company,  belonged  to  the  Third 
Brigade,  Second  Division  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Army  Corps,  and  during 
the  winter  of  1864-65  held  the  lines  on  Chapin's  farm,  the  left  resting 
on  Fort  Burnham.  The  division  was  commanded  by  Major-General 
Birney.  The  winter  was  passed  in  endeavoring  to  get  the  troops  in  as 
high  a  state  of  discipline  as  possible  by  constant  drill  and  watchful 
training.  When  the  spring  opened  we  had  the  satisfaction  of  feeling 
that  they  were  the  equal,  as  soldiers,  of  most  of  the  white  troops.  They 
were  a  contented  body,  being  well  fed  and  clothed,  and  they  took  delight 
in  their  various  duties.  The  news  of  the  capture  of  Savannah  by  Sher- 
man and  the  defeat  of  Hood  at  Nashville  had  a  cheering  effect  upon  the 
whole  command,  and  we  looked  forward  with  confidence  that  the  end 
was  drawing  near. 

"  On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  March  our  division  silently  left  the  lines 
on  Chapin's  farm,  and  marching  to  the  rear  some  three  miles  went  into 
bivouac.  On  the  night  of  the  27th  we  crossed  the  James  on  muffled 
pontoons,  and  after  a  weary  march  arrived  at  Hatcher's  Run  at  day- 
break of  the  28th.  Crossing  the  original  lines  of  breastworks  we  built 
new  breastworks  some  two  hundred  yards  in  advance  and  bivouacked 
in  the  pine  woods  awaiting  events.  Sheriflan  at  this  time  was  operating 
on  the  Confederate  right  flank.  The  news  of  his  decisive  victory  at  Five 
Forks  and  of  the  complete  turning  of  the  enemy's  flank  was  the  immedi- 
ate cause  of  a  verbal  order,  given  to  company  commanders  by  our 
colonel  on  the  afternoon  of  April  1st,  to  advance  on  the  lines  in  our 
front  at  dawn  on  the  following  day.  That  night  the  Union  artillery 
opened  along  the  whole  line.  Hissing  and  bursting  shells  from  Appo- 
mattox river  to  Hatcher's  Run  filled  in  a  scene  never  to  be  forgotten  by 
those  who  witnessed  it.  It  was  as  if  demons  incarnate  were  holding  a 
jubilee.  As  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  there  was  one  blaze  of  fiery  shot. 
The  world  has  seldom  seen  its  like.  Where  our  brigade  was  to  operate 
was  a  dense  wilderness  of  pines  with  matted  underbrush,  but  in  the 
morning  it  looked  as  though  a  sirocco  had  kissed  it. 

"With  the  dawn  of  day  the  brigade  was  in  line  of  battle.  Not  a 
breath  of  air  was  stirring.  A  misty  vapor  shed  its  gloom  and  hung  like 
a  pall  among  the  tree-tops.  The  silk  covers  were  taken  from  our  flags, 
but  their  folds  hung  lazily  along  the  staff  when  the  command,  '  Forward ! 
guide  centre!  march!'  was  given.  At  first  slashed  timber  and  brush 


456  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

obstructed  our  way,  but  as  the  obstruction  began  to  cease  an  obstacle 
in  the  shape  of  a  long-  line  of  abattis  met  our  gaze.  The  dusky  line 
broke  through  the  abattis,  however,  as  if  the  stakes  had  been  so  many 
reeds,  and  charged  over  the  breastworks  and  into  the  Confederate  camp. 
The  rush  must  have  been  a  surprise,  as  the  enemy  offered  little  resist- 
ance. In  front  of  one  of  the  tents  a  Federal  sergeant  (white)  lay  dead, 
his  right  arm  extended  to  the  full  length,  and  firmly  clenched  in  his  hand 
was  a  piece  of  fancy  soap.  A  bullet  had  entered  his  forehead,  the  blood 
from  the  wound  was  trickling  down  his  face,  but  the  hue  of  health  was 
still  on  his  cheek.  How  he  came  to  be  there  is  to  me  a  mystery,  as  that 
part  of  the  line  was  forced  by  colored  troops.  Swinging  by  the  right 
flank  we  kept  our  way  along  the  Boydton  road.  A  Confederate  light 
battery  in  position  alongside  of  a  cottage,  which  stood  in  a  hollow, 
shelled  the  column  as  it  advanced,  and  so  accurate  had  the  gunners  got 
the  range  that  almost  every  shell  did  damage.  A  couple  of  shells  burst 
together  above  my  company.  The  flash  blinded  me  for  a  few  seconds. 
I  heard  a  scream  of  pain  and  just  then  was  ordered  to  lie  down.  Not 
twenty  yards  from  me  was  a  wounded  soldier.  His  leg  was  shattered 
badly.  He  prayed  and  sang  hymns  alternately,  but  his  voice  gradually 
grew  weaker  until  it  ended  in  death.  One  of  our  batteries  was  brought 
into  position,  and  engaging  the  Confederate  battery,  the  latter  was 
silenced,  when  the  column  again  resumed  the  march,  arriving  in  front  of 
Petersburg  about  noon. 

"  It  was  the  intention  of  General  Birney  to  carry  by  assault  the  main 
fort  which  commanded  the  city,  and  he  deployed  the  division  in  line  of 
battle  for  that  purpose,  but  General  Ord,  coming  up  in  time,  ordered 
him  to  retire  his  division  out  of  range  and  await  further  orders.  We 
went  into  bivouac  for  the  night,  and  at  early  dawn  of  the  3d  we  entered 
the  city,  the  Confederates  having  evacuated  the  forts  during  the  night. 
The  field  music  played  "John  Brown's  Body,"  and  a  tiny  Union  flag  in 
the  hands  of  a  girl  of  ten  years  waved  us  a  welcome.  Resting  an  hour 
in  the  city  the  division  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Confederates.  For  a 
mile  or  two  outside  of  the  city  the  road  was  strewn  with  plug  tobacco. 
Blood  could  be  seen  also  at  intervals  in  patches  along  the  road.  We 
bivouacked  some  fifteen  miles  from  the  city.  A  few  of  our  officers  took 
supper  in  a  house  close  to  our  camping  ground.  Our  fare  was  "corn 
pone,"  scraps  of  bacon,  sorghum  molasses,  and  a  solution  of  something 
called  coffee,  for  which  we  each  gave  our  host,  a  middle-aged  Virginian, 
one  dollar.  The  colored  troops  being  encamped  on  his  farm  his  indigna- 
tion was  stirred  and  he  exclaimed,  while  the  tears  trickled  down  his 
cheeks,  'Poor  old  Virginia!  poor  old  Virginia!  that  I  should  have  lived 
to  see  this  day  !' 

"At  dawn  of  the  4th  the  column  resumed  the  pursuit.  It  is  needless 
for  me  to  tell  in  detail  how  our  cavalry  destroyed  and  burned  over  five 
hundred  Confederate  wagons  on  the  5th  and  6th,  and  how  EwelPs  com- 
mand was  defeated  and  captured  at  Sailor's  creek  on  the  6th.  Our 
brigade  having  arrived  at  Farmville  on  the  afternoon  of  the  6th  and 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  457 

encamped  for  the  night,  some  of  the  citizens  poured  forth  pitiful  tales  to 
our  officers.  They  told  how  our  cavalry  had  entered  their  houses  and 
ripped  open  their  feather  beds,  how  the  rude  troopers  had  broken  open 
bureaus  and  chests  in  search  of  valuables,  and  how  they  had  carried 
away  with  them  what  they  could  find.  Nothing  of  interest  took  place 
until  the  8th,  which  was  noted  for  the  forced  march  made  by  the  brigade, 
starting  at  day -break  and  going  into  bivouac  art  twelve  midnight.  The 
morning  of  the  9th  broke  calm  and  serene.  It  was  a  lovely  morning, 
the  sun  had  not  yet  gotten  above  the  horizon  when  the  brigade  was  on 
the  march  again,  but  it  went  only  a  short  distance  when  it  was  halted. 
To  the  right  of  the  road,  in  a  clearing,  was  a  portion  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  Corps,  with  arms  stacked  and  the  men  cooking  breakfast.  Sides 
of  bacon  at  intervals  hung  from  their  bayonets.  Although  the  woods 
were  full  of  our  cavalry  and  three  divisions  of  our  infantry  were  in  close 
proximity,  all  was  as  quiet  as  a  Sabbath  morning.  One  of  our  batteries, 
some  six  hundred  yards  to  the  right,  broke  the  stillness  by  fitfully 
throwing  a  shell  once  in  a  while,  but  to  a  looker-on  all  seemed  inaction. 
Such  was  the  situation  at  Appomattox  at  sunrise  on  the  morning  of 
the  9th. 

"  Our  brigade,  after  resting  some  thirty  minutes,  resumed  the  march. 
It  soon  filed  to  the  right.  In  a  few  minutes  the  command  was  given — 
'Right  shoulder,  shift  arms!  double  quick,  march!'  Onward  we  went, 
the  objective  point  being  the  Lynchburg  pike.  Dismounted  cavalry 
retreating  from  the  front  broke  through  the  column,  saying  as  they 
passed  us,  'Give  it  to  them,  boys !  they  are  too  many  for  us !'  In  a  few 
minutes  the  head  of  the  column  reached  the  pike,  when  it  halted  and 
faced  to  the  front.  The  command— 'Unsling  knapsacks! '—was  given, 
and  then  we  knew  we  were  stripping  for  a  fight.  Skirmishers  were 
deployed  on  our  front,  and  as  we  advanced  the  Confederate  skirmishers 
retired  before  us.  After  advancing  some  eight  hundred  yards  the  brigade 
was  ordered  to  halt  and  form  in  line  of  battle.  It  formed  into  column 
of  companies.  Some  eight  hundred  yards  away  was  the  Army  of  North- 
ern Virginia,  with  its  three  lines  of  battle  awaiting  us. 

"We  had  not  been  at  a  halt  more  than  twenty  minutes  when  the 
news  of  Lee's  surrender  reached  us.  Our  brigade  celebrated  the  event  by 
firing  volleys  of  musketry  in  the  air.  Officers  hugged  each  other  with 
joy.  About  four  hundred  yards  to  the  rear  was  a  portion  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  Corps,  which  had  been  marching  to  our  support.  The  men  in 
that  long  line  threw  their  caps  upwards  until  they  looked  like  a  flock  of 
crows.  From  wood  and  dale  came  the  sound  of  cheers  from  thousands 
of  throats.  Appomattox  will  never  hear  the  like  again.  The  brigade 
moved  forward  a  short  distance  and  went  into  camp  some  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  Confederate  camp.  In  the  afternoon  I  strolled  over  the 
ground  we  had  traversed  in  the  morning.  I  came  across  the  body  of  a 
dead  Confederate  soldier,  covered  with  a  blanket.  Some  one  had  taken 
the  shoes  from  his  feet.  Uncovering  him  I  found  that  a  shot  had  pierced 
his  right  breast.  His  white  cotton  shirt  was  matted  with  blood.  A 


458  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

email  bag  was  attached  to  the  button-hole  of  his  jacket.  Undoing  the 
bag  I  found  it  contained  sixty  ounces  of  corn  meal.  He  wa.s  not  over 
twenty-six  years  of  age,  and  was  of  fair  complexion.  Who  knows  but 
he  was  the  last  soldier  who  fell  belonging  to  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia?" 

It  was  Palm  Sunday,  celebrated  by  many  of  the  fol- 
lowers of  Christ  as  the  day  of  his  triumphal  entrance  into 
Jerusalem,  a  day  of  great  rejoicing  among  Christians, 
known  in  our  annual  calendar  as  the  9th  day  of  April, 
1865.  Thu  morning  broke  clear  and  bright  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Appomattox  Court  House,  and  there  was 
every  'evidence  of  spring.  The  birds  chirped  in  the  trees 
half  clad  with  the  early  foliage,  which  trembled  in  the  soft 
breeze.  Along  the  roadside  yet  untrod  by  the  hostile  feet 
of  man  or  steed,  the  tiny  floweret  buds  had  begun  to  open 
to  the  warmth  of  genial  nature,  and  the  larger  roses,  red 
and  white,  cast  their  fragrance  to  the  lingering  winds. 
Here  the  half  clad,  sore  footed  soldiers  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  were  trembling  with  dread  impatience 
for  the  onset, — the  inevitable — which  would  decide  their 
fate  and  their  prospect  of  reaching  the  mountains  just 
beyond.  In  front  of  them  the  federal  cavalry  awaited 
their  coming. 

It  was  yet  grey  in  the  morning  when  General  Lee  sent 
word  to  his  Lieutenant  Gordon  to  cut  his  "  way  through 
at  all  hazards  "  With  the  impetuosity  of  a  cyclone,  his 
shattered  corps  rushed  upon  the  dismounted  cavalry  in 
their  front,  the  Federal  line  quivered,  and  bent  to  the  gale. 
On  and  on  they  came,  pressing  closer  and  closer  upon  the 
cavalry.  The  struggle  was  becoming  desperate,  it  was 
the  last  hope  of  the  confederates  they  must  go  through 
the  lines,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  Again  the  confederate 
yell  rose  above  the  din  of  the  battle's  roar,  and  soon  the 
cavalry  fell  back.  Where  was  their  leader  Sheridan?  He 
came,  galloping  at  break-neck  speed,  his  men  cheering  him 
as  he  rode  to  the  front.  He  had  been  to  the  rear  some  five 
miles  away.  He  saw  at  a  glance  the  daring  object  of  the 
foe,  and  ordered  his  men  to  fall  back  slowly.  The  confed- 
erates followed  up  the  wavering  line  Avith  brightened 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  459 

hopes,  but  hopes  that  were  to  be  dissipated;  sooii  the 
bristling  bayonets,  and  glistening  musket  barrels  of  the 
Army  of  the  James  gleamed  in  their  front ;  then  the  pres- 
sure ceased,  and  Sheridan's  bugle  sounded  the  order  to 
mount,  and  his  troopers  dashed  themselves  against  the 
enemy's  left  flank.  Then,  one  bearing  a  white  flag— a  flag 
of  truce,  rode  to  the  front  of  the  confederate  lines.  Capt. 
J.  D.  Cook  of  General  Mile's  staff  went  forward  to  meet 
him.  It  was  Colonel  Taylor  of  General  Lee's  staff;  he  bore 
a  note  from  Lee,  asking  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  and 
an  interview  with  General  Grant.  Now  let  us  go  back  to 
the  night  of  the  6th,  and  trace  the  flying  columns  to  this 
point.  Badeau  says : 

"That  night  once  more  the  rebels  evacuated  their  works,  this -time 
in  front  of  Meade,  and  when  morning  dawned  were  far  on  their  way,  as 
they  fondly  thought,  to  Lynchburg,  and  Lee  defiantly  informed  his  pur- 
suer that  the  emergency  for  the  surrender  had  not  yet  arrived.  But  he 
reckoned  without  his  host.  He  was  stretching,  with  the  terrific  haste 
that  precedes  despair,  to  Appomattox  for  supplies.  He  need  haruly 
have  hastened  to  that  spot,  destined  to  be  so  fatal  to  himself  and  his 
cause.  Grant's  legions  were  making  more  haste  than  he.  The  marvel- 
ous marching,  not  only  of  Sheridan,  but  of  the  men  of  the  Fifth  and 
Twenty-Fourth  Corps,  was  doing  as  much  as  a  battle  to  bring  the  rebel- 
lion to  a  close.  Twenty-eight,  thirty -two,  thirty-five  miles  a  day  in  suc- 
cession these  infantry  soldiers  marched,  all  day  and  all  night.  From 
day-light  until  day-light  again,  after  more  than  a  week  of  labor  and 
fatigue  almost  unexampled,  they  pushed  on  to  intercept  their  ancient 
adversary,  while  the  remainder  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  at  his 
heels. 

"Finally  Lee,  still  defiant,  and  refusing  to  treat  with  any  view  of 
surrender,  came  up  to  his  goal,  but  found  the  national  cavalry  had 
reached  the  point  before  him,  and  that  the  supplies  were  gone.  Still  he 
determined  to  push  his  way  through,  and  with  no  suspicion  that  men 
on  foot  could  have  marched  from  Rice's  Station  to  his  front  in  thirty 
hours,  he  made  his  last  charge,  and  discovered  a  force  of  infantry  greater 
than  his  own  before  him,  besides  cavalry,  while  two  corps  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  were  close  in  his  rear.  He  had  run  straight  into  the 
national  lines.  He  was  enclosed,  walled  in,  on  every  side,  with  immi- 
nent instant  destruction  impending  over  him.  He  instantly  offered  to 
submit  to  Grant,  and  in  the  agony  of  alarm,  lest  the  blow  should  fall, 
he  applied  to  Meade  and  Sheridan  also  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities. 
Thus  in  three  directions  at  once  he  was  appealing  to  be  allowed  to  yield. 
At  the  same  moment  he  had  messengers  out  to  Sheridan,  Meade,  ancj 
Grant.  The  emergency,  whose  existence  he  had  denied,  had  arrived. 

23 


460  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

He  was  out-marched,  outfought,  out-witted,  out-generaled— defeated  io 
every  possible  way.  He  and  his  army,  every  man,  numbering  27,516, 
surrendered.  He  and  his  army,  every  man,  was  fed  by  the  conqueror." 

From  the  date  of  Lee's  surrender,  the  confederates, 
from  Virginia  to  the  Mississippi,  began  to  lay  down  their 
arms.  Howell  Cobb  surrendered  at  Macon,  Ga.,  on  the 
21st;  Johnston  surrendered  to  General  Sherman  on  the 
26th,  in  North  Carolina;  Dick  Taylor,  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, on  the  4th  of  May,  and  on  the  26th  Kir  by  Smith 
surrendered  his  forces  west  of  the  Mississippi.  Jeff.  Davis 
had  been  captured,  disguised  as  a  woman,  and  thus  the 
cause,  which  originated  in  treason,  based  on  the  enslave- 
ment of  a  race,  and  which  derived  its  only  chance  of  suc- 
cess from  men  who  were  false  to  their  oaths,  collapsed. 
The  mightiest  blow  given  the  confederacy  was  struck  by 
the  immortal  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  giving  free- 
dom to  four  millions  of  slaves ;  more  than  two  hundred 
thousand  of  whom,  with  dash  and  gallantry  excelled  by 
no  other  race,  tore  down  the  traitor's  banner  from  their 
deemed  impregnable  breastworks  and  planted  in  its  stead 
the  national  flag.  That  emblem,  whose  crimson  folds, 
re-baptised  in  the  blood  of  liberty's  martyrs,  invited  all 
men,  of  all  races,  who  would  be  free,  to  gather  beneath 
the  effiulgent  glare  of  its  heaven-lighted  stars,  regardless 
of  color,  creed  or  condition.  The  Phalanx  nobly  bore 
their  part  all  through  the  long  night  of  war,  and  at  last 
they  occupied  Charleston,— the  traitors'  nest,— Peters- 
burg,— their  eastern  Gibraltar, —  and  Richmond — their 
Capitol.  They  marched  proudly  through  the  streets  of 
these  once  impregnable  fortresses,  in  all  of  which  many  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  Phalanx  had  been  slaves.  Oh !  what  a 
realization  of  the  power  of  right  over  might.  What  a 
picture  for  the  historian's  immortal  pen  to  paint  of  the 
freemen  of  America,  whose  sufferings  were  long,  whose 
struggle  was  gigantic,  and  whose  achievement  was  a  glo- 
rious personal  and  political  freedom ! 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  the  government,  anticipating 
trouble  in  Texas,  ordered  General  Steele  to  the  command 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  under  these  instructions : 


THE  PHALANX  IN  VIRGINIA.  461 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  21st,  1865. 
"  MAJ.  GEN.  P.  STEELE,  Commanding  Rio  Grande  Expedition. 

"By  assignment  of  the  President,  Gen.  Sheridan  takes  general  com- 
mand west  of  the  Arkansas.  It  is  the  intention  to  prosecute  a  vigorous 
campaign  in  that  country,  until  the  whole  of  Texas  is  re-occupied  by 
people  acknowledging  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  Sheridan  will  probably  act  offensively  from  the  Red  river.  But 
it  is  highly  important  that  we  should  have  a  strong  foothold  upon  the 
Rio  Grande.  You  have  been  selected  to  take  that  part  of  the  command. 
In  addition  to  the  force  you  take  from  Mobile  Bay,  you  will  have  the 
25th  Corps  and  the  few  troops  already  in  Southern  Texas. 

"  Any  directions  you  may  receive  from  Gen.  Sheridan,  you  will  obey. 
But  in  the  absence  of  instructions  from  him  you  will  proceed  without 
delay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  occupy  as  high  up"  that  river 
as  your  force  and  means  of  supplying  will  admit  of. 

"Your  landing  will  probably  have  to  be  made  at  Brazos,  but  you 
will  learn  more  fully  upon  that  matter  on  your  arrival.  We  will  have 
to  observe  a  strict  neutrality  towards  Mexico,  in  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish sense  of  the  word.  Your  own  good  sense  and  knowledge  of  inter- 
national law,  and  experience  of  policy  pursued  towards  us  in  this  war 
teaches  you  what  will  be  proper. 

"Signed,  U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant-General. 

"Official:       Signed,  GEO.  K.  LEET,  A.  A.  G. 

In  the  meantime  General  Grant  sent  the  following  dis- 
patches to  Generals  Halleck  and  Weitzel : 

"WASHINGTON,  May  18th,  1865, 12.40  p.  M., 
"MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  W.  HALLECK,  Richmond  Va. 

"Please  direct  Major-General  Weitzel  commanding  25th  Army  Corps 
to  get  his  corps  in  readiness  for  embarkation  at  City  Point  immediately 
upon  the  arrival  of  ocean  transportation.  He  will  take  with  him  forty 
(40)  days  rations  for  twenty  thousand  men,  one-half  of  his  land  trans- 
portation and  one-fourth  of  his  mules  with  the  requisite  amount  of 
forage  for  his  animals.  All  surplus  transportion  and  other  public  prop- 
erty he  may  have  he  will  turn  over  to  the  depots  at  City  Point. 
"  By  command  of  Lieutenant-General  Grant. 

"Signed,    JOHN  A.  RAWLINS, 
"  Brigadier-General  and  Chief  of  Staff. 
"Official.       Signed,    GEORGE  K.  LEET,  A.  A.  G." 

"WASHINGTON,  May  21st,  1865. 
"  MAJOR-GENERAL  G.  WEITZEL,  Commanding  25th  A.  C. 

"As  soon  as  your  corps  is  embarked  you  will  proceed  with  it  to 
Mobile  Bay,  Ala.,  and  report  to  Major-General  Steele  for  further  orders. 

"  In  addition  to  rations,  ammunition,  and  other  articles  which,  you 
have  received  directions  to  take  with  you,  you  should  take  a  fair  quantity 
of  intrenching  tools.       "Signed,    U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant-General. 
"Official,       Signed,    GEORGE  K.  LEET,  A.  A.  G." 


4:62  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

On  the  24th  of  May  the  25th  Corps  began  embarking 
for  Texas  by  way  of  Mobile  Bay.  The  troops,  however, 
occupied  Texas  but  a  short  time,  the  confederate  forces 
there  surrendering  upon  the  same  terms  as  those  of  Gen- 
eral Lee.  All  fears  having  been  dissipated,  the  troops 
were  slowly  mustered  out  of  the  United  States  service. 
The  men  returned  to  their  wonted  fields  of  labor  to  pro- 
vide for  their  long-neglected  families,  upon  a  new  career  of 
peace  and  happiness,  rising,  Phoenix  like,  from  the  ashes 
of  slavery  to  join  the  Phalanx  of  industry  in  upbuilding 
the  greatness  of  their  country,  which  they  had  aided  in 
saving  from  desolation  and  ruin. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  negro  in  the  wars  of  the 
United  States.  Coming  to  its  shores  in  the  condition  of 
slavery,  it  required  more  than  two  centuries  for  the  entire 
race  to  reach  the  estate  of  freedom.  But  the  imperishable 
records  of  their  deeds  show  that  however  humble  and 
despised  they  have  been  in  all  political  and  social  relations 
they  have  never  been  wanting  in  patriotism  at  periods  of 
public  peril.  Their  devotion  has  been  not  only  unappreci- 
ated, but  it  has  failed  to  receive  a  fitting  commemoration 
in  pages  of  national  history.  It  has  been  the  purpose  of 
the  writer  of  this  volume  to  relate  herein  the  patriotic 
career  of  the  negro  race  in  this  country  in  an  authentic 
and  connected  form.  In  the  time  to  come  the  race  will 
take  care  of  itself.  Slavery  is  ended,  and  now  they  are 
striking  off  link  by  link  the  chains  of  ignorance  which  the 
servitude  of  some  and  the  humility  of  all  imposed  upon 
them.  If  the  past  is  the  story  of  an  oppressed  race,  the 
futuse  will  reveal  that  of  one  uprisen  to  great  opportuni- 
ties, which  they  will  improve  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion, and  guard  with  the  same  vigilance  that  they  will  the 
liberties  and  boundaries  of  the  land. 


BOLL  OF  HONOR.  463 


CHAPTER  XII. 

KOLL  OF  HONOR. 

The  following  enlisted  men  of  the  Black  Phalanx 
received  medals  of  honor  from  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment for  heroic  conduct  on  the  field  of  battle : 

Sergeant-Major  C.  A.  FLEETWOOD,  4th  Regiment. 

Color — Sergeant  ALFRED  B.  HILTON,  4th  Regiment. 

Private  CHARLES  VEAL,  4th  Regiment. 

1st  Sergeant  JAMES  BROWNSON,  5th  Regiment. 

Sergeant-Major  MILTON  M.  HOLLAND,  5th  Regiment. 

1st  Sergeant,  ROBERT  PINN,  5th  Regiment. 

1st  Sergeant  POWHATAN  BEATY,  5th  Regiment. 

1st  Sergeant  ALEX.  KELLEY,  6th  Regiment. 

Sergeant  SAMUEL  GILCHRIST,  36th  Regiment. 

Sergeant  WILLIAM  DAVIS,  36th  Regiment. 

Corporal  MILES  JAMES,  36th  Regiment. 

Private  JAMES  GARDNER,  36th  Regiment. 

1st  Sergeant  EDWARD  RATCLIFF,  38th  Regiment. 

Private  WILLIAM  BARNES,  38th  Regiment. 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  XIII, 

ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX 

CAVALRY. 

1st  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Seip.— Organized  at  Camp  Ham- 
ilton, Va.,  December,  1863.  Battles :  Bermuda  Hundreds,  Smithfleld, 
Wilson's  Lauding,  Fort  Pocahontas,  Cabin  Point,  Powhatan.  Mustered 
out  February,  1866. 

2nd  Regiment,  Colonel  G.  W.  Cole.— Organized  at  Ft.  Monroe,  Decem- 
ber, 1863.  Battles:  Suffolk,  Drewry's  Bluff,  May  10, 16th  and  20th, 
1864.  Point  of  Rocks,  Deep  Bottom,  Chapin  Farm,  Richmond.  Mus- 
tered out  February,  1866. 

3d  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  J.  B.  Cook.— Organized  at  Vicks- 
burg,  October  9th,  1863.  Battles:  Haines  Bluff,  Shipwith's  Landing, 
Miss.,  Memphis,  Tenn.,  Bayou  Bceuf,  Yazoo  Expedition,  Rolling  Fork, 
Vicksburg,  Jackson,  Fort  Adams,  Franklin,  Roache's  Plantation,  Ya- 
zoo City.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

4th  Regiment,  (1st  Corps  d'  Afrique),  Lieutenant-Colonel  N.  C. 
Mitchell. —  Organized  September,  1863,  at  New  Orleans,  La.  Battle: 
Clinton.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

5th  Regiment,  Colonel  L.  Henry  Carpenter.— Organized  at  Camp 
Nelson,  Ky.,  October,  1864.  Battles :  Saltville,  Hopkinsville,  Harrods- 
burg,  Simpsonville.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

5th  Regiment,  Massachusetts,  Colonel  S.  E.  Chamberlin.— Organized 
at  Readville,  Mass.,  May,  1864.  Battle:  Petersburg.  Mustered  out 
October,  1865. 

6th  Regiment,  Colonel  James  F.  Wade.— Organized  at  Camp  Nelson, 
Ky.,  Nov.,  1864.  Battles:  Saltville,  Marion,  Smithfield.  Mustered 
out  April,  1866. 

HEAVY  ARTILLERY. 

1st  Regiment,  Colonel  John  E.  McGowan. — Organized  atKnoxville, 
Tenn.,  February,  1864.  Battle:  Decatur. 

3rd  Regiment,  Colonel  Ignatz  G.  Kappner.— Organized  at  Memphis, 
Tenn.,  and  Fort  Pickering,  Tenn.,  June,  1863,  as  1st  Regiment  Ten- 


ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  465 

nessee  Heavy  Artillery.    Its  designation  was  changed  to  2nd  Regiment 
and  to  3rd,  April,  1864.    Mustered  out  April,  1864. 

4th  Regiment,  Major  Wm.  N.  Lansing. — Organized  at  Columbus, 
Ky.,  June,  1863,  as  2nd  Regiment  Tennessee.  Its  designation  was 
changed  March,  1864,  to  the  3rd  Regiment,  and  to  the  4th,  April,  1864. 
Battles:  Fort  Donelson.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

5th  Regiment,  Colonel  Herman  Leib. — Organized  at  Vicksburg, 
Miss.,  August,  1863,  as  the  9th  Regiment  Louisiana  Volunteers.  Its 
designation  was  changed  to  1st  Regiment,  Mississippi,  September,  1863, 
and  to  the  4th,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Milliken's  Bend,  June  6th,  7th 
and  25th,  1863,  Vicksburg.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

6th  Regiment,  Colonel  Hubert  A.  McCaleb. — Organized  at  Natchez, 
Miss.,  September,  1863,  as  2nd  Regiment,  Miss.  Its  designation  was 
changed  to  the  5th  Regiment,  March,  1864,  and  to  the  6th,  April,  1864. 
Battles :  Vidalia,  Concordia  Bayou,  Black  River.  Mustered  out  May, 
1866. 

For  7th  Regiment  see  llth  Infantry. 

8th  Regiment,  Colonel  Henry  W.  Barry.— Organized  at  Paducah, 
Ky.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Fort  Anderson.  Mustered  out  February, 
1866. 

9th  Regiment,  Major  Edward  Grosskoff.— Organized  at  Clarksville, 
Nashville,  Tenn.,  October,  1864;  broken  up  May,  1865;  officers  and  en- 
listed men  transferred  to  other  organizations. 

10th  Regiment,  Colonel  C.  A.  Hartwell,  (regular  arm y).— Organized 
at  New  Orleans,  La.,  November,  1862,  as  1st  Regiment  Lousiana.  Its 
designation  was  changed  to  1st  Regiment  Corps  d'  Afrique,  November, 
1863,  and  to  the  7th  Regiment  United  States,  April,  1864;  to  the  10th, 
May,  1864.  The  77th  Regiment  Infantry  was  consolidated  with  it  Octo- 
ber, 1865.  Mustered  out  February,  1867.  Battle:  Pass-Manchae. 

llth  Regiment,  Colonel  J.  Hale  Sypher.— Organized  at  Providence, 
R.  I.,  August,  1863,  as  the  14th  Regiment,  R.  I.  Its  designation  was 
changed  to  the  8th  Regiment  United  States,  April,  1864,  and  to  the 
llth,  May,  1864.  Battle :  Indian  Village.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

12th  Regiment,  Colonel  Norman  S.  Andrews.— Organized  at  Camp 
Nelson,  Ky.,  July,  1864.  Battles:  Big  Springs,  Fort  Jones.  Mustered 
out,  April,  1866. 

13th  Regiment,  Colonel  Jacob  T.  Foster.— Organized  at  Carnp  Nel- 
son, Ky.,  June,  1865.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

14th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Walter  S.  Poor.— Organized  at 
Now  Berne  and  Marblehead,  N.  C.,  March,  1 864,  as  the  1st  North  Caro- 
lina. Its  designation  was  changed  to  the  14th,  March,  1865.  Mustered 
out  December,  1865. 

LIGHT  ARTILLERY. 

2nd  Regiment.— Organized  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  April,  1864.  Mus- 
tered out  January,  1866. 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Battery  A,  Captain  F.  P.  Meiga. 

Battery  B,  Captain  Francis  C.  Choate. — Organized  at  Fort  Monroe, 
Va.  January,  1864.^  Battles:  Wilson's  Wharf,  City  Point.  Mustered 
out  March,  1866. 

Battery  C,  Captain  Robert  Ranney. — Organized  at  Hebron's  Planta- 
tion, Miss..  November,  1863,  as  the  1st  Louisiana  Battery.  Its  designa- 
tion was  changed  to  Battery  A,  2d  Regiment,  March,  1864,  and  to  Bat- 
tery C  April,  1864.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

Battery  D,  Captain  W.  H.  Pratt.— Organized  at  Black  River  Bridge, 
Miss.,  December,  1863,  as  the  2d  Louisiana  Battery.  Its  designation 
was  changed  to  Battery  B,  2d  Regiment  United  States,  March,  1864, 
and  to  Battery  D  April,  1864. 

Battery  E,  Captain  Edwin  Bancroft.— Organized  at  Helena,  Ark., 
December,  1863,  as  the  3d  Louisiana  Battery.  Its  designation  was 
changed  to  Battery  C,  2d  Regiment  United  States,  March,  1864,  and  to 
Battery  E  April.  1864.  Battles:  Island  No.  76,  Big  Creek. 

Battery  F,  Captain  Carl  A.  Lamberg. — Organized  at  Memphis,  Tenn., 
as  the  Memphis  Light  Battery,  November,  1863.  Its  designation  was 
changed  to  Battery  D,  2d  United  States  Regiment,  March,  1864,  and  to 
Battery  F,  April,  1864.  Consolidated  with  the  3d  United  States  Heavy 
Artillery,  December,  1865.  Battles:  Fort  Pillow,  Brice's  Cross  Roads. 
Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

Battery  G,  Captain  Jeremiah  S.  Clark.— Organized  at  Hilton  Head, 
S.  C.,  May,  1864.  Mustered  out  August,  1865. 

Battery  H,  Captain  John  Driscoll. — Organized  at  Pine  Bluff,  Ark., 
June,  1864,  as  the  1st  Arkansas  Colored  Battery.  Changed  to  Battery 
H,  2d  United  States,  December,  1864.  Mustered  out  September,  1865. 

Battery  I,  Captain  Louis  B.  Smith. — Organized  at  Memphis,  Tenn., 
April,  1864.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

Independent  Battery,  Captain  H.  Ford  Douglass.  Organized  at 
Leavenworth,  Kan.,  December,  1864.  Mustered  out  July,  1865. 

INFANTRY. 

1st  Regiment,*  Colonel  John  H.  Holman.— Organized  at  District  of 
Columbia,  May,  1863.  Battles :  Wilson's  Wharf,  Petersburg,  Chapin's 
Farm,  Fair  Oaks,  Fillmore,  Town  Creek,  Wilmington,  Warsaw.  Mus- 
tered out,  September  1865. 

2d  Regiment,  Colonel  B.  F.  To wnsend.— Organized  at  Arlington,  Va., 
June,  1863.  Battles :  Fort  Taylor,  Cedar  Keys,  Natural  Bridge.  Mus- 
tered out  January,  1866. 


*  Dr.  Wright,  a  prominent  secessionist  at  Norfolk,  Va.,  swore  to  shoot  the  first 
white  man  that  he  caught  drilling-  negroes.  Lieutenant  A.  S.  San  born,  of  this  regi- 
ment, while  marchfhg  a  squad  to  head-quarters  through  the  main  street  of  the  city 
was  shot  and  killed  by  this  Dr.  Wright,  for  which  he  was  hanged. 


BOSTER  OF  THE   BLACK  PHALANX.  467 

3d  Regiment,  Colonel  F.  W.  Bardwell.— Organized  at  Philadelphia, 
Penn.,  August,  1863.  Battles:  Fort  Wagner,  Bryant's  Plantation, 
Marion  County,  Jacksonville.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

4th  Regiment,  Colonel' S.  A.  Duncan.— Organized  at  Baltimore,  Md., 
July,  1863.  Battles:  Bermuda  Hundreds,  Petersburg,  Dutch  Gap, 
Chapin's  Farm,  Sugar-Loaf  Hill.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

oth  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  B.  Cook.  Organized  at 
Camp  Delaware,  Ohio,  August,  1863.  Battles:  Sandy  Swamp,  New 
Kent  Court  House,  City  Point,  Petersburg,  Chapin's  Farm,  Fair  Oaks, 
Raleigh.  Mustered  out,  September  1865. 

6th  Regiment,  Colonel  John  "W.  Ames,  (regular  army). — Organized 
at  Camp  William  Penn,  Pa.,  1863.  Battles:  Williamsburg,  Chapin's 
Farm,  Sugar-Loaf  Hill,  January  19th,  February  llth,  1865.  Mustered 
out  September,  1865. 

6th  Regiment,  Louisiana,  Colonel  Robert  Des  Anges.— Organized  at 
New  Orleans,  La.,  July,  1863 — sixty  days.  Mustered  out  August,  1863. 

7th  Regiment,  Colonel  James  Shaw,  Jr.— Organized  at  Baltimore, 
Md.,  September,  1863.  Battles:  Deep  Bottom,  Johns  Island,  James 
Island,  Darbytown  Road,  Jacksonville,  May  1st,  28th,  1864,  Bermuda 
Hundreds,  Chapin's  Farm,  Fort  Burnham,  Petersburg,  Richmond. 
Mustered  out  October,  1866. 

7th  Regiment,  Louisiana,  Colonel  M.  Wilson  Phanley.— Organized  at 
New  Orleans,  La. — sixty  days.  Mustered  out  August,  1863. 

8th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  W.  Fribley. — Organized  at  Camp  Wil- 
liam Penn.,  Pa.,  September,  1863.  Battles:  Olustee,  Chapin's  Farm, 
Darbytown  Road.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

9th  Regiment,  Colonel  Thomas  Bayley.— Organized  at  Camp  Staun- 
ton,  Md.,  November,  1863.  Battles:  Deep  Bottom,  Chapin's  Farm, 
Darbytown  Road,  Fair  Oaks.  Mustered  out  November,  1866. 

10th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  E.  H.  Powell.— Organized  in  Vir- 
ginia, November,  1863.  Battles:  Wilson's  Wharf,  Plymouth,  November 
26th,  1863,  April  18th,  1864,  Petersburg.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

llth  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  M.  Steele. — Organized 
(five  companies)  at  Fort  Smith,  Ark.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Fort 
Smith,  Boggs  Mills.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

llth  Regiment  consolidated  with  the  112th  and  113th,  old  regi- 
ments, April,  1865,  and  designated  the  113th.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

llth  Regiment,  Colonel  William  D.  Turner.— Organized  at  La 
Grange,  Lafayette,  Memphis,  Tenn.,  Corinth,  Miss,  June,  1863,  as  the 
1st  Regiment  Alabama  Siege  Artillery,  changed  to  6th  Regiment  United 
States  Heavy  Artillery  March,  1864,  to  7th  Regiment  April,  1864,  and 
to  llth  Regiment  January,  1865.  Battles:  Fort  Pillow,  Holly  Springs. 
Mustered  out  January,  1866. 


468  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

12th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  R.  Thompson.— Organized  in  the 
State  of  Tennessee  July,  1863.  Battles:  Nashville,  Section  37,  N.  &  N. 
W.  R  R.,  Murfreesboro.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

13th  Regiment,  Colonel  John  A.  Hollenstein.— Organized  at  Nash- 
ville, Tenn.,  November,  1863.  Battles :  Johnsonville,  Nashville.  Mus- 
tered out  January,  1866. 

14th  Regiment,  Colonel  Henry  C.  Corbin. — Organized  at  Gallatin, 
Tenn.,  November,  1863.  Battles:  Dalton,  Decatur,  Nashville.  Mus- 
tered out  March,  1866. 

15th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  Inness.— Organized  at  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Nashville,  Magnolia.  Mustered  out 
April,  1866. 

16th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  B.  Gaw.  Organized  at  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Chattanooga.  Mustered  out  April, 
1866. 

17th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  R.Sh after. — Organized  at  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Nashville,  Decatur,  Brawley  Fork. 
Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

18th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  J.  Sears.— Organized  in  the 
State  of  Missouri  February,  1864.  Battles:  Nashville,  December  7th, 
15th,  and  16th,  1864,  Sand  Mountain.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

19th  Regiment,  Colonel  Joseph  G.  Perkins.— Organized  at  Camp 
Staunton,  Md.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Petersburg,  Bermuda  Hun- 
dreds, November  30th,  December  4th,  1864.  Mustered  out  January, 
1867. 

20th  Regiment,  Colonel  Nelson  B.  Bertram.— Organized  at  Piker's 
Island,  N.  Y.,  Febuary,  1864.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

21st  Regiment,  Colonel  Augustus  G.  Bennett.  Organized  at  Hilton 
Head,  S.  C.,  Fernan'dina,  Fla.,  June,  1863,  as  the  3d  and  4th  Soutk 
Carolina.  Consolidated  March,  1864,  and  designated  as  the  21st  U.  S. 
Regiment.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

22d  Regiment,  Colonel  Joseph  B.  Kiddoo.  Organized  at  Philadel- 
phia, Pa.,  January,  1864.  Battles:  Petersburg,  New  Market  Heights, 
Dutch  Gap,  Chapin's  Farm,  September  29th,  November  4th,  1864,  Fair 
Oaks.  Mustered  out  1865. 

23d  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Marshall  L.  Dempey.  Organized 
at  Camp  Casey,  Va.,  November,  1863.  Battles:  Petersburg,  Bermuda 
Hundreds.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

24th  Regiment,  Colonel  Orlando  Brown.— Organized  at  Camp  Wil- 
liam Peun,  Pa.,  January,  1865 — one  year.  Company  F  mustered  out 
September,  1865 ;  remaining  companies  October,  1865. 

25th  Regiment,  Colonel  F.  L.  Hitchcock.— Organized  at  Philadelphia, 
Pa.,  January,  1864.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 


ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  469 

26th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  B.  Guernsey.— Organized  at  Piker's 
Island,  N.  Y.,  February,  1864.  Battles:  John's  Island,  July  5th  and 
7th,  McKay's  Point,  Gregory's  Farm. 

27th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  W.  Dounellon.— Organized 
at  Camp  Delaware,  Ohio,  January,  1864.  Battles:  Petersburg,  Hatch- 
er's Run.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

28th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  S  Russell,  (regular  army).— Organ- 
ized at  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  December,  1863.  Battles:  Jones  Bridge, 
Petersburg.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

29th  Regiment,  Colonel  Clark  E.  Royce.  Organized  at  Quincy,  111., 
in  the  field,  Virginia,  April,  October,  1864 — one  and  three  years.  Bat- 
tles: Petersburg,  White  Oak  Road.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

29th  Regiment,  Connecticut,  Lieutenant-Colonel  David  Torrence. — 
Organized  at  New  Haven,  Conn.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Petersburg, 
Chapin's  Farm,  Darbytown  Road,  Fair  Oaks,  Mustered  out  October, 
1865. 

30th  Regiment,  Colonel  Delevan  Bates.— Organized  at  Camp  Stan- 
ton,  Md.,  February,  1864.  Battles :  Petersburg,  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  (Jox's 
Bridge.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

31st  Regiment,  Colonel  Henry  C.  Ward.— Organized  at  Hart's  Island, 
N.  Y .,  in  the  field,  Virginia,  April,  November,  1864.  Battle :  Petersburg. 
The  30th  Connecticut  consolidated  with  this  regiment  May,  1864.  Mus- 
tered out  November,  1865. 

32d  Regiment,  Colonel  George  W.  Baird. — Organized  at  Camp  Wil- 
liam Penn,  Pa..  February,  1864.  Battles:  Honey  Hill,  Deveaux  Neck. 
Mustered  out  August,  1865. 

33d  Regiment,  Colonel  William  F.  Bennett.— Organized  at  Beaufort, 
S.  C.,  January,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  South  Carolina  Volunteers ; 
changed  to  33d  Regiment  U.  S.  February,  1864.  Battles:  Township, 
Mill  Town  Bluff,  Hall  Island,  Jacksonville,  John's  Island.  Mustered  out 
January,  1866. 

34th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  W.  Marple.— Organized  at  Beaufort, 
Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  May,  1863.  Battles :  Ashepoo  River,  John's  Island, 
Deveaux  Neck.  Mustered  out  February,  1866.  Organization  com- 
menced as  2d  Regiment,  South  Carolina;  changed  before  completion  to 
the  34th  Regiment  U.  S. 

35th  Regiment,  Colonel  James  C.  Beecher.— Organized  at  New  Berne, 
N.  C.,  June,  1863,  as  the  1st  North  Carolina  Regiment,  changed  to  35th 
U.  S.  Regiment  February,  1864.  Battles:  Olustee,  Black  Creek,  St. 
John's  River,  Honey  Hill.  Mustered  out  June,  1866. 

36th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  William  H.  Hart.— Organized  at 
Portsmouth,  Va.,  as  the  2d  Regiment  North  Carolina,  changed  Febru- 
ary, 1864.  Battles:  Indian  Town,  Point  Lookout,  Pierson's  Farm. 
Petersburg,  Chapin's  Farm,  Dutch  Gap.  Mustered  out  October,  1866. 


470  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

37th  Regiment,  Colonel  Nathan  Goff.— Organized  at  Norfolk,  Va., 
January,  1864,  as  the  3d  North  Carolina  Regiment ;  changed  to  37th 
U.  S.  Regiment,  February,  1864.  Battles:  Plymouth,  Chapin's  Farm, 
Fair  Oaks.  Mustered  out  February,  1867. 

38th  Regiment,  Colonel  Robert  W.  Hall,  (regular  army).— Organized 
in  Virginia  January,  1864.  Battles:  Chapin's  Farm,  Deep  Bottom. 
Mustered  out  January,  1867. 

39th  Regiment,  Colonel  Ozora  P.  Stevens. — Organized  at  Baltimore, 
Md.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Petersburg,  Federal  Point,  Bermuda  Hun- 
dreds, Hatcher's  Run.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

40th  Regiment,  Colonel  F.  W.  Lester.— Organized  at  Nashville  and 
Greenville,  Tenn.  Battle:  South  Tunnel.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

41st  Regiment,  (battalion),  Lieutenant-Colonel  Julius  A.  Weiss. — 
Organized  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  September,  1864,  composed  of  men 
enlisted,  drafted  for  one,  two,  and  three  years.  Consolidated  into  a 
battalion  of  four  companies  September,  1865,  of  one  year  men.  Bat- 
tles: Hatcher's  Run,  Fort  Burnham,  Petersburg,  Appomattox  Court 
House.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

42d  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  R.  Putnam.— Organized  at 
Chattanooga  and  Nashville,  Tenn.,  April,  1864,  composed  of  enlisted 
and  drafted  men  for  one  and  three  years.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

43d  Regiment,  Colonel  S.  B.  Yoeman.  Organized  at  Philadelphia, 
Pa.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Petersburg,  Hatcher's  Run.  Mustered  out 
1865. 

44th  Regiment,  Colonel  Lewis  Johnson.— Organized  at  Chattanooga, 
Tenn.,  Rome,  Dalton,  Ga.,  April,  1864.  Battles:  Nashville,  December 
2d,  21st,  1864.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

45th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  E.  Mayer.— Organized  at  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.,  June,  1864.  Battles:  Hatcher's  Run,  Petersburg.  Mus- 
tered out  November,  1865. 

46th  Regiment,  Colonel  C.  Whittlesey.— Organized  in  Arkansas  May, 
1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Arkansas  Volunteers ;  changed  to  46th  Regi- 
ment U.  S.,  May,  1864.  Battle:  Mound  Plantation.  Mustered  out 
January,  1866. 

47th  Regiment.  Colonel  Hiram  Schofield.— Organized  at  Lake  Provi- 
dence, La.,  May,  1863,  as  the  8th  Regiment  Louisiana  Volunteers; 
changed  to  47th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Lake  Provi- 
dence, Liverpool  Heights,  Yazoo  City,  Fort  Blakely.  Mustered  out 
January,  1866. 

48th  Regiment,  Colonel  F.  M.  Crandal.— Organized  at  Lake  Provi- 
dence and  Goodrich's  Landing,  La.,  May,  1863,  as  the  10th  Regiment 
Louisiana  Volunteers ;  changed  to  48th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864. 
Battles:  Bayou  Tensa,  Vicksburg,  Fort  Blakely.  Mustered  out  Janu- 
ary, 1866. 


EOSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  471 

49th  Regiment,  Colonel  Van  E.  Young.— Organized  at  Miliken'sBend, 
La.,  May,  1863,  as  the  llth  Regiment  Lousiana  Volunteers ;  changed  to 
49th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Miliken's  Bend,  Water- 
proof. Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

50th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  A.  Gilchrist. — Organized  at  Vicks- 
burg,  Miss.,  July,  1863,  as  the  12th  Regiment  Louisiana  Volunteers; 
changed  to  50th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battle:  Fort  Blakely. 
Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

51st  Regiment,  Colonel  A.  Watson  Webber.— Organized  at  Miliken's 
Bend,  La.,  and  Vicksburg,  Miss.,  May,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Missis- 
sippi Volunteers ;  changed  to  51st  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Bat- 
tles :  Miliken's  Bend,  Ross  Landing,  Floyd,  Fort  Blakely.  Mustered  out 
June,  1866. 

52d  Regiment,  Colonel  George  M.  Ziegler. — Organized  at  Vicksburg, 
Miss.,  July  27th,  1863,  as  the  2d  Regiment  Mississippi  Volunteers; 
changed  to  52d  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Vicksburg, 
Coleman's  Plantation,  Bayou  Bidell.  Mustered  out  May,  1866. 

53d  Regiment,  Colonel  Orlando  C.  Risdon.— Organized  at  Warren- 
town,  Miss.,  May,  1863,  as  the  3d  Regiment  Mississippi  Volunteers; 
changed  to  53d  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Haines'  Bluff, 
Grand  Gull,  White  River.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

54th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Charles  Fair.— Organized  in 
Arkansas  September,  1863,  as  the  2d  Regiment  Arkansas  Volunteers ; 
changed  to  54th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles :  Cow  Creek, 
Arkansas  River,  Sabine  River,  Fort  Gibson,  Cabin  Creek.  Mustered  out 
August,  1866. 

54th  Regiment  Massachusets  Volunteers,  Colonel  E.  N.  Hallowell. 
— Organized  at  Camp  Meigs,  Readville,  Mass.,  March,  1863.  Battles: 
James  Island,  Fort  Wagner,  Olustee,  Honey  Hill,  Boykin's  Mill,  before 
Charleston.  Mustered  out  August,  1865. 

55th  Regiment,  Colonel  N.  B.  Bartman. — Organized  at  Corinth,  Miss., 
May,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteers;  changed  to  55th 
Regiment  U.  S.,  1864.  Battles:  Ripley,  Brice's  Cross  Roads,  Moscow, 
Waterford.  Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

55th  Regiment  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  Colonel  Alfred  S.  Hart- 
well.— Organized  at  Camp  Meigs,  Readville,  Mass.,  May,  1863.  Battles: 
James  Island,  May  21st,  July  2d,  1864,  February  10th,  1865,  Honey 
Hill,  Briggen  Creek,  St.  Stephens,  Deveaux  Neck.  Mustered  out  August, 
1865. 

56th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  Bentzoni,  (regular  army).  Organ- 
ized at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  August,  1863,  as  the  3d  Regiment  Arkansas  Vol- 
unteers ;  changed  to  56th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1854.  Battles :  Indian 
Bay,  Meffleton  Lodge,  Wallace's  Ferry.  Mustered  out  September,  1866. 


472  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

57th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Silas  Hunter.— Organized  at 
Duvall's  Bluff,  Little  Rock.  Helena,  Ark.,  December,  1863,  as  the  4th 
Regiment  Arkansas  Volunteers,  changed  to  57th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March, 
1864.  Battles :  Little  Rock,  April  26th  and  May  28th,  1864,  Camden. 
Mustered  out  October,  1866. 

58th  Regiment,  Colonel  Simon  M.  Preston. — Organized  at  Natchez, 
Miss.,  August,  1863,  as  the  6th  Regiment  Mississippi  Volunteers; 
changed  to  58th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battle:  Natchez.  Mus- 
tered out  April,  1866. 

59th  Regiment,  Colonel  Edward  Bonton.— Organized  at  La  Grange, 
Tenn.,  June,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Tennessee  Volunteers;  changed 
to  59th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Brice's  Cross  Roads, 
Tupelo.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

60th  Regiment,  Colonel  John  G.  Hudson. —  Organized  at  Keokuk, 
Iowa,  and  Benton  Barracks,  Mo.,  October,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment 
Iowa  Volunteers;  changed  to  60th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Bat- 
tle: Big  Creek.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

61st  Regiment  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Foley. — Organized  at  La 
Grange,  Tenn.,  June,  1863,  as  the  2nd  Regiment  Tennessee  Volunteers; 
changed  to  61st  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Moscow 
Station,  Tupelo,  Waterford,  Memphis,  Castport.  Mustered  out  Decem- 
ber, 1865. 

62nd  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  David  Branson.— Organized  at 
Benton  Barracks,  Mo.,  December,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Missouri 
Volunteers;  changed  to  62nd  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles: 
Glasgow,  Palmetto  Ranch.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

63rd  Regiment,  Major  Wm.  G.  Sargent.— Organized  at  Memphis, 
and  Island  No.  10,  Tenn.,  Vicksburg,  Miss.,  and  Goodrich's  Landing, 
La.,  November,  1863,  as  the  9th  Regiment  Louisiana  Volunteers; 
changed  to  63rd  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Waterproof, 
Ashwood,  Marengo.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

64th  Regiment,  Colonel  Samuel  Thomas.— Organized  at  Camp  Holly 
Springs,  Memphis,  and  Island  No.  10,  Tenn.,  December,  1863,  as  the  7th 
Regiment  Louisiana  Volunteers,  changed  to  the  64th  Regiment  U.  S., 
March,  1864.  Battles ;  Ashwood  Landing,  Point  Pleasant,  Pine  Bluff, 
David's  Bend,  June  2nd,  29th,  1864,  Helena.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

65th  Regiment,  Colonel  Alonzo  J.  Edgerton.— Organized  at  Benton 
Barracks,  Mo.,  December,  1863,  as  the  2nd  Regiment  Missouri  Volun- 
teers; changed  to  65th  Regiment  U.  S.  March,  1864.  Mustered  out  Janu- 
ary, 1867. 

66th  Regiment,  Colonel  Michael  W.  Smith.  Organized  at  Vicksburg, 
Miss.,  December,  1863,  as  the  4th  Regiment  Mississippi  Volunteers; 
changed  to  66th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles :  Columbia, 
Goodrich's  Landing,  March  24th,  and  July  16th,  1864,  Issequena  County, 
July  10th  and  August  17th,  1864,  Bayou  Macon,  Bayou  Tensas,  July 
30th,  and  August  26th,  1864.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 


ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  473 

67th  Regiment,  Colonel  Alonzo  J.  Edgerton.— Organized  at  Benton 
Barracks,  Mo.,  January,  1864,  as  the  3rd  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers; 
changed  to  67th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March  1864;  consolidated  with  the 
65th  Regiment,  July  12th,  1865.  Battle:  Mount  Pleasant  Landing. 

68th  Regiment,  Major  Oliver  H.  Holcomb.— Organized  at  Benton 
Barracks,  Mo.,  March,  1864,  as  the  4th  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers; 
changed  to  68th  Regiment  U.  S.,  March,  1864.  Battles:  Tupelo,  Span- 
ish Fort,  Fort  Blakely.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

69th  Regiment,  Captain  James  T.  Watson.— Organized  at  Pine  Bluff, 
DuvalFs,  Bluff,  Little  Rock,  and  Helena,  Ark.,  and  Memphis,  Tenn., 
December,  1864.  Organization  discontinued  September,  1865,  and  the 
commissioned  officers  and  enlisted  men  transferred  to  the  63d  and  64th 
Regiments. 

70th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Morris  Yeomans.— Organized  in 
part,  April,  1864,  at  Natchez,  Miss. ;  completed  November,  1864,  by  the 
consolidation  of  the  71st  Regiment.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

71st  Regiment,  Colonel  Willard  C.  Earle.— Organized  at  Black  River 
Bridge  and  Natchez,  Miss.,  and  Alexandria,  La.,  March,  1864;  consoli* 
dated  with  the  70th  Regiment  November,  1864. 

72d  Regiment,  Colonel  Alexander  Duncan. — Organized  at  Covington, 
Ky.,  April,  1865;  discontinued  May,  1865;  commissioned  officers 
ordered  before  a  board  for  examination,  and  enlisted  men  transferred  to 
other  regiments. 

73d  Regiment,  Colonel  Samuel  M.  Quincy. — Organized  at  New 
Orleans,  La.,  September,  1862,  as  the  1st  Native  Guard  Volunteers; 
changed  to  1st  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique,  and  to  73d  Regiment  U.  S., 
April,  1864;  consolidated  with  the  96th  Regiment  U.  S.,  September, 
1865.  Battles:  Port  Hudson,  Jackson,  Bayou  Tunica,  Steamer  City 
Belle,  Morganzia,  Fort  Blakely.  Men  mustered  out  at  the  expiration  of 
time. 

74th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  G.  Hall. — Organized  at  New 
Orleans,  La.,  October,  1862,  as  the  2d  Regiment  Louisiana  Native  Guard 
Volunteers ;  changed  to  2d  Regiment  Corps  cTAfrique,  June,  1863,  and 
to  the  74th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  East  Pascagoula. 
Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

75th  Regiment,  Colonel  Henry  "W.  Fuller.— Organized  at  New  Orleans, 
La.,  November,  1862,  as  the  3d  Regiment  Louisiana  Native  Guard  Vol- 
unteers ;  changed  to  3d  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique,  June,  1863,  and  to 
the  75th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battles:  Jackson,  Port  Hudson, 
Pleasant  Hill,  Waterloo.  Mustered  out  November,  1865. 

76th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  W.Drew.— Organized  at  New  Orleans, 
La.,  February,  1863,  as  the  4th  Regiment  Louisiana  Native  Guard  Vol- 
unteers; changed  to  4th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique,  June,  1863,  and  to 
the  76th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle :  Fort  Blakely.  Mustered 
out  December,  1865. 


474  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

77th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  A.  Hartwell. — Organized  at  Fort  St. 
Philip,  La.,  December,  18G3,  as  the  5th  Regiment  Infantry  Corps  d'Af- 
rique,  by  the  transfer  o'f  291  enlisted  men  from  the  4th  Corps  Regiment 
Volunteers;  changed  to  77th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864;  consolidated 
with  the  85th  Regiment  and  with  the  10th  Regiment  Heavy  Artillery, 
October,  1865.  Battle :  Amite  River. 

78th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  L.  Norton. — Organized  at  Port  Hud- 
son, La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  6th  Regiment  Corps  d'AMque; 
changed  to  78th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Port  Hudson. 
Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

79th  Regiment,  Colonel  James  C.  Clark. — Organized  at  Port  Hudson, 
La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  7th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique;  changed  to 
79th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Broken  up  July,  1864.  Battle: 
Port  Hudson. 

79th  Regiment,  Colonel  James  M.  Williams. — Organized  at  Fort 
Scott,  Kan.,  January,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Kansas  Volunteers; 
changed  to  79th  Regiment  U.  S.,  December,  1864.  Battles:  Sherwood, 
Bush  Creek,  Cabin  Creek,  Honey  Springs,  Prairie  d'Anne,  Poison  Springs, 
Jenkins  Ferry,  Joys  Ford,  Clarksville,  Horse  Head  Creek,  Roseville  Creek, 
Timber  Hill,  Lawrence,  Island  Mound,  Fort  Gibson.  Mustered  out 
October,  1865. 

80th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  S.  Mudget.— Organized  at  Port 
Hudson,  La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  8th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique; 
changed  to  80th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Port  Hudson. 
Mustered  out  March,  1867. 

81st  Regiment,  Colonel  John  F.Appleton.— Organized  at  Port  Hud- 
son, La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  9th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique;  changed 
to  81st  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Port  Hudson.  Mustered 
out  November,  1866. 

82d  Regiment,  Colonel  Ladislos  L  Zulasky.— Organized  at  Port 
Hudson,  La,,  September,  1863,  as  the  10th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique; 
changed  to  82d  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battles:  Port  Hudson, 
Barrancas,  Mariana,  Mitchell's  Creek,  Pine  Barren  Ford,  Fort  Blakely. 
Mustered  out  September,  1866. 

83d  Regiment,  Colonel  E.  Martindale.— Organized  at  Port  Hudson, 
La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  llth  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique;  changed  to 
«3d  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Broken  up  July,  1864,  and  enlisted 
men  transferred  to  other  regiments. 

83d  Regiment,  Brevet  Colonel  J.  H.  Gillpatrick.— Organized  at  Forte 
Scott  and  Leavenworth,  Kan.,  August,  1863,  as  the  2d  Regiment  Kan- 
sas Volunteers;  changed  to  83d  Regiment  U.  S.,  December,  1864.  Bat- 
tles; Jenkins'  Ferry,  April  30th,  May  4th,  1864,  Prairie  d'Anne,  Sabine 
River,  Fort  Smith,  Steamer  Chippewa,  Steamer  Lotus,  Rector's  Farm. 


ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  475 

84th  Eegiment,  Colonel  William  H.  Dickey. — Organized  at  Port 
Hudson,  La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  12th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique; 
changed  to  84th  "Regiment  U.  S..  April,  1864.  Battle:  Morganzia. 
Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

85th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Henry  C.  Merriam. — Organized 
at  New  Orleans,  La.,  March,  1864,  as  the  13th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique; 
changed  to  85th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864;  consolidated  with  the 
77th  Regiment  U.  S.,  May,  1864. 

86th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  George  E.  Yarrington. — Organ- 
ized at  New  Orleans,  La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  14th  Regiment  Corps 
d'Afrique;  changed  to  86th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Fort 
Blakely.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

87th  Regiment,  Major  H.  Tobey. — Organized  at  New  Orleans,  La., 
September,  1863,  as  the  16th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique',  changed  to 
87th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864;  consolidated  with  the  95th  Regiment 
U.  S.,  November,  1864,  to  form  the  85th  Regiment  U.  S. ;  subsequently 
changed  to  87th  Regiment  U.  S. 

87th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  William  W.  Bliss. — Organized  by 
the  consolidation  of  the  87th  and  95th  Regiments  U.  S.,  November, 
1864,  and  designated  as  the  87th  Regiment  U.S.;  consolidated  with  the 
84th  Regiment  U.  S.,  August,  1865. 

88th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  George  E.  Biles. — Organized  at 
Port  Hudson,  La.,  1863,  as  the  17th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique;  changed 
to  88th  Regiment  U.  S.,  1864.  Broken  up  July,  1864,  and  the  enlisted 
men  transferred  to  other  regiments. 

88th  Regiment,  Colonel  Edmund  R.  Wiley.— Organized  at  Memphis, 
Tenn..  February,  1863 ;  consolidated  with  the  3d  Regiment  U.  S.  Heavy 
Artillery,  December,  1865. 

89th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Robert  F.  Atkins.— Organized  at 
Port  Hudson,  La.,  October,  1863,  as  the  18th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique', 
changed  to  89th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Broken  up  July,  1864, 
and  the  enlisted  men  transferred  to  other  regiments. 

90th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  E.  Bostwick.— Organized  at  Madi- 
sonville,  La.,  February,  1864,  as  the  19th  Regiment  Corps  d'Afrique; 
changed  to  90th  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Broken  up  July,  1864, 
and  enlisted  men  transferred  to  other  regiments. 

91st  Regiment  Colonel  Eliot  Bridgeman. — Organized  at  Fort  Pike, 
La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  20th  Regiment  Corps  d'  Afrique;  changed 
to  91st  Regiment  U.  S.,  July,  1864 ;  consolidated  with  74th  Regiment 
U.  S.,  July,  1864.  Battle:  Bayou  St.  Louis. 

92nd  Regiment,  Colonel  H.  N.  Frisbie. — Organized  at  New  Orleans, 
La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  22nd  Regiment  Corps  d'  Afrique;  changed 
to  92nd  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.    Battle:    Red  River  Expedition. 
Mustered  out  Dec.    1865. 
24 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

93rd  Kegiment,  Colonel  Simon  Jones.— Organized  at  New  Iberia,  La., 
November,  1863,  as  the  25th  Regiment  Corps  d'  Afrique;  changed  to 
93rd  Regiment  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Broken  up  June  1865 ;  enlisted  men 
transferred  to  81st  and  82nd  Regiments  U.  S.  Battle:  Ash  Bayou. 

95th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  F.  Wrohwuski. — Organized  at 
Camp  Parapet,  La.,  April,  1863,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Engineers  Corps 
d*  Afrique;  divided  to  form  the  3rd  Regiment  Engineers  Corps  d'  Afrique; 
changed  to  95th  Regiment  U.  S. ;  consolidated  with  87th  Regiment 
November,  1864,  to  form  81st  Regiment ;  changed  to  87th  Regiment. 
Battle:  Port  Hudson. 

96th  Regiment,  Lieut.-Colonel  O.  L.  F.  E.  Fariola.— Organized  at  New 
Orleans,  La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  2nd  Regiment  Engineers  Corps  (¥ 
Afrique;  changed  to  96th  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Fort  Gaines. 
Consolidated  with  73rd  Regiment  September,  1865 ;  mustered  out  Jan- 
uary, 1866. 

97th  Regiment,  Geo.  D.  Robinson.— Composed  of  men  transferred 
from  the  1st  Regiment  Engineers  Corps  d  Afrique.  Organized  at  New 
Orleans,  La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  3rd  Regiment  Engineers  Corps  d9 
Afrique;  changed  to  97th  U.  S.,  April,  1864.  Battle:  Pine  Barren 
Creek.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

98th  Regiment,  Colonel  Chas.  L.  Morton. — Organized  at  Camp  Para- 
pet, New  Orleans,  and  Berwick  City,  La.,  September,  1863,  as  the  4th 
Regiment  Engineers  Corps  d'  Afrique;  changed  to  98th  U.  S.,  April, 
1864 ;  consolidated  with  the  78th  Regiment  August,  1865.  Battles  : 
Berwick,  Natchez. 

99th  Regiment,  Major  Samuel  Pollock.— Organized  at  New  Orleans, 
La.,  August,  1863,  as  the  15th  Regiment  Infantry  Corps  d  Afrique; 
changed  to  5th  Regiment  Engineers  Corps  d'  Afrique  February,  1864, 
and  to  the  99th  U.  S.,  April,  1864 ;  consolidated  into  a  battalion  of  five 
companies,  December,  1865.  Battles:  Natural  Bridge,  Steamer  '  Alli- 
ance.' Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

100th  Regiment, Colonel  Reuben  D.  Massey,  (regular army). —Organ- 
ized in  Kentucky,  May,  1864.  Battles:  N.  &  N.,W.  R.  R.,  Nashville. 
Mustered  out  December,  1865. 

101st  Regiment,  Colonel  Robert  W.  Barnard,  (regular  army). — 
Organized  in  Tennessee,  September,  1864.  Battles :  Scottsboro,  Boyd's 
Station,  Madison  Station.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

102d  Regiment,  Colonel  Henry  L.Chipman,  (regular army)  .—Organ- 
ized at  Detroit,  Mich.,  February,  1864,  as  the  1st  Regiment  Michigan 
Volunteers;  changed  to  102d  Regiment  U.  S.,  May,  1864.  Battles: 
Honey  Hill,  Deveaux  Neck,  Salkehatchie,  Bradford's  Spring,  Swift's 
Creek.  Mustered  out  September,  1865. 

103d  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  A.  Bogert. — Organized  at 
Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  March,  1865.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 


ROSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.     -       477 

104th  Regiment,  Colonel  Douglas  Frazar.— Organized  at  Beaufort, 
S.  C.,  April,  1864.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

106th  Regiment,  Captain  Frederick  Holsman.— Organized  at  Deca- 
tur,  Ala.,  March,  1864,  as  the  4th  Regiment  Alabama  Infantry;  changed 
to  106th  Regiment  U.  S.,  May,  1864.  Battles:  Mud  Creek,  Athens. 
Consolidated  with  the  40th  Regiment  U.  S.,  November,  1865. 

107th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  David  M.  Sells. — Organized  at 
Louisville,  Ky.,  May,  1864.  Mustered  out  November,  1866. 

108th  Regiment,  Colonel  John  S.  Bishop.— Organized  at  Louisville, 
Ky.,  June,  1864.  Battle:  Owensboro.  Mustered  out  March,  1866. 

109th  Regiment,  Colonel  Orion  A.  Bartholomew. — Organized  at 
Louisville,  Ky.,  July,  1864.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

110th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dedrick  F.  Tiedemaun. — Organ- 
ized at  Pulaski,  Tenn.,  November,  1863,  as  the  2d  Regiment  Alabama 
Volunteers;  changed  to  110th  Regiment  U.  S.,  June,  1864.  Battles: 
Dallas,  Athens.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

lllth  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  William  H.  Scroggs. — Organized 
at  Pulaski,  Prospect,  and  Lynnville,  Tenn.,  and  Sulphur  Branch  Trestle, 
Ala.,  January,  1864,  as  the  3d  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteers;  changed 
to  lllth  Regiment  U.  S.,  June,  1864.  Battles :  Pulaski,  Sulphur  Branch 
Trestle,  Athens,  Richland.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

112th  Regiment,  Lieutenant  Colonel  John  G.  Gustafson.— Organized 
at  Little  Rock,  Ark.,  April,  1864;  consolidated  with  the  llth  and  113th 
Regiments  U.  S.,  April,  1865,  to  form  the  113th  Regiment  U.  S. 

113th  Regiment,  (old),  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lanniston  W.  Whipple. 
—Organized  at  Little  Rock,  Ark.,  March,  1864,  as  the  6th  Regiment 
Arkansas  Volunteers;  changed  to  113th  Regiment  U.  S.,  June,  1864; 
consolidated  with  the  llth  and  112th  Regiment  U.S.  to  formthe-'llSth, 
(new),  April,  1865. 

113th  Regiment,  (new),  Colonel  Lanniston  W.  Whipple.— Organized 
at  Little  Rock,  Ark.,  April,  1865,  by  the  consolidation  of  the  llth,  112th, 
and  113th— old  regiments.  Mustered  out  April,  1866. 

114th  Regiment,  Colonel  Thomas  D.  Sedgwick.— Organized  at  Camp 
Nelson,  Ky.,  July,  1864.  Mustered  out  April,  1867. 

115th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  George  T.  Elder.— Organized  at 
Bowling  Green,  Ky.,  July,  1864.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

116th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Charles  Kireker.— Organized  at 
Camp  Nelson,  Ky.,  July,  1864.  Mustered  out  February,  1866.  Battle : 
Petersburg. 

117th  Regiment,  Colonel  Lewis  G.  Brown.— Organized  at  Covington, 
Ky.,  July,  1864.  Battle:  Ghent.  Mustered  out  August,  1867. 

118th  Regiment,  Colonel  John  C.  Moon.  Organized  at  Baltimore, 
Md.,  October,  1864.  Battles:  Fort  Brady,  Henderson.  Mustered  out 
February,  1866. 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

119th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  G.  Bartlett,  (regular  army). — 
Organized  at  Camp  Nelson,  Ky.  Battles :  Glasgow,  Taylorsville.  Mus- 
tered out  February,  1866. 

120th  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Glenn.— Organized  at 
Henderson,  Ky.,  November,  1864.  Discontinued  June,  1865,  and 
enlisted  men  transferred  to  other  regiments. 

121st  Regiment,  Colonel  Hubert  A.  McCaleb.— Organized  at  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  October,  1864.  Discontinued  June,  1865,  and  enlisted  men 
transferred  to  other  regiments. 

122d  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  David  M.  Layman. — Organized 
at  Louisville,  Ky.,  December,  1864;  consolidated  into  a  battalion  of 
three  companies  January,  1866.  Mustered  out  February,  1866. 

123d  Regiment,  Colonel  Samuel  A.  Porter.— Organized  at  Louisville, 
Ky.,  December,  1864.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

124th  Regiment,  Colonel  Frederick  H.  Bierbower. — Organized  at 
Camp  Nelson,  Ky.,  January,  1865.  Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

125th  Regiment,  Colonel  William  R.  Gerhart.— Organized  at  Louis- 
ville, Ky.,  February.  1865.  Mustered  out  October,  1867. 

127th  Regiment,  (Battalion),  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  Givin. — 
Organized  at  Philadelphia,  Pa..  August,  1864;  consolidated  into  a  bat- 
talion of  three  companies  September,  1865.  Battle:  Deep  Bottom. 
Mustered  out  October,  1865. 

128th  Regiment,  Colonel  Charles  H.  Howard.— Organized  at  Hilton 
Head,  S.  C.,  April,  1865.  Mustered  out  October,  1866. 

136th  Regiment,  Colonel  Richard  Root.— Organized  at  Atlanta,  Ga., 
July,  1865.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

137th  Regiment,  Colonel  Martin  R.  Archer. — Organized  at  Selina, 
Ala.,  April,  1865.  Mustered  into  the  United  States  service  at  Macon, 
Ga.,  June,  1865.  Mustered  out  January,  1866. 

138th  Regiment,  Colonel  F.  W.  Benteen.— Organized  at  Atlanta,  Ga., 
July,  1865.  Mustered  out  July,  1866. 

INDEPENDENT  COMPANY  A. 

First  Lieutenant,  E.  M.  Harris.— Organized  at  Camp  William  Penn, 
Pa.,  (one  hundred  days,)  July,  1864.  Mustered  out  November,  1864. 

Company  A,  (unassigned),  Captain  George  L.  Barnes.— Organized  at 
Alexandria,  Va.,  (one  year),  September,  1864.  Mustered  out  July,  1865. 

NINTH  ARMY  CORPS. 

4th  Division,*  Brigadier-General  Edward  Ferrero. 
First  Brigade,  Colonel  Joshua  K.  Sigfried.— 27th  Regiment,  30th 
Regiment,  39th  Regiment,  43d  Regiment. 


*  There  was  with  this  division  eleven  batteries,  four  regiments  of  cavalry  of  white 
troops. 


KOSTER  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX.  479 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Henry  G.  Thomas.— 19th  Regiment,  29th 
Regiment,  23d  Regiment,  28th  Regiment,  31st  Regiment. 
EIGHTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS. 

3d  Division,  (June  15th  to  July  31st,  1864.)— Brigadier-General 
E.  W.  Hinks,  June  1st  to  July  1st;  Colonel  John  H.  Holman,  July  1st 
to  27th;  Colonel  S.  A.  Duncan,  July  27th  to  29th;  Brigadier-General 
Joseph  B.  Carr,  since  July  29th. 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  John  H.  Holman;  Colonel  Jeptha  Garrard 
since  July  2d.— 1st  Regiment,  10th  Regiment,*  37th  Regiment,t  1st 
Cavalry,  5th  Massachusetts  Cavalry.f 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  S.  A.Duncan.— 4th  Regiment,  5th  Regiment, 
6th  Regiment,  22d  Regiment,  2d  Cavalry.! 

The  following  regiments  composed  the  Provisional 
Detachment  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  23rd  Army 
Corps,  commanded  by  Major-General  James  B.  Stead- 
man,  in  1864 : 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  T.  J.  Morgan.— 14th  Regiment,  15th  Regi- 
ment, 17th  Regiment,  18th  Regiment,  (battalion),  44th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Charles  R.  Thompson.— 12th  Regiment, 
13th  Regiment,  100th  Regiment.  Post  of  Nashville,  Battery  A,  2nd 
Artillery. 

TENTH  ARMY  CORPS. 

Army  of  the  Ohio,  Major-General  A.  H.  Terry.— 3d  Division,  Briga- 
dier-General C.  J.  Paine. 

First  Brigade,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  D.  Bates.— 1st  Regiment, 
30th  Regiment,  107th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  S.Duncan. — 4th  Regiment, 
6th  Regiment,  37th  Regiment. 

Third  Brigade,  Colonel  J.  H.  Holman— 5th  Regiment,  (Mass.,)  27th 
Regiment,  37th  Regiment. 

•  TENTH  ARMY  CORPS. § 

3d  Division,  Brigadier-General  William  Birney. 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  James  Shaw,  Jr. — 7th  Regiment,  9th  Regi- 
ment, 16th  Regiment,  29th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Ulysses  Doubleday.— 8th  Regiment,  41et 
Regiment,  45th  Regiment,  127th  Regiment. 

EIGHTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS. 

3d  Division,  Brigadier-General  Charles  J.  Paine. 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  Elias  Wright.— 1st  Regiment,  22d  Regiment, 
37th  Regiment. 

*  Detached  in  July. 

f  Detached  June  28th  to  Department  Head-quarters. 

t  Assigned  June  22d,  1864. 

§  Organized  in  November,  1864. 


480  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Alonzo  G.  Draper.— 5th  Regiment,  36th 
Regiment,  38th  Regiment. 

Third  Brigade,  Colonel  John  W.  Ames. — 4th  Regiment,  6th  Regi- 
ment, 10th  Regiment. 

Provisional  Brigade,  Colonel  E.Martindale. — 107th Regiment,  117th 
Regiment,  118th  Regiment. 

Second  Regiment  Cavalry. 

TWENTY-FIFTH  ARMY  CORPS. 

Organized  in  the  field  December,  1864;  commander,  Major-Gene- 
ral Godfrey  Weitzel. 

1st  Division.    Brigadier-General  Chas.  J.  Paine. 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  J.  H.  Holman.— 1st  Regiment,  27th  Regiment, 
30th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  Samuel  A.  Duncan.— 4th 
Regiment,  6th  Regiment,  39th  Regiment. 

Third  Brigade,  Colonel  Elias  Wright,  10th  Regiment.— 5th  Regiment, 
10th  Regimeat,  37th  Regiment,  107th  Regiment. 

2nd  Division.    Brigadier-General  Wm.  Birney. 

First  Brigade,  Colonel  James  Shaw,  7th  Regiment.— 7th  Regiment, 
109th  Regiment,  116th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Ulysses  Doubleday,  45th  Regiment.— 8th 
Regiment,  45th  Regiment,  127th  Regiment. 

Third  Brigade,  Colonel  Chas.  S.  Russell,  28th  Regiment— 28th Regi- 
ment, 29th  Regiment,  31st  Regiment,  117th  Regiment. 

3rd  Division.    Brigadier-General  C.  A.  Heckman. 

First  Brigade,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  A.  G.  Draper.— 22nd  Regi- 
ment, 36th  Regiment,  38th  Regiment,  118th  Regiment. 

Second  Brigade,  Colonel  E.  Martindale,  81st  Regiment.— 9th  Regi- 
ment, 29th  Conn.  Regiment,  41st  Regiment. 

Third  Brigade,  Colonel  H.  G.  Thomas,  10th  Regiment.— 19th  Regi- 
ment, 23rd  Regiment,  43rd  Regiment. 

Cavalry  Brigade,  Brevet  Brigadier-General  B.  C.  Ludlow. — 1st  Cav- 
alry, 2nd  Cavalry,  Light  Battery  B,  2nd  Artillery. 

Artillery  Brigade.*  Battery  D,  1st  U.  S.  Artillery,  Battery  M,  1st  U. 
S.  Artillery,  Battery  E,3rd  U. S.  Artillery,  Battery  D,  4th  U.S.  Artillery, 
Battery  C,  3rd  R.  I.  Artillery,  4th  New  Jersey  Battery,  5th  New  Jersey 
Battery,  Battery  E,  1st  Pa.  Artillery. 

REGIMENTS  IN  THE  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  SOUTH,  APRIL,  1864. 

1st  Mich.,  3rd,  7th,  8th,  9th,  21st,  26th  U.  S.,  29th  Conn.,  32nd, 
33rd,  34th,  35th  U.  S.,  54th  Mass.,  55th  Mass.  Regiments. 

REGIMENTS  WITH  GENERAL,  STURGIS  IN  JUNE,  1864. 

59th,61st,  68th  Regt's.,  Battery  I,  2nd  Reg't.,  Artillery  (light.) 

*  All  white  in  the  Artillery  Brigade. 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  481 


CHAPTER   XIY. 

THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE. 

The  leaders  at  the  South  in  preparing  for  hostilities 
showed  the  people  of  the  North,  and  the  authorities  at 
Washington,  that  they  intended  to  carry  on  the  war  with 
no  want  of  spirit ;  that  every  energy,  every  nerve,  was  to 
be  taxed  to  its  utmost  tension,  and  that  not  only  every 
wrhite  man,  but,  if  necessary,  every  black  man  should  be 
made  to  contribute  to  the  success  of  the  cause  for  which 
the  war  was  inaugurated.  Consequently,  with  the  enroll- 
ment of  the  whites  began  the  employment  of  the  blacks. 

Prejudice  against  the  negro  at  the  North  was  so 
strong  that  it  required  the  arm  of  public  authority  to 
protect  him  from  assault,  though  he  declared  in  favor 
of  the  Union.  Not  so  at  the  South,  for  as  early  as  April, 
1861,  the  free  negroes  of  New  Orleans,  La.,  held  a  public 
meeting  and  began  the  organization  of  a  battalion,  with 
officers  of  their  own  race,  with  the  approval  of  the  State 
government,  which  commissioned  their  negro  officers. 
When  the  Louisiana  militia  was  reviewed,  the  Native 
Guards  (negro)  made  up,  in  part,  the  first  division  of  the 
State  troops.  Elated  at  the  success  of  being  first  to  place 
negroes  in  the  field  together  with  white  troops,  the  com- 
manding general  sent  the  news  over  the  wires  to  the  jubi- 
lant confederacy : 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  Nov.  23rd,  1861. 

"Over  28,000  troops  were  reviewed  to-day  by  Governor  Moore, 
Major-General  Lovell  and  Brigadier-General  Ruggles.  The  line  was  over 
seven  miles  long;  one  regiment  comprised  1,400  free  colored  men." 


482  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

The  population  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans  differs 
materially  from  that  of  any  other  city  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic  Ocean.  It  has  several  classes  of  colored  peo- 
ple: the  English,  French,  Portuguese  and  Spanish,— all 
a  mixture  of  the  African,— and  the  American  Negro,— 
mulatto,— numerically  stronger  than  either  of  the  others, 
but  socially  and  politically  less  considered  and  privileged; 
the  former  enjoyed  distinctive  rights,  somewhat  as  did 
the  mulattoes  in  the  West  Indies  before  slavery  was  abol- 
ished there.  Of  these  foreign  classes  many  were  planters, 
and  not  a  few  merchants,  all  owning  slaves.  It  was  from 
these  classes  that  the  1,400  colored  men,  forming  the 
Native  Guard  regiment,  came,  and  which  recruited  to 
3,000  before  the  city  was  captured  by  the  Union  fleet. 
This  brigade  was  placed  at  the  United  States  Mint  build- 
ing, under  command  of  a  Creole,  who,  instead  of  following 
the  confederate  troops  out  of  the  city  when  they  evacu- 
ated it,  allowed  his  command  to  be  cut  off,  and  surren- 
dered to  General  Butler. 

Of  course,  prior  to  this  date,  the  negro  at  the  South 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  preparations  for  war, 
building  breastworks,  mounting  cannon,  digging  rifle-pits 
and  entrenchments,  to  shield  and  protect  his  rebelling 
master. 

January  1st,  1861,  Hon.  J.  P.  Walker,  at  Mobile,  Ala., 
received  from  R.  R.  Riordan,  Esq.,  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  a 
dispatch  rejoicing  that — 

"Large  gangs  of  negroes  from  plantations  are  at  work  on  the 
redoubts,  which  are  substantially  made  of  sand-bags  and  coated  with 
sheet-iron." 

These  doubtless  were  slaves,  and  mere  machines;  but 
the  Charleston  Mercury  of  January  3rd,  brought  the 
intelligence  that — 

"One  hundred  and  fifty  able-bodied  free  colored  men  yesterday 
offered  their  services  gratuitously  to  the  governor,  to  hasten  forward 
the  important  work  of  throwing  up  redoubts,  wherever  needed,  along 
our  coast/' 

Only  the  fire-eaters  based  their  hope  of  success  against 
the  North, — the  National  Government, — upon  the  stub- 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  483 

born  energies  of  the  white  soldiery ;  the  deliberate  men 
rested  their  hopes,— based  their  expectations,  more  upon 
the  docility  of  the  negro,  than  upon  the  audacity  of  their 
white  troops. 

The  legislature  of  Tennessee,  which  secretly  placed 
that  State  in  the  Southern  Confederacy,  enacted  in  Juner 
1861,  a  law  authorizing  the  governor — 

"To  receive  into  the  military  service  of  the  State  all  male  free  per- 
sons of  color,  between  the  age  of  15  and  50,  who  should  receive  $8  per 
month,  clothing  and  rations." 

And  then  it  further  provided — 

"That  in  the  event  a  sufficient  number  of  free  persons  of  color  to 
meet  the  wants  of  the  State  shall  not  tender  their  service,  the  Governor 
is  empowered,  through  the  sheriffs  of  the  different  counties,  to  press  such 
persons  until  the  requisite  number  is  obtained." 

A  few  months  after,  the  Memphis  Avalanche,  of  Sep- 
tember 3rd,  1861;  exultingly  announced  the  appearance 
on  the  streets  of  Memphis,  of  two  regiments  of  negroes, 
under  command  of  confederate  officers.  On  the  7th  of 
September,  again  the  Avalanche  said : 

"Upwards  of  1000  negroes  armed  with  spades  and  pickaxes  have 
passed  through  the  city  within  the  past  few  days.  Their  destination  is 
unknown,  but  it  is  supposed  that  they  are  on  their  way  to  the  '  other 
side  of  Jordan.' " 

Nor  were  the  negroes  in  Virginia  behind  those  of  the 
other  Southern  States.  In  April,  the  Lynchburg  Repub- 
lican chronicled  the  enrollment  of  a  company  of  free 
negroes  in  that  city,  also  one  at  Petersburg. 

Thus  instead  of  revolts  among  the  negroes,  slaves, 
and  free,  as  predicted  by  some  Union  men  at  the  North, 
many  became  possessed  of  a  fervor, — originating  gener- 
ally in  fear,— stimulated  by  an  enthusiasm  of  the  whites, 
that  swept  the  populace  like  a  mighty  sea  current  into 
the  channel  of  war.  The  negro  who  boasted  the  loudest 
of  his  desire  to  fight  the  Yankees ;  who  showed  the  great- 
est anxiety  to  aid  the  confederates,  was  granted  the  most 
freedom  and  received  the  approval  of  his  master. 

The  gayly  decked  cities;  the  flags,  bunting  and  stream- 
ers of  all  colors;  the  mounted  cavalry;  the  artillery  train* 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

with  brazen  cannons  drawn  by  sturdy  steeds;  followed 
by  regiments  of  infantry  in  brilliant  uniforms,  with  bur- 
nished muskets,  glittering  bayonets  and  beautiful  plumes; 
preceeded  by  brass  bands  discoursing  the  ever  alluring 
strains  of  the  quick-step;  all  these  scenes  greatly  inter- 
ested and  delighted  the  negro,  and  it  was  filling  the  cup  of 
many  with  ecstasy  to  the  brim,  to  be  allowed  to  connect 
themselves,  even  in  the  most  menial  way,  with  the  demon- 
strations. There  was  also  an  intuitive  force  that  led 
them,  and  they  unhesitatingly  followed,  feeling  that 
though  they  took  up  arms  against  the  National  Govern- 
ment, freedom  was  the  ultimatum.  Many  of  those  who 
enlisted  feared  to  do  otherwise  than  tight  for  slavery,  for 
to  refuse  would  have  invited,  perchance,  torture  if  not 
massacre ;  to  avert  which  many  of  the  free  blacks,  as  well 
as  some  of  the  slaves,  gave  an  apparent  acquiescence  to 
the  fervor  of  their  lesser  informed  comrades,  who  regarded 
any  remove  from  the  monotony  of  plantation  life  a 
respite. 

The  readiness  with  which  they  responded  to  the  call 
was  only  astonishing  to  those  who  were  unacquainted 
with  the  true  feelings  of  the  unhappy  race  whose  highest 
hope  of  freedom  was  beyond  the  pearly  gates  of  the 
celestial  domain.  One  thing  that  impressed  the  blacks 
greatly  was  the  failure  of  Denmark  Vesy,  Nat  Turner 
and  John  Brown,  whose  fate  was  ever  held  up  to  them  as 
the  fate  of  all  who  attempted  to  free  themselves  or  the 

slaves. Escape  to  free  land  was  the  only  possible  relief 

they  saw  on  earth,  and  that  they  realized  as  an  individ- 
ual venture,  far  removed  from  the  field-hand  South  of 
Delaware,  Maryland  and  Virginia. 

It  was  not  unnatural,  then,  for  some  to  spring  at  the 
opportunity  offered  to  dig  trenches  and  assist  Beaure- 
gard  in  mounting  cannon,  and  loading  them  with  shot 
and  shell  to  fire  upon  Fort  Sumter. 

The  negro  did  not  at  first  realize  a  fight  of  any  mag- 
nitude possible,  or  that  it  would  result  in  any  possible 
good  to  himself.  So  while  the  Tree  negroes  trembled 
because  they  were  free,  the  slaves  sought  refuge  from  sus- 


-*  *    O 


s.  -3 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  487 

picion  of  wanting  to  be  free,  behind,  perse,  an  enthusiasm 
springing,  not  from  a  desire  and  hope  for  the  success  of 
the  confederates,  but  from  a  puerile  ambition  to  enjoy 
the  holiday  excitement. 

Later  on,  however,  when  the  war  opened  in  earnest, 
and  the  question  of  the  freedom  and  slavery  of  the  negro 
entered  into  the  struggle ;  when  extra  care  was  taken  to 
guide  him  to  the  rear  at  night ;  when  after  a  few  thou- 
sand Yankee  prisoners,  taken  in  battle,  had  sought  and 
obtained  an  opportunity  of  whispering  to  him  the  real 
cause  of  the  war,  and  the  surety  of  the  negroes'  freedom 
if  the  North  was  victorious,  the  slave  negro  went  to  the 
breastworks  with  no  less  agility,  but  with  prayers  for  the 
success  of  the  Union  troops,  and  a  determination  to  go 
to  the  Yankees  at  the  first  opportunity ;  though  he  risked 
life  in  the  undertaking.  When  the  breastworks  had  been 
built  and  the  heavy  guns  mounted,  when  a  cordon 
of  earth-works  encircled  the  cities  throughout  the  South, 
and  after  a  few  thousand  negroes  had  made  good  their 
escape  into  the  Union  lines,  then  those  who  had  labored 
upon  the  fortifications  of  the  South  were  sent  back  to  the 
cotton-fields  and  the  plantations  to  till  the  soil  to  supply 
the  needs  of  the  confederate  soldiers  who  were  fighting  to 
keep  them  in  bondage.  But  when  the  policy  of  the  North 
was  changed  and  union  and  liberty  were  made  the  issues 
of  the  struggle,  as  against  slavery  and  disunion,  and  the 
Union  forces  began  to  slay  their  enemies,  the  Confederate 
Government  realized  the  necessity  of  calling  the  negroes 
from  the  hoe  to  the  musket, — from  the  plantations  to  the 
battle-fields. 

In  the  incipiency  of  the  struggle,  many  of  the  States 
made  provision  for  placing  the  negro  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Confederate  Government;  but  elated  at  their  early  vic- 
tories, the  leaders  deemed  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  un- 
necessary, negro  troops  not  being  needed.  As  the  change 
came,  however,  and  defeats,  with  great  losses  in  various 
ways  depleted  the  armies,  the  necessity  of  the  aid  of 
the  negroes  became  apparent.  Stronghold  after  strong- 
hold, city  after  city,  States  in  part,  fell  before  the  march 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

of  the  Union  troops.  The  negro  had  become  a  soldier 
in  the  Union  army,  and  was  helping  to  crush  the  rebel- 
lion. President  Lincoln  had  declared  all  slaves  in  rebel- 
dom  free,  and  thousands  of  black  soldiers  were  march- 
ing and  carrying  the  news  to  the  slaves. 

This  state  of  affairs  lead  President  Davis  and  his  cab- 
inet to  resign  to  the  inevitable,  as  had  the  North,  and  to 
inaugurate  the  policy  of  emancipating  and  arming  the 
slaves,  knowing  full  well  that  it  was  sheer  folly  to  expect 
to  recruit  their  shattered  armies  from  the  negro  popula- 
tion without  giving  them  their  freedom. 

It  was  therefore  in  the  last  days  of  the  confederate 
authorities,  and  it  was  their  last  hope  and  effort  for  suc- 
cess. Despair  had  seized  upon  them .  The  army  was  daily 
thinned  more  by  desertion  than  by  the  bullets  of  the 
Union  soldiers,  while  Sherman's  march  from  Atlanta  to 
the  sea  had  awakened  the  widest  alarm.  In  the  winter  of 
1864  and  1865  the  question  of  arming  the  slaves  was 
presented  as  a  means  of  recruiting  the  depleted  and  disor- 
dered ranks  of  the  army,  and  it  soon  assumed  an  impor- 
tance that  made  it  an  absorbing  topic  throughout  the 
Confederacy.  There  was  no  other  source  to  recruit  from. 
The  appeal  to  foreigners  was  fruitless.  "The  blacks  had 
been  useful  soldiers  for  the  northern  army,  why  should 
they  not  be  made  to  fight  for  their  masters?"  it  was  asked. 
Of  course  there  was  the  immediate  query  whether  they 
would  fight  to  keep  themselves  in  slavery.  This  opened 
up  a  subject  into  which  those  who  discussed  it  were  afraid 
to  look ;  nevertheless  it  seemed  unavoidable  that  a  black 
conscription  should  be  attempted,  and  with  that  in  view, 
every  precaution  was  taken  by  those  who  supported  the 
scheme  to  avoid  heightening  the  dissensions  already  too 
prevalent  for  good.  The  newspapers  were  advised  of  the 
intended  change  of  policy,  to  which  not  a  few  of  them 
acquiesced.  General  Lee  was  consulted,  as  the  following 
letter,  afterward  printed  in  the  Philadelphia  Times,  shows : 

''HEAD-QUARTERS  ARMY  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA,\ 
"January  llth,  1865.        / 

"How.  ANDREW  HUNTER:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  7th 
instant,  and,  without  confining  myself  to  the  order  of  your  interrogate- 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  489 

ries,  will  endeavor  to  answer  them  by  a  statement  of  my  views  on  the 
subject. 

"I  shall  be  most  happy  if  I  can  contribute  to  the  solution  of  a  ques- 
tion in  which  I  feel  an  interest  commensurate  with  my  desire  for  the 
welfare  and  happiness  of  our  people. 

"Considering  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  controlled  by  human 
laws,  and  influenced  by  Christianity  and  an  enlightened  public  sentiment, 
as  the  best  that  can  exist  between  the  white  and  black  races,  while  inter- 
mingled as  at  present  in  this  country,  I  would  deprecate  any  sudden 
disturbance  of  that  relation,  unless  it  be  necessary  to  avert  a 
greater  calamity  to  both.  I  should,  therefore,  prefer  to  rely  on  our 
white  population  to  preserve  the  ratio  between  our  forces  and  that  of 
the  enemy,  which  experience  has  shown  to  be  safe.  But  in  view  of  the 
preparations  of  our  enemies  it  is  our  duty  to  prepare  for  continued  war 
and  not  for  a  battle  or  a  campaign,  and  I  own  I  fear  we  can  not  accom- 
plish this  without  overtaxing  the  capacity  of  our  white  population. 

"Should  the  war  continue  under  existing  circumstances  the  enemy 
may  in  course  of  time  penetrate  our  country,  and  get  access  to  a  large 
part  of  our  slave  population.  It  is  his  avowed  policy  to  convert  the 
able-bodied  men  among  them  into  soldiers,  and  emancipate  all.  The 
snccess  of  the  federal  arms  in  the  south  was  followed  by  a  proclamation 
from  President  Lincoln  for  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men,  the 
effect  of  which  will  be  to  stimulate  the  northern  states  to  procure  as 
substitutes  for  their  own  people  the  negroes  thus  brought  within  their 
reach.  Many  have  already  been  obtained  in  Virginia,  and  should  the 
fortunes  of  war  expose  more  of  her  territory  the  enemy  will  gain  a  large 
accession  of  strength.  His  progress  will  thus  add  to  his  numbers,  and 
at  the  same  time  destroy  slavery  in  a  manner  most  pernicious  to  the 
welfare  of  our  people.  Their  negroes  will  be  used  to  hold  them  in  sub- 
jection, leaving  the  remaining  force  of  the  enemy  free  to  extend  his 
conquest. 

"  Whatever  may  be  the  effect  of  our  employing  negro  troops  it  can 
not  be  as  mischievous  as  this.  If  it  end  in  subverting  slavery  it  will  be 
accomplished  by  ourselves,  and  we  can  devise  the  means  of  alleviating 
the  evil  consequences  to  both  races.  I  think,  therefore,  we  must  decide 
whether  slavery  shall  be  extinguished  by  our  enemies  and  the  slaves  be 
used  against  us,  or  use  them  ourselves  at  the  risk  of  the  effects  which 
may  be  produced  upon  our  social  institutions.  My  own  opinion  is  that 
we  should  employ  them  without  delay.  1  believe  that,  with  proper  regu- 
lations, they  can  be  made  effective  soldiers.  They  possess  the  physical 
qualifications  in  an  eminent  degree.  Long  habits  of  obedience  and  sub- 
ordination, coupled  with  that  moral  influence  which  in  our  country  the 
white  man  possesses  over  the  black,  furnish  the  best  foundation  for  that 
discipline  which  is  the  surest  guarantee  of  military  efficiency.  Our  chief 
aim  should  be  to  secure  their  fidelity.  There  have  been  formidable  armies 
composed  of  men  having  no  interests  in  the  country  for  which  they 
fought  beyond  their  pay  or  the  hope  of  plunder.  But  it  is  certain  that 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

»  f 

the  best  foundation  upon  which  the  fidelity  of  an  army  can  rest,  espe- 
cially in  a  service  which  imposes  peculiar  hardships  and  privations,  is 
the  personal  interest  of  the  soldier  in  the  issue  of  the  contest.  Such  an 
interest  we  can  give  our  negroes  by  granting  immediate  freedom  to  all 
who  enlist,  and  freedom  at  the  end  of  the  war  to  the  families  of  those 
who  discharge  their  duties  faithfully,  whether  they  survive  or  not, 
together  with  the  privilege  of  residing  at  the  south. 

"  To  this  might  be  added  a  bounty  for  faithful  service.  We  should 
not  expect  slaves  to  fight  for  prospective  freedom  when  they  can  secure 
it  at  once  by  going  to  the  enemy,  in  whose  service  they  will  incur  no 
greater  risk  than  in  ours.  The  reasons  that  induce  me  to  recommend 
the  employment  of  negro  troops  at  all  render  the  effect  of  the  measures 
I  have  suggested  upon  slavery  immaterial,  and  in  my  opinion  the  best 
means  of  securing  the  efficiency  and  fidelity  of  this  auxiliary  force  would 
be  to  accompany  the  measure  with  a  well-digested  plan  of  gradual  and 
general  emancipation.  As  that  will  be  the  result  of  the  continuance  of 
the  war,  and  will  certainly  occur  if  the  enemy  succeed,  it  seems  to  me 
most  advisable  to  adopt  it  at  once,  and  thereby  obtain  all  the  benefits 
that  will  accrue  to  our  cause. 

"The  employment  of  negro  troops  under  regulations  similar  to 
those  indicated  would,  in  my  opinion,  greatly  increase  our  military 
strength,  and  enable  us  to  relieve  our  white  population  to  some  extent. 
I  think  we  could  dispense  with  the  reserve  forces,  except  in  cases  of 
emergency.  It  would  disappoint  the  hopes  which  our  enemies  have  upon 
our  exhaustion,  deprive  them  in  a  great  measure  of  the  aid  they  now 
derive  from  black  troops,  and  thus  throw  the  burden  of  the  war  upon 
their  own  people.  In  addition  to  the  great  political  advantages  that 
would  result  to  our  cause  from  the  adoption  of  a  system  of  emancipa- 
tion, it  would  exercise  a  salutary  influence  upon  our  negro  population, 
by  rendering  more  secure  the  fidelity  of  those  who  become  soldiers,  and 
diminishing  the  inducements  to  the  rest  to  abscond. 

"I  can  only  say  in  conclusion  that  whatever  measures  are  to  be 
adopted  should  be  adopted  at  once.  Every  day's  delay  increases  the 
difficulty.  Much  time  will  be  required  to  organize  and  discipline  the 
men,  and  action  may  be  deferred  till  it  is  too  late. 

"Very  respectfully, 

' '  Your  obedient  servant, 

"A  true  copy.    J.  B.  W."         "(Signed,)        R.  E.  LEE,  General 

This  letter  was  intended  for  members  of  Congress  to 
read,  and  it  was  circulated  among  them,  but  all  was  not 
harmony.  Many  members  were  bitterly  opposed  to  arm- 
ing the  slaves,  some  of  them  denounced  General  Lee  for 
writing  the  letter,  and  prepared  to  oppose  the  measure 
when  it  should  be  introduced  into  Congress.* 

*  General  William  C.  Wickham  led  the  opponents  of  the  project  in  a  very  bitter 
pro-slavery  speech. 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  491 

At  length  the  period  for  its  introduction  arrived.  Lee 
in  his  attempted  invasion  of  the  north  made  no  more 
careful  preparations  than  did  Mr.  Davis  and  his  cabinet 
to  carry  through  Congress  the  bill  enrolling  slaves  and  to 
emancipate  them.  Finally  the  hour  was  at  hand,  and 
amid  the  mutterings  of  dissenters,  and  threats  of  members 
to  resign  their  seats  if  the  measure  was  forced  through, 
the  administration  began  to  realize  more  sensibly  its 
weakness.  However,  it  stood  by  the  carefully  drawn  bill. 

Of  course  the  negro  people  about  the  city  of  Kichmond 
heard  of  the  proposition  to  arm  and  emancipate  them  if 
they  would  voluntarily  fight  for  their  old  masters.  They 
discussed  its  merits  with  a  sagacity  wiser  than  those 
who  proposed  the  scheme,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  they 
concluded,  in  the  language  of  one  who  spoke  on  the  mat- 
ter, "It  am  too  late,  de  Yankees  am  coming."  There  were 
those  among  them,  however,  known  as  the  free  class,  who 
stood  ever  ready  to  imitate  the  wrhites,  believing  that 
course  to  be  an  evidence  of  their  superiority  over  the 
slaves.  They  were  very  anxious  to  enlist. 

On  February  8th  Senator  Brown,  of  Mississippi,  intro- 
duced a  resolution  which,  if  it  had  been  adopted,  would 
have  freed  200,000  negroes  and  put  them  into  the  army; 
but  on  the  next  day  it  was  voted  down  in  secret  session. 
Upon  this  very  February  9th,  when  Senator  Brown's 
resolution  was  lost,  Mr.  Benjamin,  Secretary  of  State, 
addressed  a  large  public  meeting  at  Kichmond.  He  made 
a  very  extraordinary  speech,  setting  forth  the  policy  of 
President  Davis  and  his  cabinet.  Emissaries  of  Mr.  Davis 
had  just  returned  from  the  Peace  Conference  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  where  they  met  representatives  of  the  United 
States  government,  and  learned  that  the  conditions  upon 
which  the  Southern  States  could  resume  their  relations 
were  those  which  they  were  compelled  to  accept  finally. 
During  Mr.  Benjamin's  speech  he  said : 

"We  have  680,000  blacks  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and  who  ought 
now  to  be  in  the  field.  Let  us  now  say  to  every  negro  who  wishes  to  go 
into  the  ranks  on  condition  of  being  free,  go  and  fight— you  are  free. 
My  own  negroes  have  been  to  me  and  said,  '  Master,  set  us  free  and  we'll 


492  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

fight  for  you.'  You  must  make  up  your  minds  to  try  this  or  see  your 
army  withdrawn  from  before  your  town.  I  know  not  where  white  men 
can  be  found." 

Mr.  Benjamin's  speech  created  an  intense  excitement 
among  the  slave-holders.  The  situation  seemed  to  have 
narrowed  itself  down  to  a  disagreeable  alternative.  They 
must  either  fight  themselves  or  let  the  slaves  fight. 
Doubtless  many  would  have  preferred  submission  to  Lin- 
coln, but  then  they  could  not  save  their  slaves.  Immedi- 
ately following  Mr.  Benjamin's  speech  on  the  llth,  a  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Representatives  author- 
izing the  enlistment  of  200,000  slaves,  with  the  consent  of 
their  owners.  As  a  test  of  its  strength  a  motion  was 
made  for  the  rejection  of  this  bill,  and  the  vote  not  to 
reject  it  was  more  than  two  to  one.  There  was  every 
indication  that  the  bill  would  pass.  It  was  while  this 
measure  was  under  discussion  that  General  Lee  wrote  the 
letter  which  follows  in  answer  to  one  of  inquiry  from  a 
member  of  the  House : 

"HEAD-QUARTERS  CONFEDERATE  STATE  ARMORS,  \ 
February  18th,  1865.       / 
"  Hon.  Barksdale,  House  of  Representatives,  Richmond. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
the  12th  inst.  with  reference  to  the  employment  of  negroes  as  soldiers. 
I  think  the  measure  not  only  expedient  but  necessary.  The  enemy  will 
certainly  use  them  against  us  if  he  can  get  possession  of  them,  and  as 
his  present  numerical  superiority  will  enable  him  to  penetrate  many 
parts  of  the  country,  I  can  not  see  the  wisdom  of  the  policy  of  holding 
them  to  await  his  arrival,  when  we  may,  by  timely  action  and  judicious 
management,  use  them  to  arrest  his  progress.  I  do  not  think  that  our 
white  population  can  supply  the  necessities  of  a  long  war  without  over- 
taxing its  capacity,  and  imposing  great  suffering  upon  our  people;  and 
I  believe  we  should  provide  resources  for  a  protracted  struggle,  not 
merely  for  a  battle  or  a  campaign. 

"In  answer  to  your  second  question  I  can  only  say  that,  in  my 
opinion,  under  proper  circumstances  the  negroes  will  make  efficient  sol- 
diers. I  think  we  could  at  least  do  as  well  with  them  as  the  enemy,  and 
he  attaches  great  importance  to  their  assistance.  Under  good  officers 
and  good  instructions  I  do  not  see  why  they  should  not  become  soldiers. 
They  possess  all  the  physical  qualifications,  and  their  habits  of  obedi- 
ence constitute  a  good  formulation  for  discipline.  They  furnish  a  more 
promising  material  than  many  armies  of  which  we  read  in  history, 
which  owed  their  efficiency  to  discipline  alone.  I  think  those  employed 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  493 

should  be  freed.  It  would  be  neither  wisdom  nor  justice,  in  my  opinion, 
to  require  them  to  serve  as  slaves.  The  best  course  to  pursue,  it  seems 
to  me,  is  to  call  for  such  as  are  willing  to  come  with  the  consent  of  their 
owners.  Impressment  or  draft  would  not  be  likely  to  bring  out  the  best 
class,  and  the  use  of  coercion  would  make  the  measure  distasteful  to 
them  and  to  their  owners.  I  have  no  doubt  if  Congress  would  author- 
ize their  reception  into  service,  and  empower  the  President  to  call  upon 
individuals  or  States  for  such  as  they  are  willing  to  contribute  with  the 
condition  of  emancipation  to  all  enrolled,  a  sufficient  number  would  be 
forthcoming  to  enable  us  to  try  the  experiment. 

"If  it  proves  successful,  most  of  the  objections  to  the  matter  would 
disappear,  and  if  individuals  still  remained  unwilling  to  send  their 
negroes  to  the  army,  the  force  of  public  opinion  in  the  States  would 
soon  bring  about  such  legislation  as  would  remove  all  obstacles. 
I  think  the  matter  should  be  left  as  far  as  possible  to  the  people  and  the 
States,  which  alone  can  legislate  as  the  necessities  of  this  particular  ser- 
vice may  require.  As  to  the  mode  of  organizing  them,  it  should  be  left 
as  free  from  restraint  as  possible.  Experience  will  suggest  the  best 
course,  and  would  be  inexpedient  to  trammel  the  subject  with  provisions 
that  might  in  the  end  prevent  the  adoption  of  reforms,  suggested  by 
actual  trial. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"ROBERT  E.  LEE,  General" 

Meanwhile  the  measure,  to  forward  which  this  letter 
was  written,  was  progressing  very  slowly.  J.  B.  Jones, 
clerk  of  the  War  Department  of  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment, entered  in  his  diary  from  day  to  day  such  scraps  of 
information  as  he  was  able  to  glean  about  the  progress 
of  this  important  matter.  These  entries  are  significant 
of  the  anxiety  of  this  critical  time.  Under  February  14th 
we  find  this  entry : 

"Yesterday  some  progress  was  made  with  the  measure  of  200,000 
negroes  for  the  army.  Something  must  be  done  and  soon." 

"  February  16th.— Did  nothing  yesterday ;  it  is  supposed,  however, 
that  the  bill  recruiting  negro  troops  will  pass.  I  fear  when  it  is  too  late." 

"  February  17th.— A  letter  from  General  Lee  to  General  Wise  is  pub- 
lished, thanking  the  latter's  brigade  for  resolutions  recently  adopted 
declaring  that  they  would  consent  to  gradual  emancipation  for  the  sake 
of  independence  and  peace.  From  all  signs  slavery  is  doomed.  But  if 
200,000  negro  recruits  can  be  made  to  fight  and  can  be  enlisted,  Gen- 
eral Lee  may  maintain  the  war  very  easily  and  successfully,  and  the 
powers  at  Washington  may  soon  become  disposed  to  abate  the  hard 
terms  of  peace  now  exacted." 

"  February  21st.— The  negro  bill  has  passed  one  house  and  will  pass 
the  other  to-day,  but  the  measure  may  come  too  late.    The  enemy  is 
•nclosing  us  on  all  sides  with  great  vigor  and  rapidity." 
25 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"February  22nd. — Yesterday  the  Senate  postponed  action  on  the 
negro  bill.  What  this  means  I  cannot  conjecture,  unless  there  are  dis- 
patches from  abroad  with  assurance  of  recognition,  based  on  stipula- 
tions of  emancipation,  which  can  not  be  carried  into  effect  without  the 
consent  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  these  seem  in  a  fair  way  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Federal  generals." 

"February  24th.— Yesterday  the  Senate  voted  down  the  bill  to  put 
200,000  negroes  into  the  army.  The  papers  to-day  contain  a  letter 
from  General  Lee,  advocating  the  measure  as  a  necessity.  Mr.  Hunter's* 
vote  defeated  it.  He  has  many  negroes,  and  will  probably  lose  them ; 
but  the  loss  of  popularity  and  fear  of  forfeiting  all  chance  of  the  succes- 
sion may  have  operated  upon  him  as  a  politician.  What  madness! 
*  Under  which  king,  Benzonian?'  " 

"February  25th.— Mr.  Hunter's  eyes  seem  blood-shot  since  he  voted 
against  Lee's  plan  of  organizing  negro  troops." 

"February  26th.— Mr.  Hunter  is  now  reproached  by  the  slave-holders 
he  thought  to  please  for  defeating  the  negro  bill.  They  say  his  vote  will 
make  Virginia  a  free  State,  inasmuch  as  General  Lee  must  evacuate  it 
for  want  of  negro  troops." 

"  March  2d.— Negro  bill  still  hangs  fire  in  Congress." 

"  March  9th.— Yesterday  the  Senate  passed  the  negro  troops  bill — 
Mr.  Hunter  voting  for  it  under  instruction." 

"  March  10th.— The  president  has  the  reins  now,  and  Congress  will 
be  more  obedient;  but  can  they  leave  the  city?  Advertisements  for 
recruiting  negro  troops  are  in  the  papers  this  morning." 

"  March  17th.— We  shall  have  a  negro  army.  Letters  are  pouring 
into  the  department  from  men  of  military  skill  and  character  asking 
authority  to  raise  companies,  battalions,  and  regiments  of  negro  troops. 
It  is  a  desperate  remedy  for  the  desperate  case,  and  may  be  successful. 
If  200,000  efficient  soldiers  can  be  made  of  this  material  there  is  no  con- 
jecturing when  the  next  campaign  may  end.  Possibly  *  over  the  border ;' 
fora  little  success  will  elate  our  spirits  extravagantly,  and  the  blackened 
ruins  of  our  towns,  and  the  moans  of  women  and  children  bereft  of 
shelter,  will  appeal  strongly  to  the  army  for  vengeance." 

"  March  19th.— Unless  food  and  men  can  be  had  Virginia  must  be 
lost.  The  negro  experiment  will  soon  be  tested.  Curtis  says  that  the 
letters  are  pouring  into  the  department  from  all  quarters  asking 
authority  to  raise  and  command  negro  troops.  100,000  troops  from 
this  source  might  do  wonders." 

*  It  was  upon  the  discussion  of  this  bill  that  Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  made  these 
significant  statements  and  admissions : 

"  When  we  left  the  old  government  we  thought  we  had  got  rid  forever  of  the  slavery 
agitation;  but,  to  my  surprise,  I  find  that  this  (the  Confederate)  Government  assumes 
power  to  arm  the  slaves,  which  involves  also  the  power  of  emancipation.  This  propo- 
sition would  be  regarded  as  a  confession  of  despair.  If  we  are  right  in  passing  this 
measure,  we  are  wrong  in  denying  to  the  old  government  the  right  to  interfere  with 
slavery  and  to  emancipate  slaves.  If  we  offer  the  slaves  their  freedom  as  a  boon  we 
confess  that  we  are  insincere  and  hypocritical  in  saying  slavery  was  the  best  state  for 
the  negroes  themselves.  I  believe  that  the  arming  and  emancipating  the  slaves  will  be 
an  abandonment  of  the  contest.  To  arm  the  negroes  is  to  give  them  freedom.  When 
they  come  out  scarred  from  the  conflict  they  must  be  free." 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  495 

So  ends  the  entries  on  this  interesting  subject  in  Mr. 
Jones'  diary.  Though  the  conscientious  war  clerk  ceased 
to  record,  the  excitement  and  effort  of  the  advocates  of 
the  measure  by  no  means  slackened.  Grant's  cordon 
around  the  city  drew  closer  and  tighter  each  day  and  hour, 
continually  alarming  the  inhabitants.  Governor  Smith 
gave  the  negro  soldier  scheme  his  personal  influence  and 
attention.  The  newspapers  began  clamoring  for  conscrip- 
tion. No  little  effort  was  made  to  raise  a  regiment  of 
free  blacks  and  mulattoes  in  the  latter  days  of  January, 
and  early  in  February  a  rendezvous  was  established  at 
Richmond,  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  State 
authorities.  A  detail  of  white  officers  was  made,  and 
enlistment  began.  The  agitation  of  the  subject  in  Con- 
gress, though  in  secret  session,  gave  some  encouragement 
to  the  many  despairing  and  heart-sick  soldiers  of  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia.*  Their  chief  commander,  Lee, 
perhaps  dreamed  nightly  that  he  commanded  200,000 
negro  troops  en  masse,  and  was  driving  the  Yankees  and 
their  Black  Phalanx  like  chaff  from  off  the  "sacred  soil" 
of  the  Old  Dominion,  but,  alas,  such  a  dream  was  never 
to  be  realized. 

About  twenty  negroes,f  mostly  of  the  free  class, 
enlisted,  went  into  camp,  and  were  uniformed  in  Confeder- 
ate gray.  These  twenty  men,  three  of  whom  were  slaves  of 
Mr.  Benjamin,  Confederate  Secretary  of  State,  were  daily 
marched  into  the  city  and  drilled  by  their  white  officers  in 
the  Capitol  Square,  receiving  the  approving  and  congratu- 
latory plaudits  of  the  ladies,  who  were  always  present.^ 
However,  no  accessions  were  gained  to  their  ranks,  conse- 
quently the  scheme,  to  raise  by  enlistment  a  regiment  of 
blacks,  was  a  failure,  for  the  few  volunteers  secured  in 
Virginia  and  a  company  in  Tennessee  are  all  that  the 
writer  has  been  able  to  obtain  any  account  of.  The  Con- 


*  Of  these  twenty  volunteers  six  of  them  are  frequently  to  be  met  on  the  steets  of 
Eichmond,  while  eome  of  them  are  members  of  the  Colored  State  Militia  of  Virginia. 

f  The  veterans  of  General  Henry  A.  Wise's  Legion  adopted  resolutions  commending 
the  scheme. 

t  On  April  1st,  1865,  quite  a  company  of  negroes,  most  of  whom  were  pressed  into 
the  service,  paraded  the  streets  of  Richmond. 


496  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

federate  authorities  then  sought  to  strengthen  the  army 
by  conscripting  all  able-bodied  negroes,  free  and  slave, 
between  the  age  of  eighteen  and  fifty.  Monday,  April 
3d,  was  appointed  as  the  day  to  begin  the  draft.  The 
Virginia  State  Legislature  had  come  to  the  rescue  of  the 
Davis-Lee-Benjamin  scheme,  and  so  had  the  local  authori- 
ties of  Richmond,  but  all  was  to  no  purpose.  It  was  too 
late ;  they  had  delayed  too  long. 

With  a  pitiable  blindness  to  the  approach  of  his 
downfall,  only  a  few  days  before  he  became  a  fugitive,  Jef- 
ferson Davis  wrote  the  following  letter :  * 

"RICHMOND,  Ya.,  March  30th,  1865. 
"His  Excellency  William  Smith,  Governor  of  Virginia: 

"Upon  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  27th  inst.  I  had  a  conference 
with  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Adjutant-General  in  relation  to  your 
suggestion  as  to  the  published  order  for  the  organization  of  negro 
troops,  and  I  hope  that  the  modification  which  has  been  made  will 
remove  the  objection  which  you  pointed  out.  It  was  never  my  intention 
to  collect  negroes  in  depots  for  purposes  of  instruction,  but  only  as  the 
best  mode  of  forwarding  them,  either  as  individuals  or  as  companies,  to 
the  command  with  which  they  were  to  serve.  The  officers  in  the  differ- 
ent posts  will  aid  in  providing  for  the  negroes  in  their  respective  neigh- 
borhoods, and  in  forwarding  them  to  depots  where  transportation  will 
be  available,  and  aid  them  in  reaching  the  field  of  service  for  which  they 
were  destined.  The  aid  of  gentlemen  who  are  willing  and  able  to  raise 
this  character  of  troops  will  be  freely  accepted.  The  appointment  of 
commanders,  for  reasons  obvious  to  you,  must  depend  on  other  consid- 
erations than  the  mere  power  to  recruit. 

"I  am  happy  to  receive  your  assurance  of  success  as  well  as  your 
promise  to  seek  legislation  to  secure  unmistakably  freedom  to  the  slave 
who  shall  enter  the  army,  with  a  right  to  return  to  his  old  home  when 
he  shall  have  been  honorably  discharged  from  the  military  service. 

"I  remain  of  the  opinion  that  we  should  confine  our  first  efforts  to 
getting  volunteers,  and  would  prefer  that  you  would  adopt  such  meas- 
ures as  would  advance  that  mode  of  recruiting,  rather  than  that  of 
which  you  make  enquiry,  to  wit:  by  issuing  requisitions  for  the  slaves  as 
authorized  by  the  State  of  Virginia. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  respect, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS." 


*  This  letter  is  a  copy  of  the  original  no\r  in  possession  of  Senator  George  A. 
Brooks.    It  has  never  before  been  published. 


UNION  SOLDIERS  BEFORE  YORKTOWN  BRINGING  DOWN 
A  SOUTHERN  ALLY. 

This  negro  being-  a  good  marksman  was  induced  by  the  confederates  to  become  a 
sharpshooter  for  them,  and  greatly  annoyed  the  Union  pickets  before  Yorktown  by 
firing;  upon  them  from  trees,  in  the  branches  of  which  he  would  perch  himself  at  early 
morning-  and  remain  there  through  the  day,  shooting:  at  such  Union  soldiers  as  hap- 
pened come  within  his  ranpre.  His  hiding-  place  was  finally  discovered  however,  and 
after  refusing-  to  surrender,  thinking;  himself  safe,  he  was  brought  down  by  a  bullet 
through  his  head. 


THE  CONFEDERATE  SERVICE.  499 

The  appointed  time  came,  but  instead  of  the  draft, 
amid  blazing  roofs  and  falling  walls,  smoke  and  ashes, 
deafening  reports  of  explosions,  the  frenzy  of  women  and 
children,  left  alone  not  only  by  the  negro  conscripting 
officers  and  President  Davis  and  his  Cabinet,  but  by  the 
army  and  navy;  in  the  midst  of  such  scenes,  almost 
beyond  description,  the  Black  Phalanx  of  the  Union  army 
entered  the  burning  city,  the  capitol  of  rebeldom,  scatter- 
ing President  Linclon's  Proclamation  of  Emancipation 
to  the  intended  confederate  black  army.  For  twelve 
squares  they  chanted  their  war  songs,  "The  Colored  Vol- 
unteers" and  "John  Brown,"  in  the  chorus  of  which 
thousands  of  welcoming  freedmen  and  freed  women  joined, 
making  the  welkin  ring  with  the  refrain, 

"  Glory,  glory  hallelujah, 
Glory,  glory  hallelujah, 
Glory,  glory  hallelujah, 
We  is  free  to-day!" 

The  decisive  events  of  the  next  few  days,  following  in 
rapid  succession,  culminating  with  Lee's  surrender,  on 
the  9th  of  April,  at  Appomattox,  left  no  time  for  further 
action,  and  when  the  war  was  over,  with  the  important 
and  radical  changes  that  took  place,  it  was  almost  for- 
gotten that  such  projects  as  arming  and  freeing  the  negro 
had  ever  been  entertained  in  the  South  by  the  Confederate 
Government. 


PART  III. 

MKELLANY. 


CHAPTEK  I. 
THE  BLACK  PHALANX  AT  SCHOOL. 

The  esteem  in  which  education  was  held  by  the  sol- 
diers of  the  Black  Phalanx,  can  be  judged  of  best  by  the 
efforts  they  made  to  educate  themselves  and  to  establish 
a  system  of  education  for  others  of  their  race.  Doubtless 
many  persons  suppose  that  the  negro  soldier  elated  with 
his  release  from  slavery,  was  contented ;  that  his  patriot- 
ism was  displayed  solely  upon  the  field  of  battle,  simply 
to  insure  to  himself  that  one  highest  and  greatest  boon, 
his  freedom.  Such  a  supposition  is  far  from  the  truth. 
The  Phalanx  soldiers  had  a  strong  race  pride,  and  the 
idea  that  ignorance  was  the  cause  of  their  oppression 
gave  zest  to  their  desire  to  be  educated. 

When  they  found  following  the  United  States  Army  a 
large  number  of  educated  people  from  the  North,  estab- 
lishing schools  wherever  they  could  in  village,  city  and 
camp,  and  that  education  was  free  to  all,  there  was  awak- 
ened in  the  black  soldier's  breast  an  ambition,  not  only 
to  obtain  knowledge,  but  to  contribute  money  in  aid  of 
educational  institutions,  which  was  done,  and  with  liberal 
hands,  during  and  subsequent  to  the  war. 

Unlettered  themselves,  they  became  daily  more  and 
more  deeply  impressed,  through  their  military  associa- 
tions, and  by  contact  with  things  that  required  knowl- 
edge, with  the  necessity  of  having  an  education.  Each 
soldier  felt  that  but  for  his  his  illiteracy  he  might  be  a 
sergeant,  company  clerk,  or  quartermaster,  and  not  a 
few,  that  if  educated,  they  might  be  lieutenants  and  cap- 

(508) 


504  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

tains.  This  was  not  an  unnatural  conclusion  for  a  brave 
soldier  to  arrive  at,  when  men  no  braver  than  himself 
were  being  promoted  for  bravery. 

Generally  there  was  one  of  three  things  the  negro  sol- 
diers could  be  found  doing  when  at  leisure:  discussing 
religion,  cleaning  his  musket  and  accoutrements,  or  try  ing 
to  read.  His  zeal  frequently  led  him  to  neglect  to  eat  for 
the  latter.  Every  camp  had  a  teacher,  in  fact  every  com- 
pany had  some  one  to  instruct  the  soldiers  in  reading,  if 
nothing  more.  Since  the  war  I  have  known  of  more  than 
one  who  have  taken  up  the  profession  of  preaching  and 
law  making,  whose  first  letter  was  learned  in  camp ;  and 
not  a  few  who  have  entered  college. 

The  negro  soldier  was  not  only  patriotic  in  the  high- 
est sense  but  he  was  a  quick  observer  of  both  the  disad- 
vantages and  opportunities  of  his  race.  He  recognized 
the  fact  that  the  general  education  of  the  white  men  who 
composed  the  Union  army  in  contra-distinction  to  so 
many  of  those  of  the  confederate  army,  gave  them  great 
prestige  over  the  enemy.  The  ingenuity  of  the  Yankee 
he  attributed  to  his  education,  and  he  readily  decided 
that  he  lacked  only  the  Yankee's  education  to  be  his 
equal  in  genius.  Great  was  the  incentive  given  him  by 
example,  arousing  his  latent  hope  to  be  something  more 
than  a  free  man ;  if  not  that,  his  children  might  rise  from 
the  corn-field  to  the  higher  walks  of  life.  Their  thirst  for 
a  knowledge  of  letters  was  evinced  in  more  ways  than  one, 
as  was  their  appreciation  of  the  opportunity  to  assist  in 
providing  for  coming  generations. 

Colonol  G.  M.  Arnold  says: 

"Aside  from  the  military  duties  required  of  the  men  forming  the 
Phalanx  regiments,  the  school  teacher  was  drilling  and  preparing  them 
in  the  comprehension  of  letters  and  figures.  In  nearly  every  regiment 
a  school,  during  the  encampment,  was  established,  in  some  instances 
female  teachers  from  the  North,  impulsed  by  that  philanthropy  which 
induced  an  army  of  teachers  South  to  teach  the  freedmen,  also  brought 
them  to  the  barracks  and  the  camp  ground  to  instruct  the  soldiers  of 
the  Phalanx.  Their  ambition  to  learn  to  read  and  write  was  as  strong 
as  their  love  of  freedom,  and  no  opportunity  was  lost  by  them  to 
acquire  a  knowledge  of  letters.  So  ardent  were  they  that  they  formed 


THE  BLACK  PHALANX  AT  SCHOOL.  5Q 

equads  and  hired  teachers,  paying  them  out  of  their  pittance  of  seven 
dollars  per  month,  or  out  of  the  bounty  paid  to  them  by  the  State  to 
which  they  were  accredited.  In  a  number  of  instances  the  officers  them- 
selves gave  instructions  to  their  command,  and  made  education  a  fea- 
ture and  a  part  of  their  duty,  thereby  bringing  the  soldier  up  to  a  full 
comprehension  of  the  responsibility  of  his  trust.  "Taps "was  an 
unpleasant  sound  to  many  a  soldier,  who,  after  the  fatigue  and  drill  of 
the  day  was  over,  sat  himself  down  upon  an  empty  cracker  box,  with  a 
short  candle  in  one  hand  and  a  spelling  book  in  the  other,  to  study  the 
ab,  eb,  ob's.  When  the  truce  was  sounded  after  a  day  or  night's  hard 
fighting,  many  of  these  men  renewed  their  courage  by  studying  and 
reading  in  the  '  New  England  Speller.'  And  where  they  have  fought, — 
died  where  they  fell,  and  their  bodies  left  to  the  enemy's  mercy,  they 
often  found  in  the  dead  soldier's  knapsack  a  spelling-book  and  a  Testa- 
ment. At  the  seige  of  Port  Hudson  and  Charleston,  and  of  Richmond, 
agents  of  the  Christian  Commission  and  of  various  other  societies,  made 
a  specialty  of  the  spelling-book  for  distribution  among  the  soldiers  of 
the  Phalanx,  and  upon  more  than  one  occasion  have  these  soldiers  been 
found  in  the  trenches  with  the  speller  in  hand,  muttering,  bla,  ble.' 

The  historian  of  the  55th  Kegiment  says : 

"A  great  desire  existed  among  those  who  had  been  deprived  of  all 
educational  privileges  to  learn  to  read  and  write,  and  through  the  kind- 
ness and  labors  of  Dr.  Bowditch  and  others,  a  school  was  established 
to  teach  those  who  desired  to  learn.  Many  availed  themselves  of  this, 
and  many  were  assisted  by  their  company  officers  and  their  better 
informed  fellow-soldiers ,  so  that  a  decided  improvement  in  this  respect 
was  effected  among  the  men  during  their  stay  at  Readville." 

But  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  upon  the  subject  to 
show  the  eagerness  of  these  soldiers  to  learn  to  read  and 
write,  as  many  of  them  did. 

Lieutenant  James  M.  Trotter,*  in  an  article  published 
in  Mr.  Fortune's  paper,  gives  this  graphic  description  of 
"  The  School-master  in  the  Army": 

"  Of  the  many  interesting  experiences  that  attended  our  colored  sol- 
diery during  the  late  war  none  are  more  worthy  of  being  recounted  than 
those  relating  to  the  rather  improvised  schools,  in  which  were  taught 
the  rudimentary  branches.  One  would  naturally  think  that  the  tented 
field,  so  often  suddenly  changed  to  the  bloody  field  of  battle,  was  the 
last  place  in  the  world  where  would  be  called  into  requisition  the  school- 
teacher's services ;  in  fact  it  would  hardly  be  supposed  that  such  a  thing 
was  possible.  Yet  in  our  colored  American  army  this  became  not  only 
possible  but  really  practicable,  for  in  it  frequently,  in  an  off-hand  man- 
ner, schools  were  established  and  maintained,  not  only  for  teaching  the 
soldiers  to  read  and  write  but  also  to  sing,  nor  were  debating  societies, 
*  Now  Registrar  at  Washington,  D.  C. 


506  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

even,  things  unheard  of  in  the  camp  life  of  these  men.  Besides  in  quite 
a  number  of  the  colored  regiments  military  bands  were  formed,  and 
under  the  instruction  of  sometimes  a  band  teacher  from  the  north,  and 
at  others  under  one  of  their  own  proficient  fellow-soldiers,  these  bands 
learned  to  discourse  most  entertaining  music  in  camp,  and  often  by 
their  inspiriting  strains  did  much  to  relieve  the  fatigue  occasioned  by 
long  and  tiresome  marches.  But  we  are  speaking  now  mainly  of  the 
work  of  the  school-teacher  proper.  And  what  shall  we  say  of  the  halls 
of  learning  in  which  were  gathered  his  eager  pupils?  Well,  certainly 
these  would  not  compare  favorably  with  those  of  civil  life,  as  may  well 
be  imagined.  As  says  Bryant,  truly  and  beautifully,  speaking  of  primi- 
tive religious  worship : 

'  The  groves  were  God's  first  temples.' 

So,  too,  in  the  groves  and  fields  of  their  new  land  of  liberty,  these  men 
found  their  first  temples  of  learning,  and  in  spite  of  all  inconveniences 
these  school  tents  were  rendered  quite  serviceable.  Of  the  text  books 
used  there  is  not  much  to  say,  for  these  were  generally  '  few  and  far 
between.'  Books  were  used  at  times,  of  course,  but  quite  as  often  the 
instruction  given  was  entirely  oral.  That  these  spare  facilities  did  not 
render  the  teacher's  efforts  ineffective  was  abundantly  proven  in  the 
service,  and  has  been  proven  since  in  civil  life.  Scattered  here  and  there 
over  this  broad  country  to-day  are  many  veteran  soldiers  who  are  good 
readers  and  writers,  some  of  them  even  fair  scholars,  who  took  their 
first  lessons  from  some  manly  officer  or  no  less  manly  fellow-soldier  in 
the  manner  mentioned,  during  such  camp  intervals  as  were  allowed  by 
the  dread  arbitrament  of  war.  In  a  number  of  regiments  these  fortu- 
nate intervals  were  quite  frequent  and  of  long  duration,  and  in  such 
cases,  therefore,  much  progress  was  made. 

"It  must,  of  course,  be  remembered  that  in  our  colored  regiments  a 
very  large  percentage  of  the  men  were  illiterate,  especially  in  those  com- 
posed of  men  from  the  south  and  so  lately  escaped  from  under  the  iron 
heel  of  slavery.  Indeed,  in  many  of  them  there  could  scarcely  be  found 
at  the  commencement  of  the  service  a  man  who  could  either  read  or 
write.  Many  an  officer  can  recall  his  rather  novel  experience  in  teaching 
his  first  sergeant  enough  of  figures  and  script  letters  to  enable  the  latter 
to  make  up  and  sign  the  company  morning  report.  All  honor  to  those 
faithful,  patient  officers,  and  all  honor,  too,  give  to  those  ambitious 
sergeants  who  after  awhile  conquered  great  difficulties  and  became 
educationally  proficient  in  their  lines  of  duty. 

"In  this  connection  I  readily  call  to  mind  one  of  the  most,  if  not  the 
most,  unique  figures  of  all  my  experience  in  the  army.  It  was  Colonel 
James  Beecher,  of  the  famous  Beecher  family,  and  a  brother  of  Henry 
Ward  Beecher.  He  was  in  command  of  the  First  North  Carolina  Colored 
Regiment.  In  this  position  it  would  be  hard  to  overestimate  the  variety 
and  value  of  his  services,  for  he  became  for  his  soldiers  at  once  a  gallant 
fighter,  an  eloquent,  convincing  preacher,  and  a  most  indefatigable  and 


THE  BLACK  PHALANX  AT  SCHOOL.  507 

successful  school-teacher.  Preaching  had  been  his  vocation  before 
entering  the  army,  and  so  it  was  but  natural  for  him  to  continue  in  that 
work.  At  one  time  our  regiment  lay  encamped  near  his  in  South  Caro- 
lina, and  I  well  remember  how,  on  one  Sabbath  morning,  the  two  com- 
mands formed  a  union  service,  all  listening  with  deep,  thrilling  interest 
to  the  inspiring  words  of  this  "  fighting  parson."  That  he  was  indeed  a 
fighting  parson  we  fully  learned  not  long  after  this  Sabbath  service. 
For  again  we  met  on  the  bloody  field  of  battle,  where  in  the  very  front 
of  the  fight  we  saw  him  gallantly  leading  his  no  less  gallant  men,  even 
after  he  had  been  wounded,  and  while  the  blood  almost  streamed  down 
his  face.  Seeing  him  thus  was  to  ever  remember  him  and  his  noble  work 
with  his  regiment. 

''Colonel  Beecher  when  encamped  neglected  no  opportunity  to  form 
schools  of  instruction  for  his  men,  in  order  that  they  might  become  not 
only  intelligent,  efficient  soldiers,  but  also  intelligent,  self-respecting  citi- 
zens, should  they  survive  the  perils  of  war.  I  do  not  know  what  are  his 
thoughts  to-day,  but  judging  from  the  grand  work  of  Colonel  Beecher  in 
his  black  regiment,  I  can  not  doubt  that  he  looks  back  to  it  all  with 
satisfaction  and  pride,  and  as  forming  the  richest  experience  of  his  life. 

"I  know  another  ex-colonel  and  scholar,  of  high  rank  as  a  man  of 
letters  and  in  social  life,  who  yielding  to  the  call  of  duty,  not  less  to 
country  than  to  a  struggling  race,  left  his  congenial  studies  and  took 
command  of  a  colored  regiment,  becoming  not  only  their  leader,  but,  as 
chance  afforded,  their  school-teacher  also.  However,  as  he  has  given  to 
the  world  his  army  experience  in  a  book  abounding  in  passages  of  thrill- 
ing dramatic  interest,  I  need  only  in  this  connection  make  mention  of 
him.  I  refer  to  that  true  and  tried  friend  of  the  colored  race,  Colonel 
T.  W.  Higginson. 

"  But  let  it  not  be  supposed  for  a  moment  that  only  officers  and  men 
of  another  race  were  engaged  in  this  noble  \vork  of  school-teaching  in 
our  colored  army.  Not  a  few  of  the  best  workers  were  colored  chaplains, 
who  wisely  divided  their  time  between  preaching,  administering  to  the 
sick  by  reason  of  wounds  or  otherwise,  and  to  teaching  the  old  '  young 
idea  how  to  shoot;'  while  many  non-commissioned  officers  and  private 
soldiers  cheerfully  rendered  effective  service  in  the  same  direction.  Nor 
must  we  close  without  expressing  warm  admiration  for  those  earnest, 
ambitious  soldier  pupils  who,  when  finding  themselves  grown  to  man's 
estate,  having  been  debarred  by  the  terrible  system  of  slavery  from 
securing  an  education,  yielded  not  to  what  would  have  been  considered 
only  a  natural  discouragement,  but,  instead,  followed  the  advice  and 
instruction  of  their  comrade  teachers,  and,  bending  themselves  to  most 
assiduous  study,  gained  in  some  cases  great  proficiency,  and  in  all  much 
that  fitted  them  for  usefulness  and  the  proper  enjoyment  of  their  well- 
earned  liberty.  And  so  we  say,  all  honor  to  teachers  and  taught  in  the 
Grand  Army  that  made  a  free  republic,  whose  safe  foundation  and 
perpetuity  lies  in  the  general  education  of  its  citizens." 


508  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


CHAPTER  II. 

BENEVOLENCE  AND  FKUGALITY. 

The  negro  troops  gave  striking  evidence  of  both 
benevolence  and  frugality  with  the  money  they  received. 
They  needed  but  to  be  shown  an  opportunity  to  contrib- 
ute to  some  object,  when  they  quickly  responded.  Fre- 
quently, too,  they  fell  easy  victims  to  the  crafty  camp 
bummers  and  speculators,  who  were  ever  collecting  means 
for  some  charitable  object  for  the  benefit  of  the  negro 
race.  However,  here  it  will  be  a  pleasing  duty  to  name 
some  of  the  more  conspicuous  instances  where  their  char- 
ity was  well  and  nobly  bestowed.  At  the  same  time  they 
deposited  a  vast  aggregate  sum  of  savings  in  different 
banks  established  for  this  purpose. 

The  62nd  Regiment  contributed  to  a  commendable 
project  gotten  up  by  its  officers,  who  gave,  themselves, 
$1,034.60,  the  regiment  giving  $3,966.50.  With  this 
money  the  founding  of  a  school  was  commenced,  which 
eventually  became  a  college  known  as  the  Lincoln  Insti- 
tute, situated  at  Jefferson  City,  Mo.  To  this  sum  of 
$5,001.10,  the  65th  Regiment  contributed  $1,379.50, 
through  the  efforts  of  their  officers.  The  sum  was  soon 
increased  to  $20,000,  and  the  Institute  stands  to-day  a 
monument  to  the  62nd  and  65th  Phalanx  Regiments. 

Professor  Foster,  in  his  history  of  this  Institute, 
gives  these  interesting  details : 

"Dr.  Allen,  a  man  of  high  character  and  influence,  gave  the  scheme 
standing  ground  by  declaring  that  he  would  give  $100.  Both  our  field 
officers,  Colonel  Barrett  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Branson,  though 


BENEVOLENCE  AND  FRUGALITY.       511 

neither  was  with  us  at  the  time,  afterwards  subscribed  a  like  amount. 
Others  responded  in  the  same  spirit.  Officers  and  men  entered  into  the 
work  with  enthusiasm.  The  lieutenants  gave  $50  each;  officers  of 
higher  rank,  $100.  First  Sergeant  Brown,  Co  D,  gave  $75;  Sergeants 
Curd,  Bergamire,  Alexander  and  Moore  each  gave  $50,  while  the  number 
who  gave  25,  20,  15,  10,  and  5  dollars  apiece  is  too  great  for  me  to 
recall  their  names  on  this  occasion,  but  they  are  all  preserved  in  our 
records.  The  total  result  in  the  62nd  Regiment  was  $1,034.60,  contrib- 
uted by  the  officers,  and  $3,966.50  by  the  colored  soldiers.  The  soldiers 
of  the  65th  Regiment  afterwards  added  $1,379.50.  One  of  them,  Sam- 
uel Sexton,  gave  $100  from  his  earnings  as  a  private  soldier  at  $13  per 
month,  an  example  of  liberality  that  may  well  challenge  comparison 
with  the  acts  of  those  rich  men  who,  from  their  surplus,  give  thousands 
to  found  colleges.'' 

Colonel  David  Branson,  late  of  the  62nd  Kegiment, 
in  his  dedicatory  speech,  said : 

"My  FRIENDS :— This,  with  one  exception,  has  been  the  happiest  4th 
of  July  in  my  life.  That  exception  was  in  1863,  when  I  saw  the  rebel 
flag  go  down  at  Vicksburg.  I  felt  the  exultation  of  victory  then,  and  I 
feel  it  to-day  as  I  look  upon  this  splendid  building.  Looking  in  tire 
faces  of  my  old  comrades  of  the  62nd  Regiment  here  to-day,  memory 
goes  back  to  the  past,  when  hundreds  of  you  came  to  rne  at  Benton 
Barracks,  ragged,  starving,  and  freezing— s.ome  did  freeze  to  death— and 
emotions  fill  me  that  no  language  can  express.  I  cannot  sit  down  and 
think  of  those  scenes  of  suffering  without  almost  shedding  tears.  But 
happily  those  days  are  passed.  No  more  marching  with  sluggish  step 
and  plantation  gait  through  the  streets  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  amid  the 
jeers  of  your  enemies ;  no  more  crossing  the  Mississippi  on  ice ;  no  more 
sinking  steamers,  and  consequent  exposure  on  the  cold,  muddy  banks 
of  the  river ;  no  more  killing  labor  on  fortifications  at  Port  Hudson, 
Baton  Rouge  and  Morganza;  no  more  voyages  over  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
packed  like  cattle  in  the  hold  of  a  vessel ;  no  mere  weary  marches  in  the 
burning  climate  of  Texas;  no  more  death  by  the  bullet,  and  no  more 
afternoons  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,  deliberating  on  the  future 
education  of  yourselves  when  discharged  from  the  army ;  but  peace  and 
prosperity  here  with  the  result  of  those  deliberations  before  us.  Our 
enemies  predicted,  that  upon  the  disbanding  of  our  volunteer  army — 
particularly  the  colored  portion  of  it— it  would  turn  to  bands  of  ma- 
rauding murderers  and  idle  vagabonds,  and  this  Institute  was  our 
answer." 

When  Colonel  Shaw,  of  the  54th  Kegiment,  fell  at 
Fort  Wagner,  the  brave  soldiers  of  that  regiment  gladly 
contributed  to  a  fund  for  a  monument  to  his  memory, 
but  which,  upon  reflection,  was  appropriated  to  building 


512  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

the  Shaw  School  at  Charleston,  S.  C.  And  yet  all  these 
sums  sink  into  insignificance  when  compared  to  that  con- 
tributed by  the  negro  soldiers  to  the  erection  of  a  monu- 
ment to  the  memory  of  President  Lincoln,  at  the  capitol 
of  the  nation;  seventeen  hundred  of  them  gave  ten  thou- 
sand dollars.  But  let  the  record  speak  for  itself,  for  it  is 
only  a  people's  patriotism  that  can  do  such  things : 

CORRESPONDENCE  AND  STATEMENTS  OF  JAMES  E.  YEATMAN, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  WESTERN  SANITARY  COMMISSION,  RELATIVE 

TO  THE  EMANCIPATION  MONUMENT. 

"ST.  Louis,  April  26th,  1865. 
"  James  E.  Yeatman,  Esq.  : 

"MY  DEAR  SIR;  A  poor  negro  woman,  of  Marietta,  Ohio,  one  of 
those  made  free  by  President  Lincoln's  proclamation,  proposes  that  a 
monument  to  their  dead  friend  be  erected  by  the  colored  people  of  the 
United  States.  She  has  handed  to  a  person  in  Marietta  five  dollars  as 
her  contribution  for  the  purpose.  Such  a  monument  would  have  a  his- 
tory more  grand  and  touching  than  any  of  which  we  have  account. 
Would  it  not  be  well  to  take  up  this  suggestion  and  make  it  known  to 
thefreedmen? 

"Yours  truly,  T.  C.  H.  SMITH." 

Mr.  Yeatman  says : 

"In  compliance  with  General  Smith's  suggestion  I  published  his  letter, 
with  a  card,  stating  that  any  desiring  to  contribute  to  a  fund  for  such  a 
purpose,  that  the  Western  Sanitary  Commission  would  receive  the  same 
and  see  that  it  was  judiciously  appropriated  as  intended.  In  response 
to  his  communication  liberal  contributions  were  received  from  colored 
soldiers  under  the  command  of  General  J.  W.  Davidson,  head-quarters 
at  Natchez,  Miss.,  amounting  in  all  to  $12,150.  This  was  subsequently 
increased  from  other  sources  to  $16,242. 

"  MARIETTA,  OHIO,  June  29th,  1865. 

"Mr.  James  E.  Yeatman,  President  Western  Sanitary  Commission,  St. 
Louis: 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  learned,  with  the  greatest  satisfaction, 
through  Brigadier-General  T.  C.  H.  Smith  and  the  public  press  that 
you  are  devoting  your  noble  energies  in  giving  tone  and  direction  to  the 
collection  and  appropriation  of  a  fund  for  the  erection  of  the  Freedmen's 
National  Monument,  in  honor  and  memory  of  the  benefactor  and  savior 
of  their  race. 

"The  general  also  informs  me  that  you  desire,  and  have  requested 
through  him  that  the  five  dollars  deposited  with  the  Rev.  C.  H.  Battelle, 
of  this  city,  by  Charlotte  Scott,  should  be  used  as  the  original  and  foun- 
dation subscription  for  this  most  praiseworthy  purpose;  and  Mr.  Bat- 
telle assures  me  that  he  will  most  cheerfully  remit  it  to  you  this  day. 
As  a  slave-holder  by  inheritance,  and  up  to  a  period  after  the  outbreak 
of  the  rebellion,  and  as  an  ardent  admirer  of  our  lamented  president, 
the  author  of  universal  emancipation  in  America,  I  feel  an  enthusiastic 
interest  in  the  success  of  the  Freedmen's  National  Monument.  I  hope  it 
may  stand  unequalled  and  unrivalled  in  grandeur  and  magnificence.  It 


BENEVOLENCE  AND  FRUGALITY.     513 

should  be  built  essentially  by  freedmen,  and  should  be  emphatically 
national.  Every  dollar  should  come  from  the  former  slaves,  every  State 
should  furnish  a  stone,  and  the  monument  should  be  erected  at  the  capi- 
tal of  the  nation.  Nothing  could  be  better  calculated  to  stimulate  this 
downtrodden  and  abused  race  to  renewed  efforts  for  a  moral  and 
national  status. 

"Charlotte  Scott,  whose  photograph  General  Smith  will  forward, 
was  born  a  slave  in  Campbell  County,  Virginia.  She  is  about  sixty 
yea,rs  old,  but  is  very  hale  and  active.  Her  reputation  for  industry, 
intelligence,  and  moral  integrity,  has  always  been  appreciated  by  her 
friends  and  acquaintances,  both  white  and  colored.  She  was  given,  with 
other  slaves,  to  my  wife,  by  her  father,  Thomas  H.  Scott.  When  we 
received  the  news  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassination,  the  morning  after  its 
occurrence,  she  was  deeply  distressed.  In  a  conversation  with  Mrs. 
Rucker,  she  said:  '  The  colored  people  have  lost  their  best  friend  on 
earth.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  our  best  friend,  and  I  will  give  five  dollars  of 
my  wages  towards  erecting  a  monument  to  his  memory.'  She  asked  me 
who  would  be  the  best  person  to  raise  money  for  the  purpose.  I  sug- 
gested Mr.  Battelle,  and  she  gave  him  the  five  dollars. 

"I  am,  my  dear  sir,  truly  and  respectfully, 

"WILLIAM  P.  RUCKER." 

"MARIETTA,  OHIO,  June  29th,  1865. 
"  Mr.  J.  E.  Yeatman . 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  was  providentially  called  upon  by  Charlotte  Scott, 
formerly  a  slave  of  Dr.  W.  P.  Rucker,  now  living  in  this  place,  to  receive 
the  enclosed  $5,  as  the  commencement  of  a  fund  to  be  applied  to  rearing 
a  monument  to  the  memory  of  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"I  received  her  offering,  and  gave  notice  through  the  press  that  I 
would  receive  other  donations,  and  cheerfully  do  what  I  could  to  pro- 
mote so  noble  an  object.  Other  persons  have  signified  their  willingness 
to  give  when  the  measure  is  fully  inaugurated. 

"  By  the  advice  of  General  T.  C.  H.  Smith  I  herewith  forward  you 
her  contribution,  and  1  hope  to  here  from  you  upon  its  receipt,  that  I 
may  showto  Charlotte  and  others  that  the  money  has  gone  in  the  right 
direction.  After  hearing  from  you  I  hope  to  be  able  to  stir  up  the  other 
colored  folks  on  this  subject. 

"I  rejoice,  dear  sir,  that  I  have  some  connection  with  this  honorable 
movement  in  its  incipiency.  I  shall  not  fail  to  watch  its  progress  with 
thrilling  interest,  and  hope  to  live  until  the  top  stone  shall  be  laid  amid 
the  jubilant  rejoicing  of  emancipated  millions  crying  'Grace,  grace  unto  it.' 

"  Very  respectfully  yours, 

"C.  D.  BATTELLE." 

"The  publication  of  the  note  of  Mr.  Yeatman,  and  the  first  com- 
munication received  concerning  the  colored  woman's  proposed  offering, 
brought  the  following  letters  and  contributions,  showing  how  generous- 
ly the  proposition  of  Charlotte  Scott  was  responded  to  by  the  colored 
troops  stationed  at  Natchez,  Miss.  These  contributions  have  been  duly 
deposited  for  safe  keeping  towards  the  Freedmen's  National  Monument 
to  Mr.  Lincoln. 

HEAD-QUARTERS  GTH  U.  S.  COLORED  HEAVY  ARTILLERY.) 
"FORT  McPiiERSON,  Natchez,  May  19th,  1865.      / 
"James  E.  Yeatman,  President  Western  Sanitary  Commission,  St.  Louis: 
"DEAR  SIR:    I  hereby  transmit  to  you,  to  be  appropriated  to  the 
monument  to  be  erected  to  the  late  President  Lincoln,  the  sum  of  four 
thousand  two  hundred  and  forty-two  dollars,  the  gift  from  the  soldiers 

26 


514  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

and  freedmen  of  this  regiment.  Allow  me  to  say  that  I  feel  proud  of  mj 
regiment  for  their  liberal  contribution  in  honor  of  our  lamented  chief. 
Please  acknowledge  receipt. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  P.  COLEMAN, 

" Lieutenant-Colonel  commanding  6th  U.  S.  Colored  Heavy  Artillery. 
"  Amounts  as  donated  by  their  respective  companies :  Company  A, 
.$515;  Company  B,  $594;  Company  C,  $514;  Company  D,  $464 ;  Com- 
pany E,  $199;  Company  F,  $409;  Company  G,  $284;  Company  H, 
$202 ;  Company  I,  $423 ;  Company  K,  $231 ;  Company  L,  $142 ;  Com- 
pany M,  $354.  Total,  $4,242." 

"HEAD-QUARTERS  70TH  U.S.  COLORED  INFANTRY,! 
"KODNEY,  Miss.,  May  30th,  1865.        / 

"  Brevet  Major-General  J.  W.  Davidson,  commanding  District  of  Nat- 
chez, Miss. : 

"  GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  the  sum  of  two  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  forty -nine  dollars  and  fifty  cents  as  the  amount  col- 
lected, under  your  suggestion,  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  monument 
to  the  memory  of  President  Lincoln.  Every  dollar  of  this  money  has 
been  subscribed  by  the  black  enlisted  men  of  my  regiment,  which  has 
only  an  aggregate  of  six  hundred  and  eighty-three  men.  Much  more 
might  have  been  raised,  but  I  cautioned  the  officers  to  check  the  noble 
generosity  of  my  men  rather  than  stimulate  it.  Allow  me  to  add  that 
the  soldiers  expect  that  the  monument  is  to  be  built  by  black  people's 
money  exclusively.  They  feel  deeply  that  the  debt  of  gratitude  they 
owe  is  large,  and  any  thing  they  can  do  to  keep  his  *  memory  green '  will 
be  done  cheerfully  and  promptly. 

"If  there  is  a  monument  built  proportionate  to  the  veneration  with 
which  the  black  people  hold  his  memory,  then  its  summit  will  be  among 
the  clouds— the  first  to  catch  the  gleam  and  herald  the  approach  of 
coming  day,  even  as  President  Lincoln  himself  first  proclaimed  the  first 
gleam  as  well  as  glorious  light  of  universal  freedom. 

"I  am,  genera],  most  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"W.  C.  EARLES, 
"  Colonel  70th  United  States  Colored  Infantry." 

"DISTRICT  OF  NATCHEZ,  May  21st,  1865. 
"Hon.  James  E.  Yeatman  : 

"Upon  seeing  your  suggestions  in  the  Democrat  I  wrote  to  my  colo- 
nels of  colored  troops,  and  they  are  responding  most  nobly  to  the  call. 
Farrar's  regiment,  6th  United  States  Heavy  Artillery,  sent  some  $4,700. 
The  money  here  spoken  of  has  been  turned  over  to  Major  W.  C.  Luptori, 
Pay-master  U.  S.  A.,  for  you.  Please  acknowledge  receipt  through  the 
Missouri  Democrat.  The  idea  is,  that  the  monument  shall  be  raised  to 
Mr.  Lincoln's  memory  at  the  national  capital  exclusively  by  the  race  he 
has  set  free.  Very  truly  yours, 

"J.  W.  DAVIDSON,  Brevet  Major-General. 

"HEAD  PAY  DEPARTMENT,  NATCHEZ,  Miss.,  June  15th,  1865. 
"James  E.  Yeatman,  Esq.,  President  Western  Sanitary  Commission,  St. 

Louis: 

"Sm:  The  colored  soldiers  of  this  district,  Brevet  Major-General 
Davidson  commanding,  feeling  the  great  obligations  they  are  under  to 
our  late  president,  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  desiring  to  perpetuate  his  memory, 
have  contributed  to  the  erection  of  a  monument  at  the  national  capital, 
as  follows : 


BENEVOLENCE  AND  FRUGALITY.       515 

70th  United  States  Colored  Infantry,  Colonel  W.  C.  Earle $2,949.50 

Three  Companies  63d  U.  S.  Colored  Infantry— A,  C,  and  E— 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Mitchell 263.00 

Freedmen  of  Natchez 312.38 


Total $3,529.85 

"Added  to  this  Major  John  P.  Coleman,  of  the  6th  United  States 
Colored  Heavy  Artillery,  (those  that  Forrest's  men  did  not  murder  at 
Fort  Pillow),  stationed  here,  has  sent  you  nearly  five  thousand  dollars 
for  the  same  fund,  and  the  57th  United  States  Colored  Infantry  desire 
me,  at  the  next  pay-day,  to  collect  one  dollar  per  man,  which  will  swell 
the  amount  to  nearly  ten  thousand  dollars.  This  is  a  large  contribution 
from  not  quite  seventeen  hundred  men,  and  it  could  have  been  made 
larger— many  of  the  men  donating  over  half  their  pay,  and  in  some 
instances  the  whole  of  it — but  it  was  thought  best  to  limit  them. 

"  Will  you  please  publish  this,  that  the  colored  soldiers  and  their 
friends  may  know  that  their  money  has  gone  forward,  and  send  me  a 
copv  of  the  paper.  "I  am,  sir,  with  regard, 

"W.  C.  LUPTOX,  Pay-master  United  States  Navy." 

"  These  noble  contributions  are  a  striking  evidence  of  the  favor  with 
which  this  movement  is  regarded  by  the  colored  people,  and  especially 
the  brave  soldiers  (the  Phalanx  who  fought  to  maintain  their  freedom) 
of  this  oppressed  race  who  have  been  fighting  to  carry  out  the  proclama- 
tion of  their  benefactor,  securing  them  their  liberty." 

There  is  still  another  evidence  of  the  appreciation  of 
freedom  by  the  negro  soldiers  in  their  frugality.  After  the 
enlistment  of  colored  troops  became  general,  and  they 
began  to  receive  pay  and  bounties,  the  officers  command- 
ing them  readily  discovered  the  necessity  of  providing  a 
better  place  for  keeping  the  money  paid  them  than  in  their 
pocket-books  and  in  the  soldier's  knapsack.  Every  pay- 
day these  soldiers  would  carry  sums  of  money  to  their 
officers  for  safe  keeping,  until  thousands  of  dollars  were 
thus  deposited,  which  were  often  lost  in  battle.  In  August, 
1864,  General  Rufus  Saxton,  military  governor  of  South 
Carolina,  after  mature  deliberation  as  to  the  best  means 
to  be  adopted  for  the  safe  keeping  of  these  soldiers'  mon- 
ies, established  a  bank  in  his  department.  General  Butler 
established  a  similar  one  at  Norfolk,  Va.,  about  the  same 
time.  At  the  organization  of  the  Freedmen's  Savings  and 
Trust  company,  chartered  by  act  of  Congress,  these  insti- 
tutions transferred  to  the  Freedmen's  Bank  all  the  monies 
on  deposit  in  them,  as  the  war  had  ceased,  and  the  troops 
and  officers  were  being  mustered  out  of  the  United  States 
service.  The  Butler  Bank  at  Norfolk  in  July,  1865,  trans- 


516  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ferred  $7,890.  In  December  the  Saxton  Bank  at  Beaufort 
transferred  $170,000.  Thus  the  sum  of  $177,890,  belong- 
ing to  soldiers  in  two  departments  only,  was  placed  to 
their  credit,  subject  to  their  order,  in  the  new  national 
bank,  called  into  existence  by  like  motives.  This  bank 
had  branches  at  these  places.  Had  similar  banks  been 
established  in  the  other  departments  an  enormous  sum 
would  have  been  collected.  The  Freedmen's  bank,  how- 
ever, took  the  place  of  these  military  banks,  and  had  the 
confidence  of  the  soldiers  who  continued  to  deposit  in  its 
various  branches  throughout  the  south.  When  that  insti- 
tution collapsed  in  1874,  of  the  many  millions  of  dollars 
deposited  in  it,  it  is  estimated  that  two-thirds  of  the 
amount  was  the  savings  of  the  Phalanx.  There  is  now  in 
the  vaults  of  the  national  government  more  than  a  quar- 
ter of  a  million  of  dollars  belonging  to  the  Phalanx,  held 
as  unclaimed  bounty  and  pay— an  ample  sum  from  which 
to  erect  a  suitable  monument  to  commemorate  the  heroic 
devotion  and  patriotic  endeavor  of  those  who  fell  in  Free- 
dom's cause.  This  money  doubtless  belongs  to  those  who 
on  the  battle-fields  and  in  hospitals  died  for  the  country's 
honor.  These  are  some  of  the  lessons  taught  by  the 
history  of  the  Black  Phalanx. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  517 


CHAPTER  III. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

The  following  publications  have  been  of  service  in  the 
preparation  of  this  volume : 

Goodrich's  History  of  the  U.  S.          Boys  of  61.— Coffin. 
The  Great  Rebellion.— Headley.          Record  of  37th  U.  S.  C.  T. 
Record  of  the  Seventh  U.  S.  C.  T.        History  of  Virginia.— Magill. 
War  of  1812.— Rossiter.  Atlanta.— Cox. 

Negro  in  the  Rebellion.— Brown.         March  to  the  Sea.— Cox. 
Butler  in  New  Orleans — Parton.          Lincoln  and  Slavery. — Arnold. 
American  Conflict.— Greeley.  Ramsey's  History  of  America. 

Historical  Research. — Livermore.       Grimshaw's  History  of  the  U.  S. 
Record  55th  Regt.  Mass.  Vols.  Attack  on  Petersburg. — Congress. 

Patriotism  of  Colored  Americans.      Fort  Pillow  Massacre.— Congress. 

Campaigns  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. — Swinton. 

Army  Life  in  a  Black  Regiment.— Higginson. 

Anti-Slavery  Measures  in  Congress.— Wilson. 

Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Revolution. — Niles. 

Military  History  of  U.  S.  Grant.— Badeau. 

First  and  Second  Year  of  the  War. — Pollard. 

Report  of  the  Conduct  of  the  War. — Congress. 

Bryant's  Popular  History  of  the  United  States. 

Virginia  Campaigns  of  '64  and  '65.— Humphrey. 

Life  and  Public  Service  of  Charles  Sumner.— Lester. 

Boys  and  Girls  Magazine,  1869.— Oliver  Optic. 

Burnside  and  the  Ninth  Army  Corps. — Woodbury. 

Military  History  of  Kansas.— J.  B.  McAfee. 

History  of  the  Great  Rebellion.— Kettail. 


518  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 


APPENDIX. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  29TH  CONNECTICUT  NEGRO  VOLUNTEERS. 

"HEAD-QUARTERS  29TH  CONNECTICUT  COLORED  VOLUNTEERS,! 
HARTFORD,  CONN.,  November  29th,  1865.       / 

"Brigadier-General  H.  J.  MORSE,  Adjutant-General,  State  of  Connecticut. 

"  GENERAL  :  In  obedience  to  your  request  I  have  the  honor  to  sub- 
mit the  following  as  the  history  of  the  29th  Regiment  Connecticut  Vol- 
unteers (Colored) : 

"Recruiting  for  this  regiment  began  early  in  the  autumn  of  1863, 
and  by  the  latter  part  of  January,  1864,  the  maximum  number  had 
been  enlisted.  During  its  organization  the  regiment  was  stationed  at 
Fair  Haven,  Conn.  On  the  8th  of  March,  1864,  the  regiment  was  for- 
mally mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

"No  field  officer  had  as  yet  reported,  but  on  the  12th  of  March 
William  B.  Wooster,  formerly  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  20th  Connecticut 
Volunteers,  reported  to  the  regiment,  and  soon  after  assumed  command. 

"  On  the  19th  day  of  March  the  regiment  formed  in  line,  and  after 
the  presentation  of  a  flag  by  the  colored  ladies  of  New  Haven,  marched 
on  board  the  transport  "  Warrior." 

"  On  the  20th  we  steamed  out  of  New  Haven  harbor,  and  after  a 
pleasant  voyage  disembarked  at  Annapolis,  Md. 

"The  regiment  was  as  yet  unarmed,  but  on  the  7th  of  April  we 
received  the  full  complement  of  the  best  Springfield  rifled  muskets. 

"At  this  time  the  9th  Corps  was  assembling  at  Annapolis,  and  to  it 
we  were  assigned,  but  on  the  8th  of  April  the  regiment  received  orders  to 
proceed  to  Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  and  on  the  9th  of  April  we  left  Annapolis 
for  that  place.  Arriving  at  Hilton  Head  we  were  ordered  to  Beaufort, 
S.  C.,  where  we  disembarked  on  the  13th  of  April.  The  regiment  had,  up 
to  this  time,  learned  nothing  of  drill  or  discipline,  so  that  there  was 
plenty  of  work  to  be  done. 

"After  a  fine  camp  had  been  laid  out  the  work  of  converting  the 
raw  material  of  the  regiment  into  good  soldiers  was  vigorously  and  sys- 
tematically commenced.  The  men  learned  rapidly,  and  were  faithful 
in  the  performance  of  their  duties.  While  here,  although  the  utmost 
attention  was  paid  to  all  that  pertained  to  the  health  of  the  regiment, 


APPENDIX.  519 

much  sickness  prevailed,  the  change  of  climate  telling  severely  upon  the 
untried  soldiers.  In  less  than  two  months  a  decided  improvement  in 
drill  and  discipline  had  been  effected,  and  our  dress  parades  began  to 
attract  marked  attention.  But  as  yet  our  soldiers  had  not  fired  a  shot 
at  the  rebellion,  and  had  still  to  be  tried  in  the  fiery  ordeal  of  battle. 
At  last  events  on  the  bloody  fields  of  Virginia  determined  our  destiny. 

"The  battles  fought  during  the  summer  campaign  had  demonstrated 
that  negro  troops  could  fight  well ;  they  had  also  shown  that  more  men 
were  required  in  Virginia,  and  that  we  could  not  await  the  slow  process 
of  a  draft  to  get  them.  The  success  of  the  entire  campaign  seemed  dubi- 
ous, and  the  army,  after  all  its  gigantic  toils  and  losses,  found  itself 
confronted  by  strong  lines  of  works,  manned  by  a  brave  and  resolute 
foe.  Under  these  circumstances  the  only  policy  was  concentration  in 
Virginia.  Accordingly  all  the  troops  that  could  be  spared  from  other 
points  were  ordered  to  Virginia. 

"Among  the  number  was  the  29th  Connecticut  Volunteers  (colored). 
On  the  8th  day  of  August,  1864,  the  regiment  left  Beaufort,  S.  C.,  and 
disembarked  at  Bermuda  Hundreds,  Va.,  on  the  14th  of  the  same  month. 
This  regiment  was  brigaded  with  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th  United  States 
Colored  Troops,  forming  with  other  colored  regiments  a  division  of  the 
10th  Army  Corps.  We  arrived  just  as  the  active  movements  terminating 
in  the  capture  of  the  Wei  don  Railroad  had  commenced.  That  railroad 
being  on  the  then  extreme  left  of  our  line  it  was  deemed  advisable,  as  a 
feint,  to  keep  the  enemy  well  engaged  on  our  right.  For  this  purpose 
the  2d  and  10th  Army  Corps  had  been  assembled,  as  secretly  as  possible, 
near  Bermuda  Hundreds,  and  on  the  morning  of  August  14th  had 
advanced  upon  the  enemy's  works  near  Deep  Bottom. 

"This  regiment  accompanied  the  force  as  far  as  Deep  Bottom,  where, 
with  the  7th  United  States  Colored  Troops  and  one  light  battery,  it  was 
left  to  defend  the  post,  under  command  of  Colonel  Wooster.  The  two 
corps  moved  farther  to  the  right  and  front,  and  soon  became  warmly 
engaged.  During  the  fighting  General  Butler,  desirous  to  ascertain  the 
strength  and  position  of  the  enemy  immediately  in  our  front,  ordered 
Colonel  Wooster  to  make  a  reconnoissance  with  this  regiment  and  the 
7th  United  States  Colored  Troops. 

"This  was  successfully  accomplished,  the  men  in  this  their  first 
encounter  with  the  enemy,  displaying  great  coolness  and  bravery. 
Soon  after  this  we  were  relieved  and  ordered  to  join  our  brigade,  then 
actively  engaged  at  the  front. 

"  We  set  out  in  a  drenching  rain  storm,  and  after  a  tiresome  march 
reached  the  battle-field  about  dark.  Our  forces  had  suffered  a  bloody 
repulse,  and  had  just  finished  burying  our  dead  under  a  flag  of  truce. 
The  burial  parties  with  their  bloody  stretchers  were  returning,  and  the 
sharp  crack  of  the  rifle  began  again  to  be  heard,  and  so  continued  with, 
more  or  less  fierceness  during  the  night. 

"At  daylight  hostilities,  except  on  the  picket  line,  were  not  resumed. 
The  opposing  forces  lay  and  narrowly  watched  each  other's  movements. 


520  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

Towards  night,  however,  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  massing 
in  our  immediate  front,  and  just  before  sunset  they  commenced  the 
attack.  The  contest  was  sharp  and  short;  a  fierce  roar  of  musketry, 
mingled  with  wild  yells  and  the  deep  bass  of  cannon ;  a  fainter  yell  and 
volleys  less  steady ;  finally  a  few  scattering  shots  and  the  attack  was 
repulsed.  As  this  movement  of  the  two  corps  on  the  right  was  merely  a 
feint  to  cover  more  active  operations  on  the  left,  it  was  resolved  to  with- 
draw the  forces  during  the  night.  The  movement  began  just  after  dark. 
We  marched  to  the  Bermuda  Hundreds  front,  and  pitched  our  camp  near 
Point  of  Rocks.  On  the  24th  of  August,  1864,  the  10th  Corps  relieved 
the  18th  Corps  in  front  of  Petersburg.  Here  we  remained,  doing  duty  in 
the  trenches,  until  the  24th  of  September,  at  which  time  the  10th  Corps 
marched  to  the  rear  to  rest  a  few  days  preparatory  to  an  advance  upon 
Richmond  then  in  contemplation.  While  here  our  ragged,  dirty,  and 
shoeless  men  were  clad,  washed,  and  shod  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

"At  length,  at  about  sundown,  September  28th,  the  corps  broke 
camp,  and  we  once  more  started  for  Deep  Bottom,  which  place  we 
reached  about  four  A.  M.,  September  29th. 

"Just  as  the  first  faint  glimmerings  of  light  were  visible  the  move- 
ment against  Richmond  commenced.  After  pushing  through  a  deep 
wood  our  brigade  formed  in  line  of  battle  near  the  New  Market  Road, 
under  fire  of  a  rebel  battery.  We  had  scarcely  formed  when  it  was  found 
that  the  rebel  lines  had  been  broken  further  to  the  left,  and  we  were 
ordered  forward  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  foe.  Three  successive  lines  had 
been  carried  by  impetuous  charges,  and  during  that  summer  forenoon 
the  enemy  on  all  sides  was  pressed  steadily  back.  By  noon  Fort  Harri- 
son, a  large  powerful  work,  and  a  key  to  a  large  portion  of  the  rebel  line, 
had  been  carried  at  the  bayonet  point  by  the  18th  Corps,  and  we  found 
ourselves  in  front  of  the  strongest  line  of  the  outer  defenses  of  Richmond. 
An  assault  was  immediately  ordered.  Two  regiments  of  the  brigade  to 
which  this  regiment  was  attached, — the  7th  Maryland  and  8th  Pennsyl- 
vania— were  selected  to  make  the  attack  on  Fort  Gilmer,  the  29th  Con- 
necticut and  9th  Maryland  being  held  in  reserve.  A  charge  was  made 
on  the  double-quick  through  a  felled  forest,  half  a  mile  in  extent.  They 
were  met  by  a  murderous  enfilading  fire,  and  after  an  obstinate  struggle 
were  forced  back.  They  re-formed  quickly  and  again  charged,  this  time 
up  the  very  guns  of  the  fort.  After  a  most  heroic  fight  they  were  again 
compelled  to  retire.  Some  of  the  companies  sprang  into  the  ditch,  and 
refused  to  surrender  even  after  their  companions  had  been  driven  back. 
They  continued  the  unequal  contest  until  dark,  when  we  were  forced  to 
leave  the  brave  men  to  their  fate. 

"After  the  repulse  of  the  second  charge,  the  brigade  formed  under  a 
galling  fire,  preparatory  to  another  charge,  but  after  a  careful  survey 
of  the  enemy's  position,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  delay  the  attack 
for  the  present.  Darkness  soon  after  coming  on,  the  troops  were  quietlj 
withdrawn  to  one  of  the  captured  lines  a  short  distance  in  our  rear. 
Next  morning  vigorous  measures  were  at  once  taken  to  reverse  this  line, 


APPENDIX.  521 

and  to  render  it  impregnable  against  a  counter  attack,  which  was  con- 
stantly expected.  While  busily  engaged  in  this  work  the  rebels  opened 
upon  us  with  a  fierce  artillery  fire.  A  powerful  force,  said  to  be  under 
the  direction  of  General  Lee  in  person,  had  been  silently  massed  in  front 
of  Fort  Harrison,  screened  from  our  view  by  the  inequality  of  the 
ground.  They  soon  made  their  presence  known,  however,  and  advanced 
with  determination.  They  were  met  by  a  fire  that  sent  them  reeling 
back  with  immense  loss.  Again  they  formed,  and  were  again  driven 
back.  Another  charge  more  furious,  and  another  repulse  more  bloody, 
finally  convinced  them  that  the  attempt  was  useless,  and  we  were  left  in 
possession  of  our  victories  of  the  previous  day.  After  this,  compara- 
tive quiet  reigned  for  a  few  days,  but  they  were  not  days  of  idleness ;  the 
captured  lines  had  to  be  reversed  and  heavy  picket  duty  to  be  done,  and 
of  these  duties  this  regiment  had  its  full  share. 

"  On  the  7th  of  October,  the  enemy  made  a  dash  on  our  right,  and 
at  first  met  with  considerable  success.  This  regiment  was  detached  from 
the  brigade,  and  ordered  to  the  right  to  assist  in  repelling  the  attack. 
Before  reaching  that  point  the  attack  had  been  repulsed  and  the  fighting 
was  nearly  over.  We  formed  a  skirmish  line  and  remained  until  mid- 
night, when  we  returned  to  the  brigade. 

"On  the  13th  of  October  a  reconnoissance  was  made  upon  the 
enemy's  lines  in  front  of  our  right,  in  which  this  regiment  took  an  active 
part.  The  fighting  was  severe,  and  the  loss  considerable.  The  men 
behaved  like  veterans :  but  the  wary  foe  behind  his  strong  works  bade 
defiance  to  our  small  force,  and  so,  after  fifteen  hours  of  fighting,  at 
night  we  returned  to  camp.  On  the  27th  of  October  a  movement  com- 
menced on  our  extreme  left  which  required  the  active  co-operation  of 
the  Army  of  the  James,  that  the  enemy  might  be  kept  busily  engaged 
at  all  points.  This  regiment,  as  part  of  the  force  selected  for  this  pur- 
pose, set  out  early  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  and  came  in  contact  with 
the  outposts  of  the  enemy.  Deploying  as  skirmishers,  after  a  short, 
sharp  action,  we  drove  the  enemy  within  entrenchments.  After  driving 
in  the  skirmish  line,  we  remained  in  front  of  the  enemy's  works,  picking 
his  men  as  opportunity  offered,  and  keeping  him  engaged  generally.  We 
were  in  an  open  field,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  an  enemy  protected  by 
strong  earthworks.  The  men  behaved  very  well;  for  twenty-three  hours 
they  held  this  position,  exposing  themselves  with  the  most  reckless 
indifference,  taking  the  ammunition  from  the  bodies  of  their  dead  and 
wounded  companions  when  their  own  was  exhausted,  and  in  all  respects, 
if  valor  be  any  criteron  of  manhood,  proving  themselves  to  be  'good 
men  and  true.'  At  length  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  the  troops  were 
withdrawn,  and  we  returned  to  camp. 

"On  the  19th  day  of  November,  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  garrison 
certain  detached  forts  on  the  New  Market  road,  which  were  considered 
of  great  importance  on  account  of  the  relation  they  bore  to  the  whole 
line  north  of  the  James.  That  this  regiment  was  sent  to  hold  them, 
was  certainly  a  marked  tribute  to  its  valor  and  efficiency,  and  was 


522  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

expressly  given  to  it  on  that  account.  We  remained  here  until  the  for- 
mation of  the  25th  Army  Corps,  when  on  the  5th  day  of  December, 
1864  we  removed  to  the  left  of  Fort  Harrison,  forming  a  part  of  the 
2nd  Brigade,  1st  Division  of  that  Corps. 

"Here  we  remained  during  the  rest  of  the  winter,  picketing,  drilling, 
building  forts,  and  making  roads,  and  preparing  for  the  spring  cam- 
paign. One  division  had  been  sent  to  Fort  Fisher,  and  but  two  were 
with  the  Army  of  the  James.  At  length,  late  in  the  month  of  March, 
1865,  one  of  the  remaining  divisions  was  sent  to  the  left,  while  the  divis- 
ion to  which  this  regiment  was  attached,  together  with  one  division  of 
the  24th  Army  Corps,  was  left  to  guard  the  defences  north  of  the  James. 
The  campaign  opened  vigorously.  The  last  week  in  March  brought  a 
series  of  splendid  victories  to  the  Union  armies,  and  we  began  to  feel 
that  the  'end'  so  ardently  desired  was  near  at  hand.  This  regiment 
had  been  placed  in  Fort  Harrison,  the  most  important  position  on  our 
line.  The  fort  was  said  to  be  mined,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  rebels 
would  make  an  attack  in  force  near  that  point.  On  Saturday  and  Sun- 
day, April  1st  and  2nd,  the  fighting  on  the  left  had  been  terrific  but 
generally  favorable  to  us.  We  were  ordered  to  observe  with  great  care 
all  movements  of  the  enemy  in  our  front. 

"At  sunset  of  April  2nd,  we  witnessed  the  last  rebel  dress  parade  in 
Virginia  from  the  magazine  of  Fort  Harrison.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  April  3rd,  1865,  the  picket  fires  of  the  enemy  began  to  wane,  and  an 
ominous  silence  to  prevail  within  his  lines.  Very  soon  deserters  began 
to  come  within  our  lines  who  reported  that  the  lines  in  our  front  were 
being  evacuated.  In  a  little  while  we  saw  the  barracks  of  Fort  Darling 
in  flames,  and  tremendous  explosions  followed  each  other  in  rapid  suc- 
cession. The  earliest  dawn  revealed  to  us  the  deserted  lines,  with  their 
guns  spiked  and  their  tents  standing.  We  were  ordered  to  advance  at 
once,  but  cautiously.  The  troops  jumped  over  the  breast-works,  and, 
avoiding  the  torpedoes,  filed  through  the  rebel  abbatis,  and  then  began 
the  race  for  Richmond. 

"  No  words  can  describe  the  enthusiasm  of  the  troops  as  they  found 
themselves  fairly  within  the  rebel  lines,  and  tramping  along  the  bloody 
roads  leading  to  the  'capitol  of  secessia.'  The  honor  of  first  entering 
that  city  was  most  earnestly  contested;  many  regiments  threw  away 
everything  but  their  arms,  while  this  regiment  'double-quicked'  in 
heavy  march  ing  orders.  Two  companies  of  this  regiment — G  and  C — had 
been  sent  forward  as  skirmishers  reaching  the  city  close  on  the  heels  of 
our  cavalry,  and  were,  without  the  slightest  doubt,  the  first  companies 
of  infantry  to  enter  the  city.  Through  the  heat  and  dust  the  troops 
struggled  on,  and  at  last,  as  we  came  in  full  view  of  the  city,  the  air  was 
rent  with  such  cheers  as  only  the  brave  men,  who  had  fought  so  long 
and  so  nobly  for  that  city  could  give.  Since  that  time  our  history 
has  been  blessedly  unfruitful  in  stirring  events.  We  remained  in  Rich- 
mond for  a  few  days,  and  were  then  ordered  to  Petersburg ;  from  here 
•we  went  to  Point  Lookout,  Md.,  where  we  remained  until  the  25th  Corps 


APPENDIX.  523 

was  ordered  to  Texas.  We  embarked  for  Texas  on  the  10th  day  of 
June  1865,  arriving  at  Brazos  de  Santiago  July  3rd,  1865.  From 
Brazos  we  marched  to  Brownsville,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  where  we  contin- 
ued until  ordered  to  Hartford,  Conn.,  to  be  mustered  out.  On  the  26th 
day  of  October,  1865,  we  left  Brownsville  for  Hartford,  where  the  regi- 
ment was  discharged  and  paid  on  the  25th  day  of  November,  1865. 

"The  following  is  a  report  of  changes  and  casualties  in  the  29th 
Regiment  Connecticut  Volunteers,  (colored),  from  date  of  organization 
to  date  of  discharge  : 

Gain  by  recruits 8  officers,  210  enlisted  men. 


Loss  "  discharge 5 

"      "  dismissal...,  .  1 


desertion. 


died  of  disease 1 

"       wounds 1 

by  killed  in  battle.. 


121 

103 

153 

21 

24 


210 
422 


Promotion  into  other  organizations  5 

Total  gain 8 

"       loss 13 

Wounded,  officers,  6;  men,  102.    Captured,  officer,  1;  missing,  none. 

"It  will  be  necessary  to  remark  here  that  fully  one  hundred  per  cent 
of  our  4esertions  occurred  while  at  New  Haven,  and  during  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  regiment  very  few  desertions  occurred  after  we  left  the  State. 
Our  total  of  killed  and  wounded  was — enlisted  men,  123;  officers,  6. 
The  officer  who  was  captured  eventually  re-joined  us.  The  officers  lost 
by  promotion  into  other  organizations  were — Lieutenant-Colonel  H.  C. 
Ward,  promoted  to  be  colonel  of  the  31st  United  States  Colored  Troops; 
Major  F.  E.Camp,  promoted  to  be  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  29th  United 
States  Colored  Troops;  Captain  E.  W.  Bacon,  promoted  to  be  major  of 
the  117th  United  States  Colored  Troops;  Assistant  Surgeon  Crandall, 
promoted  to  be  surgeon  of  the  33d  United  States  Colored  Troops;  1st 
Lieutenant  H.  H.  Brown,  promoted  to  be  captain  of  the  1st  United 
States  Colored  Troops ;  2d  Lieutenant  Edward  Coe,  promoted  to  be  1st 
lieutenant  and  adjutant  of  the  27th  United  States  Colored  Troops. 

"Thus  have  I  attempted  to  trace  the  history  of  this  regiment.  I 
have  done  this  with  some  degree  of  minuteness,  owing  to  the  fact  that, 
as  we  were  considered  a  United  States  organization  less  can  be  learned 
concerning  us  from  the  reports  of  the  adjutant-general  of  the  State  than 
concerning  any  other  Connecticut  organization,  And  as  the  employment 
of  colored  troops  was  at  first  tried  as  a  grand  experiment,  the  people  of 
Connecticut  may  bedesirous  to  know  how  far,  in  the  case  of  their  colored 
regiment,  that  experiment  has  been  successful.  Justice,  too,  demands 
that  those  who  are  the  most  competent  judges— those  who  have  been 
with  the  colored  troops  on  the  march  and  in  the  battle— should  give 
their  testimony  to  the  loyalty  and  valor  of  this  despised  race.  They 
went  forth  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Union  when  there  was  every  thing 
to  discourage  even  the  bravest.  Both  officers  and  men  knew,  that  should 
they  escape  death  on  the  battle-field  a  fate  awaited  them,  if  captured, 


524  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

from  which  death  on  the  battle-field  would  have  been  a  glorious  relief. 
The  poor  rights  of  a  soldier  were  denied  to  them.  Their  actions  were 
narrowly  watched,  and  the  slightest  faults  severely  commented  upon. 
In  spite  of  all  this  the  negro  soldier  fought  willingly  and  bravely,  and 
with  his  rifle  alone  he  has  vindicated  his  manhood,  and  stands  confessed 
to-day  as  second  in  bravery  to  none. 

"I  am,  general,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"DAVID  TORRANCE, 
"(Late)  Lieutenant-Colonel  Commanding  29th  C.  7." 


DIARY  OF  THE  THIRD  REGIMENT  DURING  THE  SIEGE  OF 
PORT  HUDSON. 

"May  1st,  1863.— Regiment  broke  camp  at  Fort  William,  Baton 
Rouge,  at  5  A.  M.  ;  marched  out  of  Bayou  Monticino  on  the  road  to  Port 
Hudson.  In  the  evening  Company  G,  under  Lieutenant  Quinn,  was 
detailed  for  picket  duty  on  the  Clinton  Road.  Colonel  promised  to 
encamp  close  by  with  the  rest  of  the  regiment,  but  instead  of  doing  so 
he  fell  back  to  the  junction  of  the  Clinton  and  Port  Hudson  Roads,  thus 
leaving  the  rebels  a  fine  chance  to  cross  the  bayou  and  cut  off  Company 
G  from  all  support.  Lieutenant  Quinn  was  doubtful  of  the  colonel,  and 
to  satisfy  himself  sent  2d  Lieutenant  Frederick  Dame  with  twenty  men 
back  to  the  woods  to  see  how  things  were.  Lieutenant  Dame  found  that 
Colonel  Nelson  had  retreated  back  to  Baton  Rouge  and  reported.  Lieu- 
tenant Quinn,  feeling  that  if  attacked  during  the  night  he  would  not 
receive  aid  from  the  regiment,  changed  his  position  from  the  place 
assigned  in  the  woods  by  Colonel  Nelson,  to  one  300  yards  further  down 
in  the  woods,  and  on  the  road-side.  He  then  threw  out  his  pickets  in  all 
directions,  but  only  a  short  distance  from  the  remainder  of  thecompany 
who  were  held  in  reserve.  Every  man  was  on  that  night.  Occasionally 
horsemen  were  seen  in  the  clearing,  but  as  they  did  not  appear  to  know 
of  our  company's  proximity  the  pickets  did  not  fire  on  them. 

'12th.— Had  a  slight  skirmish. 

'  13th.— Companies  G  and  E,  under  Lieutenant  Quinn,  went  on  a 
reconnoissance ;  returned  at  midnight. 

'  14th. — All  quiet  in  camp. 

'loth. — Fell  back  to  Bayou  Monticino. 

'16th. — Commenced  to  build  a  second  bridge  at  Monticino  Bayou. 

'17th. — Company  G,  Lieutenant  Dame,  and  Company  E,  Lieutenant 
John  Keefe,  went  on  a  scout  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Quinn,  cap- 
tured one  horse,  cattle,  and  had  a  skirmish  with  rebel  pickets. 

"18th. — Company  G  on  picket  ordered  to  block  the  road  with  felled 
trees,  connecting  the  Clinton  and  Bayou  Sara  roads,  to  prevent  the  rebel 
cavalry  and  artillery  getting  in  the  rear  of  Dudley's  brigade,  who  were 
camped  near  Plains  Store. 

"19th.— Colonel  Nelson  and  Lieutenant  Quinn  rode  to  Dudley's 
head-quarters.  The  regiment  marched  two  miles  nearer  to  Port  Hud- 
son in  the  evening;  were  ordered  back  and  bivouacked  that  night. 

"20th.— At  10  P.  M.  again  for  Port  Hudson.  After  hours  of  hard 
marching  in  heavy  order  in  a  hot  sun  on  dusty  roads  and  very  little 
water  to  drink,  the  regiment  camped  at  dark  in  the  left  of  the  Union 
line  on  the  road  leading  to  Springfield  landing. 

"  21st.— Battle  of  Plains  Store.  During  the  morning  there  were 
rumors  of  a  fight,  as  the  rebels  were  determined  to  prevent  a  junction  of 
of  the  force  under  Augur  and  Grover,  of  Banks'  army,  who  were  moving 
down  from  St.  Francis.  This  brought  on  the  above-named  battle,  in 


APPENDIX.  525 

which  the  negro  regiment  held  the  extreme  left,  and  thus  prevented  the 
rebels  getting  in  the  rear  of  the  Union  troops. 

"22d. — Companies  A  and  G  drove  back  some  rebel  pickets,  capturing 
one  man,  horse,  equipments,  and  two  rifles.  The  man  was  thrown  by 
his  horse  and  was  badly  hurl;,  his  head  striking  against  a  tree. 

"23d. — We  formed  a  junction  to-day  with  Banks,  and  Port  Hudson 
is  invested. 

"  24th. — Companies  E  and  G,  under  Captain  Blake,  on  a  scout. 

"25th.— To-day  the  regiment  marched  from  the  extreme  left  to  the 
extreme  right  of  the  Union  line,  a  hard  long  tramp  again  in  heavy 
order.  At  night  we  encamped  near  Sandy  Creek,  close  to  the  Mississippi. 
Each  man  had  to  carry  his  own  baggage.  This  regiment  was  never 
given  any  wagons. 

"  26th. — At  Sandy  Creek  protecting  men  laying  the  pontoon  bridge. 
Skirmishing  all  day  with  the  rebels.  The  boys  are  getting  used  to 
fighting. 

"27th. — Storming  the  batteries.  The  negro  soldiers  prove  the  bravest 
of  the  brave.  To-day  was  fought  one  of  the  most  desperate  battles  on 
record.  Our  brigade,  six  companies  of  the  1st,  and  nine  companies  of 
3rd  Regiment  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  commenced  fighting  at  quarter 
of  an  hour  before  6  A.  M.  The  1st,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bassett, 
advanced  in  skirmish  line  up  through  the  wood  and  soon  drew  the 
enemy's  fire.  The  3rd  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Finnegass,  were  in  line 
of  battle  about  fifty  yards  in  rear  of  the  first,  the  whole  command 
under  Colonel  John  A.  Nelson,  of  the  3rd  Regiment.  The  rebels  opened 
with  infantry  fire  and  shells  at  short  range,  and  their  fire  was  very  effec- 
tive, and  for  a  short  time  the  first,  which  was  in  danger  of  utter  des- 
truction, wavered,  when  Colonel  Bassett  and  his  colored  officers  moved 
among  the  men  encouraging  them  by  their  own  fearless  examples.  At 
this  crisis,  Colonel  Finnegass  sent  forward  his  four  left  companies,  under 
Captain  John  E.  Quiun,  to  support  the  1st.  Captain  Quinn  moved  up 
in  good  order,  placing  his  left  company  under  Lieutenant  John  O'Keefe 
so  as  to  face  the  bridge  on  his  left,  held  by  the  rebels  in  rifle-pits,  Finne- 
gass keeping  the  other  five  companies  well  in  hand,  to  use  them  when 
most  needed.  When  within  pistol  shot  of  the  fortifications,  to  their 
dismay  they  were  stopped— not  by  the  rebels,  but  by  a  back  flow  of  the 
river.  The'  water  was  not  more  than  forty  feet  across,  but  over  eight 
feet  deep.  To  cross  this  without  boat  or  bridge  was  impossible,  particu- 
larly under  such  a  terrible  fire  as  the  rebels  poured  upon  them  in  front 
and  on  both  flanks.  On  the  left  the  rebels  were  actually  in  their  rear 
so  far  had  the  gallant  fellows  advanced.  The  slaughter  was  now  be- 
coming fearful.  Colonel  Finnegass  at  this  juncture  asked  Captain 
Quinn  if  he  could  cross  the  water;  Quinn  called  on  volunteers  to  follow 
him.  The  whole  that  was  left  of  his  own  company,  G,  and  Lieutenant 
O'Keefe  with  Company  E,  responded  to  his  call,  and  in  they  plunged,  the 
men  holding  their  rifles  and  cartridge  boxes  above  their  heads.  In  the 
mean  time  Bassett  and  Finnegass  (whose  men  were  lying  down)  kept  a 
continual  fire  on  the  rebel  gunners  and  drove  them  from  their  guns,  but 
the  water  was  too  much  for  the  men,  and  only  35  or  40— with  Quinn 
and  O'Keefe  and  Lieutenants  Burnham  and  Dame — succeeded  in  cross- 
ing. This  handful  actually  followed  their  reckless  leader  up  to  the  very 
cannon's  mouth,  and  for  15  or  20  minutes  held  the  whole  rebel  battery 
in  their  hands.  Colonel  Finnegass  seeing  that  in  a  few  minutes  more 
his  brave  men  would  be  destroyed,  rushed  into  the  water  and  ordered 
Quinn  to  fall  back,  as  a  regiment  of  rebels  were  clambering  over  the 
works  to  get  in  their  rear.  The  brave  fellows  fell  back,  but  alas,  few 
of  them  ever  answered  roll-call  again.  Out  of  the  band  but  six  re-crossed 
alive,  and  of  these,  Lieutenants  O'Keefe,  Burnham  and  Sergeants  Vin- 
cent and  Taylor,  who  were  wounded;  Quinn  and  Dame  were  the  only 


526  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

ones  unhurt.  The  whole  regiment  now  fell  back  about  600  yards,  in  the 
shelter  of  the  woods.  Six  times  we  advanced,  hoping  to  find  some  spot 
where  the  men  could  cross,  but  in  vain.  We  entered  this  fight  with  1080 
men,  and  lost  371  killed  and  150  wounded ;  total  loss,  421.  The  rebels 
shelled  us  with  their  heavy  guns,  On  our  front  were  artillery  and  infan- 
try;  on  our  left  a  wooded  ridge  full  of  riflemen.  We  had  two  six-pound- 
ers ;  one  of  them  was  dismounted  early  in  the  fight,  and  the  other  the 
gunners  ran  out  of  range,  it  being  of  no  use. 

"Now,  why  were  the  colored  troops  left  unsupported?  Wrhy  were 
th^ey  sent  on  such  hopeless  missions?  Why  were  the  officers  informed 
by  General  D wight  that  there  were  clear  grounds  beyond  Sandy  Creek? 
There  were  white  troops  who  could  have  been  sent  to  their  support;  the 
officers  expected  to  fight  the  rebels  but  met  the  river.  Colonel  Nelson 
played  General  to  perfection;  during  the  whole  battle  he  remained  on 
the  safe  side  of  Sandy  ('reek,  and  had  his  corps  of  orderlies  to  attend 
him ;  in  plain  words  he  kept  his  men  under  fire  from  quarter  before  six 
A.  M.  ,  till  seven  p.  M.  During  the  day  he  never  saw  a  rebel's  face  or 
back.  *  *  The  heroes  Of  the  day  were  the  men ;  not  one  of  them 
showed  the  "white  feather."  Colonel  Bassett  and  his  colored  officers  of 
the  1st  were  as  brave  as  any  men  who  ever  drew  a  sword,  and  so  were 
Finnegass,  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  3rd,  and  Captains  Smith,  Daly, 
Masterson  and  others.  Lieutenants  O'Keefe,  Burnham,  Wiley,  Griggs, 
Emory,  W^estervelt  and  Dame  of  the  3rd,  and  Captain  Quinn,  who  com- 
manded the  left  wing  and  led  the  storming  column  of  the  3rd.  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Bassett  was  formerly  of  the  4th  Mississippi  Regiment; 
Colonel  Nelson  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Finnegass,  were  both  of  Irish 
parentage;  Captain  Daily  and  Lieutenant  Emory, of  the  31st  Massachu- 
setts, Lieutenant  O'Keefe  of  the  9th  and  Burnham,  of  the  13th  Connec- 
ticut, Masterson  and  Wiley,  of  the  26th  Massachusetts,  Company  A,  of 
the  3rd,  were  on  detached  service.  Captain  John  E.  Quinn  is  a  native 
of  Lowell,  Mass.;  born  April  22nd,  1837  came  from  the  30th  Massachu- 
setts, in  which  he  was  orderly  of  Company  B. 


A  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  writing,  says : 

"The  more  I  see  of  our  colored  regiments,  and  the  more  I  converse 
with  our  soldiers,  the  more  convinced  I  am  that  upon  them  we  must 
ultimately  rely  as  the  principle  source  of  our  strength  in  these  latitudes. 
It  is  perfect  nonsense  for  any  one  to  attempt  to  talk  away  the  broad 
fact,  evident  as  the  sun  at  noonday,  that  these  men  are  capable  not  only 
of  making  good  soldiers,  but  the  very  best  of  soldiers.  The  Third 
Louisiana  Native  Guard,  Colonel  Nelson,  are  encamped  here,  and  a  more 
orderly,  disciplined,  robust,  and  effective  set  of  men  I  defy  any  one  to 
produce. 

"An  old  European  officer,  one  who  has  followed  the  profession  of 
arms  from  his  very  boyhood,  said  to  me  to-day :  '  In  one  essential 
respect,  sir,  I  believe  that  in  a  short  time  these  colored  soldiers  will  sur- 
pass any  we  have  in  our  army — I  mean  in  subordination — without  which 
no  army  can  be  effective.  We  are  in  the  habit  of  carrying  our  citizenship 
with  us  into  the  field,  and  that  begets  an  amount  of  undue  familiarity 
between  officers  and  men  that  is  often  destructive  of  obedience.  Toward 
the  black  man  we  feel  none  of  these  delicate  sentiments  of  equality,  and 
he,  on  his  part,  has  always  been  accustomed  to  be  commanded.  Beside 
this  he  is  acclimated,  knows  the  country  thoroughly,  and  if  called  upon 
to  fight  will  fight  in  earnest,  for  he  knows  that  if  taken  prisoner  he  will 
meet  no  mercy.' 

"Colonel  Nelson,  anxious  to  have  an  opportunity  of  exhibiting  to 
the  world  what  his  command  is  capable  of,  and  thus  put  their  manhood 
beyond  all  question,  has  implored  General  Banks  to  put  him  in  the  fore- 


APPENDIX.  527 

most  point  of  danger  in  the  coming  struggle,  and  says  that  his  men  are 
as  ready  as  himself  to  stake  their  lives  upon  the  result;  but  the  general 
— doubtless  acting  upon  explicit  orders — says  they  must,  at  present  at 
least,  be  confined  to  manning  the  fortifications  here. 

"  I  am  happy  to  say  that  the  feeling  toward  these  colored  regiments 
throughout  the  army  is  undergoing  the  most  rapid  and  extraordinary 
changes.    Soldiers  that  only  a  few  months,  nay,  weeks  ago,  would  have 
flown  into  a  furious  passion  at  the  bare  idea  of  a  black  man  carrying  a    \ 
musket  like  themselves,  now  say,  '  O,  if  you  are  going  to  give  them  white  '"> 
officers  that  is  another  affair  altogether.'  " 


The  following  letter  gives  some  interesting  recollec- 
tions of  the  military  events  of  the  Department  of  the 
Gulf: 

"NEW  ORLEANS,  January  18th,  1883. 
"To  ColonelJ.  T.  Wilson,  Norfolk,  Va.: 

"FRIEND  :  Your  two  circulars  issued  from  Cailloux  Post  No.  2  on 
the  18th  inst.  are  received.  It  is  quite  a  compliment  to  Louisiana  to 
have  named  your  Post  after  the  hero  of  Port  Hudson,  who  immortalized 
himself  in  those  celebrated  charges  in  May,  1863. 

"It  is  over  twenty  years  ago  that  I  took  a  commission  in  the  3d 
Louisiana  Native  Guard  as  a  senior  lieutenant  of  Company  H.  I  was 
quite  intimate  with  Captain  Andre  Cailloux. 

"  Grave  doubts  had  been  expressed  by  Banks,  the  nominal  com- 
mander, and  his  officers  regarding  the  fitness  of  colored  men  as  soldiers. 
The  perplexing  question  was,  'Will  they  stand  their  christening  under 
such  a  hail  storm  as  will  come  from  those  bristling  Port  Hudson  heights?' 
In  fact  those  three  colored  regiments — the  1st,  2d,  and  3d  Louisiana 
Native  Guards,  organized  in  1862,  and  afterward  incorporated  in  the 
Ullman  Brigade  as  the  73d,  74th,  and  75th — had  become  more  a  subject 
of  test  than  of  real  dependence  at  the  critical  juncture  of  trial. 

"  General  Osterhaus  solved  the  mystery  by  taking  command  of  a 
division,  including  the  1st  and  3d  Native  Guards.  Those  magnificent 
series  of  charges  were  made  by  these  two  regiments.  The  first  charge  was 
made  on  a  Sunday,  the  27th  day  of  May,  1863,  supported  on  the  right 
by  the  celebrated  Duryea's  Zouaves,  of  New  York,  which  were  mowed 
down  like  grass  before  a  scythe.  It  was  then  and  there  that  Captain 
Cailloux  gloriously  died  in  advance  of  his  company  while  cheering  his 
men.  It  was  also  on  that  day  that  the  immortal  color-bearer,  Anselino, 
was  killed,  and  fell  within  the  folds  of  his  regimental  flag,  which  was 
besmeared  with  his  blood,  with  the  broken  flag-staff  in  his  hand.  Other 
strong  arms  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  flag  only  to  meet  death  until  the 
honor  of  the  flag  alone  cost  the  lives  of  sixteen  men  or  more.  The  gal- 
lant Lieutenant  Crowder  was  killed  on  the  field  of  honor  at  the  flower  of 
his  age.  Captain  Sauer  was  wounded  in  the  foot  while  charging.  The 
3d  Native  Guards  also  sustained  its  reputation,  and  many  deeds  of  valor 
were  performed  by  its  officers  and  men.  But  when  after  those  engage- 
ments the  roll-call  was  made  we  had  many  friends  to  mourn.  You  are 
aware,  I  suppose,  of  an  historical  fact.  Jefferson  Davis  had  issued  a 
proclamation  that  any  colored  officer  captured  at  the  head  of  black 
troops  would  not  be  exchanged,  but  immediately  hung.  It  was  thus 
that  Lieuteuent  Oscar  Orillion,  when  captured  at  Jackson,  La.,  was 
hung  and  shot  to  pieces. 

"Port  Hudson  was  surrendered  by  General  Pemberton  the  8th  of 
July,  1863.  General  Osterhaus  became  very  proud  of  his  colored  regi-' 
ments  after  what  he  had  seen  at  Port  Hudson. 


528  HISTORY  OF  THE  BLACK  PHALANX. 

"  Had  these  two  regiments  failed,  or  destiny  betrayed  their  courage, 
the  colored  troops  would  have  been  universally  condemned,  and  would 
not  have  been  employed  as  soldiers,  but  used  as  servants,  drivers,  and 
laborers,  on  fortifications,  bridges,  and  ditches.  To  the  2d  Louisiana 
Native  Guards  belongs  the  honor  of  having  had  the  first  colored  major 
in  the  army,  and  it  is  Major  Ernest  Dumas,  now  living  and  actually  in 
New  Orleans. 

"  The  most  terrible  engagement  (1st  and  2d)  was  at  Spanish  Fort 
in  Mobile  Bay,  Ala.,  shortly  after  Fort  Pillow's  massacre.  General 
Osterhaus  told  the  colored  troops  the  night  previous  to  the  attack  that 
at  break  of  day  they  had  to  charge  and  take  Spanish  Fort.  It  was  cus- 
tomary with  the  general  to  tell  the  troops  by  what  regiments  they  would 
be  sustained.  The  men  did  not  seem  to  be  very  enthusiastic,  but  when 
they  were  told  how  the  rebels  had  murdered  men  of  their  own  color  and 
their  white  fellow-soldiers  without  mercy,  they  sprang  to  their  guns  and 
called  unanimously  for  'revenge.'  Great  God!  they  had  their  revenge, 
sure  enough !  The  charge  was  made,  the  fort  taken,  and  nearly  every 
rebel  slaughtered  amid  the  deafening  yells  of  the  colored  and  white 
troops  of  'Remember  Fort  Pillow.'  The  1st  and  the  3d  regiments 
cleared  Alabama  up  to  Selina. 

"As  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  devote  my  time  any  longer,  and  to  turn 
over  the  leaves  of  the  past  in  my  clouded  memory,  which  is  quite 
impaired  lately  on  account  of  my  declining  years,  besides  the  metacarpal 
bone  of  my  right  hand,  which  was-  broken  by  a  musket  in  the  army,  is 
always  painful  when  I  write  too  much,  I  will  refer  you  to  Sergeant  Calice 
Dupie,  of  Company  H,  1st  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  Captain  Sauer,  who 
is  employed  in  the  custom  house.  I  am  told  that  Captain  R.  H.  Isabell, 
of  the  2d  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  has  taken  a  memorandum  of  all  the 
historical  incidents  of  those  three  regiments.  They  are  all  Louisianians, 
and  reside  in  New  Orleans.  As  for  the  officers  of  my  regiment  (the  3d 
Native  Guards)  they  are  all  dead  nearly,  which  makes  me  think  that  my 
time  soon  will  be  on  hand. 

"Though  my  information  is  limited,  I  have  strictly  confined  myself 
to  facts  which  I  am  sure  will  be  corroborated  by  others,  I  court  investi- 
gation upon  my  statements,  and  will  always  be  glad  to  furnish  witnesses 
to  sustain  them. 

"  Fraternally  yours,  E.  LONGPIE, 

•"Ex-lst  Lt.  Co.  H  3d  L.  N.  G.,  Ex-officer  ofAnselino  Post  No.  6  G.  A.  R." 


